Middle class India is snug in the belief that India's primary security threats are terrorism emanating from Pakistan and aggressive designs on our territory by the Chinese. This book argues that Left-Wing Extremism in the form of Maoism (aka Naxalism) is actually the greatest internal security challenge that India faces. However, the author puts it in perspective with the following words: "...Maoism is NOT our greatest internal security threat. Poverty, non-governance, bad justice and corruption are. Maoist presence in a third of our country merely mirrors our failings as a nation..." In fact, as the book shows, many in the Administration, intelligence and the army also agree with this conclusion. Unfortunately, there seems to be no easy way to bring good governance, lack of corruption and good justice to our land. Still, this book is an important contribution because it shows middle India a glimpse of the Maoist threat from the viewpoint of the tribal poor who have been largely ignored during the past twenty-five years of 'shining India'. It is an effective counter-point to the view of Maoism as just terrorism isolated to some forested corners of India.
The book is in five sections. Section one deals with the author's foray into Chattisgarh which faces the biggest Maoist challenge today. Bastar district is in the eye of the storm and the author says it is a no brainer because the region has seen no development since the British times and practically everyone in Govt is corrupt and involved in the liquor business and the smuggling of sagun trees. The State machinery has responded to Maoist violence here with its own violence through a movement called `Salwa Judum' (purification hunt). Though the State govt touts it as a popular uprising of the masses against the extortionist excess of the Maoists, the author characterizes `Salwa Judum' as follows: "...it is part imagination, part administration, part intimidation, part corruption...a legitimate grouse of a section of the tribal population of Chattisgarh protesting Maoist heavy-handedness had been used by the state administration to support and fund a cynical, deadly and socially destructive mechanism to counter rebellion, with little regard to human life and rights.."
In section two, we get to meet current Maoist activists and get appraised of their approach to seizing power eventually in Delhi. We get to meet Abhijit Mazumdar, son of the legendary Charu Mazumdar, the founder of the Maoist movement in India in 1967, as well as Charu Mazumdar`s comrade Kanu Sanyal. Unfortunately, the rhetoric that comes out of the two stalwarts seems painfully familiar and unchanged as it has been over the past fifty years. As before, the movement itself is racked by perennial divisions and internecine violence due to its inherent intolerance towards dissent.
In section three, we see the author having an extensive exchange of views with Varavara Rao, another famous Maoist. There is an evaluation of the success of the Maoists in Nepal in winning power within fifteen years of the onset of the movement. The author says that the success of Maoists in Nepal sends a disturbing message to the marginalized and the poor in Nepal, India and elsewhere that unless you commit violent acts, the state and the privileged won't care about you. In this section the author gives his own views of what it would be like if ever left-wing revolution were to succeed in India. He says: "...most probably instant justice, dogmatic and Puritanical life, Soviet-style post-revolutionary rot, vast May Day parades...."!
Section four has details of meetings with high-profile officials, super cops like KPS Gill and ex-maharajas in Andhra, Orissa, Delhi etc. The official view on combating Naxalism emerges as follows: "...the Bodos came home when they were beaten down. The ULFA will come home now because they are beaten down fully. Everywhere in the world, terrorists, revolutionaries, whatever, only talk to you when they have been already beaten on the ground..." So, it looks as though Maoism will be dealt with through a lot of violence and heavy-handedness just as in the 1970s in West Bengal and just like what the US does in the `war' against al-Qaeda and ISIS.
The final chapter finds the author leaving Chattisgarh for the forests of Jharkhand for more investigations.
The book is a well-balanced one. It is neither pro-administration nor pro-Maoist but mainly pro-India's poor. It brings out graphically the callous attitude of govt officials, the police and the politicians in appropriating the flow of funds into the tribal regions. "If all the funds spent on Bastar since 1947 were added up and totaled with interest, it would come to ten million rupees for each family, but there is no evidence of any development still", says the author. On the other hand, history shows that every violent insurgent movement, if they don't end up securing power, eventually ends up as `extortionist'. The Maoist movement also is extortionist after nearly fifty years of struggle. I also have doubts about the Maoist threat being so massive yet. Everyone says that there is a `red corridor' stretching from Andhra to Nepal and spread over fifteen of the 28 states in India. But the numbers from even the most threatened State such as Chattisgarh shows that in 2013, about 130 people died in the insurgency including Maoists, police and civilians. This belies the image of `a great internal security threat'
The book is mandatory reading, particularly for those who are interested in this question and who also have some background on the history of the Maoist movement in India. It is commendable that the author ventured into this investigation as an individual without the backing of any of the major media outlets. He even spent his own personal money in traveling deep into Chattisgarh and Jharkhand as well as finding contacts so that he could meet some of the iconic figures on both sides of the divide. Since the author has a deep understanding of the question and is also compassionate towards the tribal poor who are caught in the midst of this struggle, he lets us make our own judgements without offering solutions. In fact, he must know that real solutions are perhaps not possible because the Maoists are not fighting only for Development for the poor. Their campaign will end only when the present `System' is overthrown. But then, if the Govt manages to bring development, good governance and justice to the marginalized and the poor in the `Red Corridor', it will take away the support of the masses to the Maoists and make it hard for them to push through with their agenda. To that extent, there is still a lot of truth in the maxim that `Maoism in India can be countered only through Development".