فمنیسم سیاه: معرفی و بررسی نظریه تلاقی اینترسکشنالیتی و بیانیه ی گروه رودخانه‌ی کومباهی

Freedom Organizing #1

by Combahee River Collective, شارون اسمیت, امین حصوری (مترجم)

ایستاییِ آشکار فمینیسمِ لیبرال و صورت بندی های چپِ میانه از فمینیسم، حداقل از سه دهه ی پیش تاکنون انتقاداتی اساسی نسبت به جریانات غالب فمینیسم غربی را در درون نحله های فمینیستی (و بیرون از آنها) برانگیخته است. در این میان به تدریج فضایی فراهم شد تا تجربیات و آموزه های «فمینیسم سیاه» و فمنیسم زنان رنگین پوست»، که همواره از منتقدان» جدّیِ فمینیسم سفیدِ طبقه ی متوسطی بوده اند ، از حاشیه به در آیند و در سطحی فراتر از حوزه ی مستقیم فعالیت هایشان (فضاهایی خُرد در درون سپهر
اکتیویستی جامعه ی آمریکا) رویت پذیر گردند و حتی به بخشی از محیط های آکادمیک کشور آمریکا راه یابند. شاید مهمترین رهیافتی که جریانات و فعالینِ «فمینیسم سیاه» و «زنان رنگین پوست» به نظریه ی فمنیستی افزوده اند، شیوه ای از نگرش و تحلیلِ ترکیبی باشد که بعدها «نظریه تلاقی» نام گرفت. این نظریه، تلاقی همزمانِ حوزه های مختلف ستم و تبعیض، و هم پوشانی آن ها در تجربیات زیستیِ لایه های وسیعی از زنان (از جمله و به ویژه زنان سیاه پوست) را مورد تاکید و بررسی قرار می دهد؛ حوزه هایی چون جنسیّت و گرایش جنسی/ طبقه/ نژاد/ قومیت و ملیّت، که تلاقی همزمانِ آن ها، سازوکارها و پیامدهای ستم بر این زنان را واجد کیفیتی ترکیبی و افزاینده می کند که خصلت های تشدید شده ی آن بسیار متفاوت از
جمع مجزای اثرات هر یک از این حوزه های ستم است.
از یادداشت مترجم

Genres: Feminism, Nonfiction, Politics, Race, History, Theory, Social Justice

72 pages, ebook

First published January 1, 1977

About the author

The Combahee River Collective was a Black feminist lesbian socialist organization active in Boston from 1974 to 1980. The Collective argued that both the white feminist movement and the Civil Rights Movement were not addressing their particular needs as Black women and, more specifically, as Black lesbians.

Reviews

[leynes · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Combahee River Collective was a Black feminist lesbian socialist organisation active in Boston from 1974 to 1980. The Collective argued that both the white feminist movement and the Civil Rights Movement were not addressing their particular needs as Black women and, more specifically, as Black lesbians, as racism was dominant in the mainstream feminist movement, while much of the Civil Rights Movement had a sexist and homophobic reputation.

If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all systems of oppression.

The Collective is perhaps best known for developing the Combahee River Collective Statement, a key document in the history of contemporary Black feminism and the development of the concepts of identity politics, and for introducing the concept of interlocking systems of oppression, a key concept of intersectionality. Gerald Izenberg credits the 1977 Combahee Statement with the first usage of the phrase "identity politics".

The crucial passage of the Statement reads: "This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else’s oppression."

As the statement was included in Taylor's 2012 book How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective, the Collective has upheld its iconic status within Black feminist tradition and remains well-known until today.

As Black feminists and lesbians we know that we have a very definite revolutionary task to perform and we are ready for the lifetime of work and struggle before us.

The collective started meeting in 1974 to define, discuss and clarify their politics (with a focus on the intersections of racial, gender, heterosexist, and class oppression in the lives of Black women), while at the same time doing political work on their own and in coalition with other progressive organisations and movements, e.g. they worked on issues such as reproductive rights, rape, prison reform, sterilisation abuse, violence against women, health care, and racism within the white women's movement.

