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453 pages, Paperback
First published November 18, 2015
American field hospitals could…be a grisly spectacle. A senior nurse with the Third Army described a ward known as the ‘Chamber of Horrors,’ which stank of ‘gore and sweat and human excretions.’ She recounted a night shift, tending two soldiers who ‘had been dying all day yesterday, and they were dying all right now…One, a private in the infantry, had lost both legs and one hand: he had a deep chest wound and his bowels were perforated by a shell fragment…The other patient was a corporal in a tank outfit. His spinal cord was severed and he was paralyzed from the waist down. His belly was open, and so was his chest.’ Both boys were in a coma, breathing noisily. ‘It’s a good thing their mothers can’t see them when they die,’ she said…
"The advance Kampfgruppe of the 2nd Panzer-Division had started early on 22 December heading for Marche."
"...At the end of August, just when it seemed as if the German front was on the point of collapse, supply problems threatened to bring Eisenhower’s armies to a halt. The French rail network had been largely destroyed by Allied bombing, so around 10,000 tons of fuel, rations and ammunition had to be hauled daily all the way from Normandy in the supply trucks of the US Army’s ‘Red Ball Express’.
The distance from Cherbourg to the front in early September was close to 500 kilometres, which represented a three-day round trip. Liberated Paris alone needed an absolute minimum of 1,500 tons a day. Only the wealth of American resources could have managed such a task, with some 7,000 trucks racing day and night along one-way routes, consuming almost 300,000 gallons of fuel a day. Altogether some 9,000 trucks were written off in the process.
In a desperate attempt to keep up momentum in the dash across France, jerrycans had been delivered to front-line formations by the transport aircraft of IX Troop Carrier Command and even by bombers. But aircraft used up three gallons of aviation fuel for every two gallons of gasoline they delivered. Every aspect of the supply crisis underlined the urgent need to open the port of Antwerp, but Montgomery’s focus was on crossing the Rhine..."
"...Hemingway, again armed with a Thompson sub-machine gun despite the recent inquiry into his martial activities, was also carrying two canteens, one filled with schnapps and the other with cognac. He certainly demonstrated his own fearlessness under fire on several occasions, and even took part in one battle. