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Der neue Chef
Jede Organisation, und sei sie noch so behäbig, erfährt eine gewisse Erschütterung durch die Nachricht, dass ein neuer Chef oder eine neue Chefin ins Haus steht. Flurgespräche häufen sich, mit Wissensvorsprüngen wird gepunktet, Ungewissheit liegt in der Luft. Aber auch nach vollzogenem Wechsel gibt es Probleme, etwa wenn der, der »von oben« überwachen soll, »von unten« angelernt werden muss. Kurzum: Die Beziehung zwischen Vorgesetzten und Untergebenen ist kompliziert.
Niklas Luhmann hat sie unter die soziologische Lupe genommen und zeigt, wodurch sie strapaziert wird: durch Kommunikationsschwierigkeiten und Selbstdarstellungsinteressen, Rollenfindungsprobleme und Wertvorstellungsdissonanzen. Der Schatten des Vorgängers kann lang, der Einfluss innerbetrieblicher Cliquen schwer zu durchbrechen sein. Und über allem schwebt die Frage: Wer hat die Macht? Es ist, so viel ist sicher, nicht per se der Chef – vorausgesetzt, so Luhmann, die Untergebenen beherrschen die Kunst, ihren Vorgesetzten zu lenken. »Unterwachung« ist sein Stichwort und Takt das wichtigste Mittel zum Zweck. Aber Vorsicht: Wer es darin zur Meisterschaft bringt, der wird nicht selten – der neue Chef.
Niklas Luhmann hat sie unter die soziologische Lupe genommen und zeigt, wodurch sie strapaziert wird: durch Kommunikationsschwierigkeiten und Selbstdarstellungsinteressen, Rollenfindungsprobleme und Wertvorstellungsdissonanzen. Der Schatten des Vorgängers kann lang, der Einfluss innerbetrieblicher Cliquen schwer zu durchbrechen sein. Und über allem schwebt die Frage: Wer hat die Macht? Es ist, so viel ist sicher, nicht per se der Chef – vorausgesetzt, so Luhmann, die Untergebenen beherrschen die Kunst, ihren Vorgesetzten zu lenken. »Unterwachung« ist sein Stichwort und Takt das wichtigste Mittel zum Zweck. Aber Vorsicht: Wer es darin zur Meisterschaft bringt, der wird nicht selten – der neue Chef.
120 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2016
About the author
Niklas Luhmann
221 books287 followersNiklas Luhmann was a German sociologist, and a prominent thinker in systems theory, who is increasingly recognized as one of the most important social theorists of the 20th century.
Luhmann wrote prolifically, with more than 70 books and nearly 400 scholarly articles published on a variety of subjects, including law, economy, politics, art, religion, ecology, mass media, and love. While his theories have yet to make a major mark in American sociology, his theory is currently well known and popular in German sociology and has also been rather intensively received in Japan and Eastern Europe, including Russia. His relatively low profile elsewhere is partly due to the fact that translating his work is a difficult task, since his writing presents a challenge even to readers of German, including many sociologists. (p. xxvii Social System 1995)
Much of Luhmann's work directly deals with the operations of the legal system and his autopoietic theory of law is regarded as one of the more influential contributions to the sociology of law and socio-legal studies.
Luhmann is probably best known to North Americans for his debate with the critical theorist Jürgen Habermas over the potential of social systems theory. Like his one-time mentor Talcott Parsons, Luhmann is an advocate of "grand theory," although neither in the sense of philosophical foundationalism nor in the sense of "meta-narrative" as often invoked in the critical works of post-modernist writers. Rather, Luhmann's work tracks closer to complexity theory broadly speaking, in that it aims to address any aspect of social life within a universal theoretical framework - of which the diversity of subjects he wrote about is an indication. Luhmann's theory is sometimes dismissed as highly abstract and complex, particularly within the Anglophone world, whereas his work has had a more lasting influence on scholars from German-speaking countries, Scandinavia and Italy.
Luhmann himself described his theory as "labyrinth-like" or "non-linear" and claimed he was deliberately keeping his prose enigmatic to prevent it from being understood "too quickly", which would only produce simplistic misunderstandings.
Luhmann wrote prolifically, with more than 70 books and nearly 400 scholarly articles published on a variety of subjects, including law, economy, politics, art, religion, ecology, mass media, and love. While his theories have yet to make a major mark in American sociology, his theory is currently well known and popular in German sociology and has also been rather intensively received in Japan and Eastern Europe, including Russia. His relatively low profile elsewhere is partly due to the fact that translating his work is a difficult task, since his writing presents a challenge even to readers of German, including many sociologists. (p. xxvii Social System 1995)
Much of Luhmann's work directly deals with the operations of the legal system and his autopoietic theory of law is regarded as one of the more influential contributions to the sociology of law and socio-legal studies.
Luhmann is probably best known to North Americans for his debate with the critical theorist Jürgen Habermas over the potential of social systems theory. Like his one-time mentor Talcott Parsons, Luhmann is an advocate of "grand theory," although neither in the sense of philosophical foundationalism nor in the sense of "meta-narrative" as often invoked in the critical works of post-modernist writers. Rather, Luhmann's work tracks closer to complexity theory broadly speaking, in that it aims to address any aspect of social life within a universal theoretical framework - of which the diversity of subjects he wrote about is an indication. Luhmann's theory is sometimes dismissed as highly abstract and complex, particularly within the Anglophone world, whereas his work has had a more lasting influence on scholars from German-speaking countries, Scandinavia and Italy.
Luhmann himself described his theory as "labyrinth-like" or "non-linear" and claimed he was deliberately keeping his prose enigmatic to prevent it from being understood "too quickly", which would only produce simplistic misunderstandings.
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Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews
January 25, 2023
so clever! and thoughtful.
March 1, 2021
Erkenntnisse aus der Verwaltung der 1960er Jahre: selbstverständlich nicht (mehr) 1:1 auf unsere heutige Lebenswelt zu übertragen.
Was aber die letzten 50 Jahre überdauert hat, das rührt an das Eigentliche, an den Kern des Homo laborans, des arbeitenden Menschen ... nicht nur in der Verwaltung.
Eine interessante Zusammenstellung von Texten, die der Suhrkamp Verlag hier für uns heutige, mit einem erhellenden Nachwort von Jürgen Kaube, neu zusammengestellt hat.
Was aber die letzten 50 Jahre überdauert hat, das rührt an das Eigentliche, an den Kern des Homo laborans, des arbeitenden Menschen ... nicht nur in der Verwaltung.
Eine interessante Zusammenstellung von Texten, die der Suhrkamp Verlag hier für uns heutige, mit einem erhellenden Nachwort von Jürgen Kaube, neu zusammengestellt hat.
August 15, 2018
Das Buch gehoert in den Kontext von Luhmanns Schriften zur Organisations- und Verwaltungssoziologie, die er in den 1960er Jahren produziert hat. Sehr nette Ideen. Neuere ethnografische Forschung in den Fuehrungsetagen hat einige der von Luhmann aufgezeigten Forschungsluecken adressiert.
May 25, 2024
I’m not sure how to review this, given that it is essentially a couple of essays cobbled into a book. I found some of Luhman’s points interesting, but overall it was for me a bit dull. Organisational sociology is not quite my kind of thing - this was essentially what I gathered after finishing the book.
Displaying 1 - 4 of 4 reviews