In 1977, they collected their thoughts and wrote the Statement. I've always wanted to read it due to its iconic status. Whilst I've read my fair share from contemporary Black feminists and people engaged in the fight against racism and sexism, I always find it valuable to look back; to read from all the sisters who fought before us. It is always empowering to see how far along the work already was decades ago, how timely and relevant their analysis and observations still are. The statement was written 44 years ago, but could've been written yesterday. It's frustrating that many of the issues these women described are still prevalent today, that we still have to fight for the basics.

The Statement is divided into four major topics: (1) the genesis of contemporary Black feminism; (2) what they believe, i.e., the specific province of their politics; (3) the problems in organising Black feminists, including a brief herstory of the collective; and (4) Black feminist issues and practice.

In regards to (1), I liked their observation that "Black women have always embodied, if only in their physical manifestation, an adversary stance to white male rule and have actively resisted its inroads upon them and their communities in both dramatic and subtle ways." It's powerful because it's true. The collective find its basis and strength in the Black women that have fought before them. They cite Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, Frances E. W. Harper, and Ida B. Wells Barnett as their inspirations, but also (!) "the thousands upon thousands unknown women" who have struggled and fought against the shackles society put them in. They conclude:

Contemporary Black feminism is the outgrowth of countless generations of personal sacrifice, militancy, and work by our mothers and sisters.

In regards to (2), what I found most refreshing is the radical self-love that these women preached and lived. They truly put themselves first. And in a society that constantly demands to put yourself last, that's a radical act.More often than not, Black women get caught up in the task of lecturing white women on racism, or teaching Black men about sexism. That's draining. And, as history has shown, doesn't necessarily wield the results one would've hoped.

Above all else, our politics initially sprang from the shared belief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else’s but because of our need as human persons for autonomy.

We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us.

That's so true, and so empowering to read. I respect and appreciate the clear message the collective send on that behalf: "Eliminating racism in the white women’s movement is by definition work for white women to do, but we will continue to speak to and demand accountability on this issue."

It's so important to set boundaries and also to not feel responsible for another person's enlightenment. Everything (facts, personal reports, studies etc.) is out there. Google is free. It's not our task as Black women to educate anyone. And it's also not our fault (or our "lack of trying") that racism is still so dominant in today's societies. We have to free ourselves from that responsibility. And it's great to see that the Combahee River Collective paved the way for that 44 years ago.

In regards to (3), it was disheartening to read about the many stones that were laid in the Collective's way, how hard it was to form a group of Black women, to get everyone to meet regularly and share openly about their beliefs. One of the driving factors that made this form of female organising hard were the "accusations that Black feminism divides the Black struggle." Many Black women were made to feel as if they had to decide between being apart of the Civil Rights movement (= aka being loyal to Black folks) or being a feminist. Growing an autonomous Black women's movement was nearly impossible. It's all the more admirable that the Collective held meetings over the period of 7 years in which Black women actively engaged and discussed political and personal matters (as "the personal is political").

Black feminists often talk about their feelings of craziness before becoming conscious of the concepts of sexual politics, patriarchal rule, and most importantly, feminism, the political analysis and practice that we women use to struggle against our oppression.

Overall, the Combahee River Collective Statement is an invaluable document of Black feminist thought and organising. It's a great primer to those interested in how (Black) feminism has developed in the United States and how many of the terms and concepts we still use today were developed decades ago. Those who are already knowledgable on the topic won't learn much but it's still an interesting look back in time!

[Gabriella · Rating 5 out of 5]

Read for book club as a chapter of How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective. I wanted to review the statement separately, because it’s just that great. The statement’s timeliness is really a testament to the authors, as few pieces from this time hold up so well today as a guiding document for many Black non-men (including, but not limited to, Black women.)

