Despite being highly interested in the subject matter, this reads too much like an extended political rant from your crazy uncle rather than a thoughtful, systematic analysis of the issue. A disgruntled Republican staffer of 28 years, Lofgren starts out promisingly enough. He begins with a few good qualifiers on what he intends to do: “My analysis of the Deep State is not an expose of a secret, conspiratorial cabal (33)” and “My purpose with this book is to question the rationale of the game rather than attack the player who happens to be at bat in any given inning” (34). Then for the next 243 pages he proceeds to expose a conspiratorial cabal and pettily attack just about everyone he mentions (George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Madeline Albright, Ben Bernanke, Timothy Geithner, Robert Gates, David Petraeus, etc., etc.). Lofgren does hit on a couple important truths: first, that our venerable institutions of government, though outwardly the same, have grown resistant to the popular will (4) and second, there are institutional pressures that impel a president, any president, to act in certain ways, ways often directly opposed to the platform that he campaigned on (73). Unfortunately, his diagnosis of these problems seem at times largely uninformed (especially with International Relations theory), incomplete (he largely ignores the vast powers that Congress has ceded to non-elected organizations such as the EPA), or flat out wrong (his explanation for the rise of the Tea Party and/or Donald Trump).
So what is the “Deep State”? According to Lofgren it is the shadow government that rules the United States behind the scenes (5). Included in this shadow government is…the actual government, plus the military-industrial complex, Wall Street, and Silicon Valley (35). These various sectors collude to fulfill their own interests at the expense of the Constitution and rule of law (a recurring example being starting wars in hell holes in order to enrich defense contractors). When this inevitably leads to horrible consequences, the Deep State protects its higher ranking officials, allowing them to escape the consequences of their frequent ineptitude (Iraq, Libya, financial crash, etc) (40). Deep State members can easily rotate back and forth between government positions and high paying private sector positions (36) while advocacy and charitable organizations provide an income, a megaphone, and the veneer of a respectable job for out-of-work political operatives which assure the continuity of personnel for the Deep State (56). Groupthink is endemic in Washington, with much action being characterized by sudden fads (41).
Lofgren’s most recurring example is that of a bloated Defense establishment. He laments the overly broad definitions of what constitutes US vital interests (98) and the size of the post-Cold War military presence around the world (108). These are legitimate criticisms, however he offers no honest explanation for why we are deployed around the globe or the cost associated with retrenchment and withdrawal (nuclear proliferation would almost certainly happen in a dozen countries including Saudi Arabia, South Korea, and Japan). By and large Lofgren seems largely ignorant of more than a half century of debate and analysis of this subject in International Relations theory. He makes it sound like it’s a clear cut win with no trade off whatsoever (South Korea is rich, why haven’t we left yet? (270)). I’m not saying we need to be deployed to 150 countries around the world. I actually agree we need to realistically prioritize and scale back in those areas that are not priorities. But Lofgren offers no serious way to get there from here and his solution of just unilaterally withdrawing would likely have significant consequences far worse than he imagines.
I found many statements in the book interesting knowing that they were written before Donald Trump was elected President. Despite calling Trump a dangerously insane candidate (236), he offers up many of the exact same arguments that Trump campaigned on. For instance, the author argues that the system is so rigged that ambitious psychos (he cites Rumsfeld) scramble to the top against the will of the American people (202). He notes how preferences of economic elites prevail over the wishes of constituents, his specific example is the Trans-Pacific Partnership (65), which Trump railed against repeatedly. He argues extensively against America’s overseas military presence (how much crap did Trump take for even hinting that NATO members need to start paying their fair share or we wouldn’t defend them). With the possible exception of immigration policy, it’s hard to see much difference at all between candidate Donald Trump and Mike Lofgren. I found it funny that he makes the claim that if any elected official gets out of line or threatens the status quo, Wall Street floods the town with cash and lawyers to put them back in line (36). The backlash from the establishment, be it government, Silicon Valley, or the media has been so vehement it actually seems to lend some credence to Lofgren’s conspiracy theory-esque take on the power of the Deep State.
I found Lofgren’s take on the Tea Party and the Republican drift to the right to be about as tone deaf as anyone else who has lived their entire life inside the beltway. Rather than making a good faith effort to understand the grievances of the right (many of which are directly related to his Deep State argument of a government unresponsive to the people) he simply sluffs it off with the same ignorant platitudes so common today (anti-science, anti-democratic, racists, etc). As an example, he bemoans that the “anti-science” Republican Party voted to ban the DoD from participating in climate change research (263). The page after next he says the “military industrial complex’s pampered, privileged position in society and its cost-is-no-object mentality, along with its rigid and bureaucratized hierarchy, have made it a less effective force in accomplishing its overriding purpose: fighting and winning wars” (265). Which is it, should we pour money into the DoD to conduct climate change research or is the Defense establishment a pampered bureaucracy that has lost sight of its primary mission? The book is full of this type of schizophrenic analysis of the Deep State. Uncompromising right wingers obstructing the government are a sign that the Deep State is really the power behind the throne, but someone being willing to work for both parties (Robert Gates) is evidence that there is no difference between parties and the Deep State is running everything. On the Tea Party’s rise, he never seems to consider that their obstructionism is not all that irrational in light of his own statements that “ordinary citizens have virtually no influence over what their government does (65)” yet the government has incredible power over their daily lives including the ability to take everything they have without due process (like Eminent Domain and Civil Asset Forfeiture (145)). Why would they not obstruct such a government?? Instead, they are just a bunch of bitter-clingers looking to hold on to power by any means necessary. Perhaps, just maybe, the nascent effort to repeal the 17th amendment (popular election of Senators) is not the next step after gerrymandering to maintain control with a shrinking percentage of the population (219) but a well-reasoned response to reverse the utter breakdown of the Federalist system that our Founding Fathers brilliantly implemented in order to keep a Republic as big and diverse as ours in one piece.
Lofgren concludes with a list of recommendations to curb the power of the Deep State.
1) Eliminate private money from public elections
2) Sensibly redeploy and downsize the military and intelligence complex (his example is pull out of South Korea)
3) Stay out of the Middle East
4) Redirect the peace dividend to domestic infrastructure improvement
5) Start enforcing our antitrust laws again
6) Reform tax policy
7) Reform immigration policy
8) Adopt single-payer health care system.
9) Abolish corporations’ personhood status, or else treat them exactly like persons
Some of these are worthwhile (money out of politics, tax reform, infrastructure spending) but most are largely pipe-dreams without any realistic roadmap provided to accomplish them or they double down on increasing the power of the Federal government (again, completely downplaying the crucial role of Federalism to the future peace and prosperity of our large, diverse country).