"Mao's political experiment, the Cultural Revolution, like all other social revolutions before it, claimed many victims. It did however, again like other social revolutions, have some positive outcomes. It encouraged grassroots participation in management and it also inspired the idea of popular democracy. The mass criticism practiced in the era of Mao in general and during the Cultural Revolution in particular, though ritualized and mobilized from the top, did provide a rich repertoire of protest techniques. Members of the Red Guards were not just passive followers of a charismatic leader, but agents actively involved in a variety of ideological disputes and contests for power. The Chinese were not the brainless masses manipulated by a ruthless dictator so often portrayed in the Western media. They must be seen as agents of history and subjects of their own lives like any other people. Anyone who seriously believes in the inherent value of individualism, in the self-evident truth of the human pursuit of happiness, or the universal value of human rights and democracy should be sympathetic with this position."
--Mobo Gao, "The Battle for China's Past"
Gao's book is a wonderful little antidote to anticommunism. He proves with overwhelming evidence that Mao and the Chinese Communist Party improved the lives of hundreds of millions of Chinese from 1949-1976, that the Cultural Revolution produced some outcomes that should be applauded and replicated, and that since the death of Mao, China has embarked on the capitalist road, the very thing Mao was trying to prevent when he launched the Cultural Revolution.
Gao never once diminishes the fact that things like the Great Leap Forward were grave policy errors that cost many lives, or that many people did suffer as a result of the Cultural Revolution. These things must be soberly admitted by all, even the most passionate communists. But the point of this book is that those mistakes are not the whole story.
Alongside those facts exists other, equally relevant facts. Among them are: 1. China's rapid development after Mao's death would not have been possible without the massive economic gains made during the Mao era; 2. Hundreds of millions of rural Chinese benefitted immensely from Mao-era polices during the Cultural Revolution, and have largely not experienced the same development as the urban workers in the post-Mao era; 3. The Mao era was far more egalitarian than modern China, and hundreds of millions of people were educated, received healthcare and enjoyed the arts for the first time in history; 4. And perhaps most importantly, China is a big country, full of many Chinese. Mao was not an all-powerful leader, mistakes made were not his alone, and neither were positive outcomes, many of which were spearheaded by the masses themselves. The Cultural Revolution, despite popular belief in the Western media, was a radically democratic period of Chinese history.
That last point really leads into Gao's main thesis, in that the past is often evaluated through the value systems of the present. Relevant for this work, many in the West and in elite circles in China itself view the Mao era negatively because their values differ from those of the 1949-1976 period. For them, Mao is to be criticized because China's GDP was not as high as it could have been, or because not everyone had material luxuries, etc. But these were not the yardsticks the communists used to measure success. To say communist China was a failure is to ignore the fact that lifespans increased dramatically, education expanded to hundreds of millions of peasants, scientific breakthroughs revolutionized production, the country itself broke free of imperialist coercion -- the list goes on. In other words, the communists have different ideas of what success looks like than capitalists. For communists, the capitalist road China retreated down after 1978 looks a whole lot like failure.