I was shocked by how precisely the Combahee River Collective predicted the neoliberal shift towards Black tokenism as a false measure of progress. They were able to critique this trend as it unfolded before their eyes, and offer a clear path for grounding Black feminist theory and practice in the lived experiences of Black women on the margins. This is, to my understanding, the true meaning of identity politics—that your experiences as a marginalized group can be a source of radicalization, and that these experiences can lead you to a certain political analysis about how to work with others towards your liberation. What a powerful and misappropriated concept!!

The statement’s expansive view of Black feminism requires not just a commitment to ending racism and sexism, but also views the path to liberation as one that will require the end of all interlocking systems that oppress Black women. This means the Combahee River Collective’s definition of Black feminism necessitates anti-capitalism, international solidarity, and a commitment to action. In short, this is an extremely helpful roadmap and spot check as I continue to develop my politics. I look forward to returning to this often.

P.S. Here is a recorded discussion from the Noname Book Club that I think does a great job of illustrating the modern power of the statement: https://youtu.be/zR4sSjmE8bk.

[Corey]

Adding this "book" so that I can cheat towards my goal of 50 books on the year. Recommended reading though, certainly.

[Ife · Rating 5 out of 5]

This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics.
We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression. In the case of Black women this is a particularly repugnant, dangerous, threatening, and therefore revolutionary concept because it is obvious from looking at all the political movements that have preceded us that anyone is more worthy of liberation than ourselves.
We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough.

The Combahee River Collective Statement is an essential piece of Black feminist literature. It is noted as coining the term identity politics, a term that almost everyone has come in contact with as it has been appropriated by conservatives and turned into a political buzzword and trojan horse to oppose any type of discussion of identity. The Combahee River Collective was very clear in their intentions with the word asserting that Black women needed to turn inwards to their own identity as people who were oppressed by both racism and sexism instead of relying on the anti-racist movement and the feminist movement separately to liberate their identity. This is arguably also articulating the issue of intersectionality before Kimberlé Crenshaw took a more legal approach to its definition. Now that it is not uncommon to hear Black women say they are "Black first" and will fight for Black people first and then liberate women after, I think it is important to recall that even then the The Combahee River Collective could see how precarious this type of politic was.

I also find their call to "reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind" extremely prescient. A superficial neoliberal identity politics idea of Black feminism has taken root. These type of vacant appeals to identity suggest that the height of Black men's allyship to Black women is calling them 'queen' or declaring that they 'love Black women'. These pedestals are often paternalistic. When Black men say "protect Black women", they never actually name the violence that Black women need to be protected from and how they can be protected which would necessitate an overhaul of white supremacist patriarchy. The same men who can get behind the phrase "protect black women" struggle to equally get behind #MeToo or 'End Patriarchy'. Indeed for these men 'protecting Black women' is another reiteration of patriarchy that is facilitated through the language of pedestals and queenhood.

An extremely short read, I think this text is extremely important especially if you are looking to study the progression of Black feminist thought and ideas.

[Margarida]

"We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the
destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and
imperialism as well as patriarchy. We are socialists because we believe
that work must be organized for the collective benefit of those who do
the work and create the products, and not for the profit of the bosses."

[Disco Foxx · Rating 5 out of 5]

The Combahee River Collective Statment is a very powerful statement that gives me a lot of inspiration and to which I turn again and again for inspiration and direction. It seems so unreal that this statement was written so long ago because it seems so apt for this current moment. I’m forever thankful to the work these womxn have done for me and motivated to continue on in their footsteps.

[Annika Mathias · Rating 5 out of 5]

Sheer genius.

[Dylan · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is my second time reading this short document and it's one of my absolute favorite feminist declarations; amidst a sea of clashing opinions and new ideas during the second wave, The Combahee River Collective Statement is a thoughtful and nuanced approach to intersectionality(!, yay!). Comprised of black socialist lesbians, this statement does an excellent job of very succinctly explaining their goals in a way that beautifully intertwines race, gender, sexuality, and class.

I think one of the most compelling aspects of this document is the way that the authors clearly articulate the push-and-pull tension of intersectionality.
Take for instance these quotes:

"We struggle together with Black men against racism, while we also struggle with Black men about sexism."
"We need to articulate the real class situation of persons who are not merely raceless, sexless workers, but for whom racial and sexual oppression are significant determinants in their working/economic lives."
"We have a great deal of criticism and loathing for what men have been socialized to be in this society: what they support, how they act, and how they oppress. But we do not have the misguided notion that it is their maleness, per se—i.e., their biological maleness— that makes them what they are. As BIack women we find any type of biological determinism a particularly dangerous and reactionary basis upon which to build a politic."

That last one is so brilliant, AHH! At a time of radical ideas brewing about separating from men and heterosexual society or even the elimination of men (see the SCUM manifesto, which I will be reviewing soon as well) leave it up to black women to point out the fascist-y tone of anything that leans too heavily on biological determinism. Intersectionality! It's here! It's wonderful!

Please read if you have any interest in this at all, it's a fascinating time capsule, short, and there are free PDF's everywhere online.

[Renee Walden · Rating 5 out of 5]

"In the practice of our politics we do not believe that the end always justifies the means. Many reactionary and destructive acts have been done in the name of achieving “correct” political goals. As feminists we do not want to mess over people in the name of politics. We believe in collective process and a nonhierarchical distribution of power within our own group and in our vision of a revolutionary society."

A quick read essential for post-2024 election organizing. Somewhat new to collective socialist organizing myself, before this read I had no idea how to approach organizing around the core issue of capitalism, which is the basis for every social and economic problem in neoliberal & neocolonial America. The Combahee River Collective, in a few short pages, explains effective Black feminist organization strategy, the problems with becoming an emotional support group, the importance of consciousness through literature, among other revolutionary essentials.

[theperksofbeingmarissa ;) · Rating 5 out of 5]

I find these lines still important to this day: "As we have already stated, we reject the stance of Lesbian separatism because it is not a viable political analysis or strategy for us. It leaves out far too much and far too many people, particularly Black men, women, and children. We have a great deal of criticism and loathing for what men have been socialized to be in this society: what they support, how they act, and how they oppress. But we do not have the misguided notion that it is their maleness, per se—i.e., their biological maleness—that makes them what they are. As BIack women we find any type of biological determinism a particularly dangerous and reactionary basis upon which to build a politic. We must also question whether Lesbian separatism is an adequate and progressive political analysis and strategy, even for those who practice it, since it so completely denies any but the sexual sources of women’s oppression, negating the facts of class and race."

[Cassidy Yarborough · Rating 5 out of 5]

Helpful in understanding the climate of mainstream white feminism in the 1970's with the genesis of black feminism among black women and lesbians.
As well as learning more about this collective and why black feminism started in the first place...*cough* *cough* because of ostracization from white feminists.

It is also cool to start recognizing some of the earlier black/intersectional feminist thought and connections in more "modern" feminist thought in the books I'm reading. I think that means I'm learning haha.

These things stood out to me, "The personal is political," and "If Black women were free, it would mean everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression."
As well as the criticism of separatism as it relates to men and how it is misguided to think that the "maleness" makes them what they are, rather than the idea of maleness that men have been socialized into by society. Was just interesting to me....

[Estherdotcom · Rating 5 out of 5]

‘if black women were free it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression’

wow these women were so smart

[gabby · Rating 5 out of 5]

Everyone should read this

[Kristin · Rating 4 out of 5]

Inspiring but also disappointing that even though this was written in the early 80s, it seems completely relevant to today's political and cultural climate. These women were brave and claiming their agency and their self-worth.

[Mariam · Rating 5 out of 5]

A Free pdf copy—worth the read: https://americanstudies.yale.edu/site...

[Nina Marcineková · Rating 5 out of 5]

nemám čo dodať.
- je to kratučké, odporúčam každému prečítať https://www.reed.edu/cres/assets/Comb...

[Darrel Creary · Rating 4 out of 5]

The Combahee River Collective Statement offers what I believe to be a personalized lens in the world figures like Grace Lee Boggs viewed from the sidelines: how black women (often placed on the backburner of the social justice movement) process their own stance in society and what needs to be done to change it.

The article brings forward four main points, one of which (Problems in Organizing Black Feminists) really focuses on the central idea of black solidarity. This theme, as expressed, has its own conditionality due to the hierarchal differences that separate everyone into various interests of what to fight for in regards to the rights of their own communities (how equality is defined for them).

The distinct separation of hetero and queer-femme politics, however, is something I find to be of concern, where the insights of both groups heavily overlap but fail to connect from this socially erected difference.

The Combahee River statement, through writers Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, and Demita Frazier, dove into the lens of tackling heterosexism as a force from the outside world and within the black community, solidifying the point that united support is needed by widespread involvement.

Generally, with fractionalization, implicit and explicit privilege, the effects of hegemonic values, and body politics all making their way into this article, I believe this piece holds relevance that transcends its time period, since these same discussions are being made today (some I have even heard/interacted with through my black female friends).

A question that sort of floats in the air, however, is if the radicalness of Grace Lee Boggs, and possibly Malcolm X and Marsha P Johnson, isn't necessarily the model of stability to achieve equity in our society, then do we need to fix the problems in our community first before addressing our respective issues as a collective? And if so, through what means?

[eva ₊˚⊹♡ · Rating 5 out of 5]

The text coined the term “identity politics,” which has since been abused and removed from its original context.

“If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression.”

”This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else’s oppression. In the case of Black women this is a particularly repugnant, dangerous, threatening, and therefore revolutionary concept because it is obvious from looking at all the political movements that have preceded us that anyone is more worthy of liberation than ourselves. We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough.”

[Josie Rushin · Rating 4 out of 5]

As the title suggests, this is a collective statement, written by a group whose books have been on my to-read list for a while, due to the ratings (The Bridge Called My Back and How We Get Free). I’ve never read a statement like this before so I have nothing to compare it to, but found it informative. There were terminology and concepts I didn’t understand which brought down the rating for me, as I feel like there could have been more accessible language at points, especially in the final section. This felt like a good start point to understand the background behind the two texts mentioned above, and I want to learn more about this group, their actions and their intentions.

[ayaannnd · Rating 5 out of 5]

"No one before has ever examined the multilayered texture of Black women's lives"

Important reading for understanding the unique placement of Black women and Black lesbians in society. The true meaning of identity politics + intersectionality and their place in liberating all oppressed peoples and the destruction of racism, capitalism and patriarchy.

[Travis Kim · Rating 4 out of 5]

"We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us."

"We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough."

"Accusations that Black feminism divides the Black struggle are powerful deterrents to the growth of an autonomous Black women's movement."

[Jessica · Rating 4 out of 5]

"If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression." I'm not so sure how this ended up on my reading list, but it's an essay/I couldn't find it as a book -- glad I read it!

[Carly · Rating 4 out of 5]

Read for an office DEI book club.

"If Black women are free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all systems of oppression."

[Kelvin Hawkes · Rating 5 out of 5]

"We struggle together with black men about racism, while we also struggle against black men about sexism"

i think this is the best possible introduction to intersectional theory. This should be mandatory in schools.

[Jimmy Johns · Rating 1 out of 5]

It does do an alright job of critiquing capitalism and the blind spots of bourgeois western feminism.

However it places the super-structure (identity) over the base (class). It sells encourages a divisive, idealist, and a strategic dead end movement so well known to the western left.

[Monica · Rating 5 out of 5]

Shared this with my critical feminisms class this summer!

[Morel · Rating 5 out of 5]

Read for a GWS course

[Max · Rating 4 out of 5]

One of the esssential texts of Black feminism and leftist identity politics - and, when we extrapolate it to other oppressions, of intersectionality.

[Jessica M Williams · Rating 5 out of 5]

Powerful read. The CRC provoked me to analyze where I stand in the world.

[folkmoon · Rating 5 out of 5]

had to read this for my gender studies class, really interesting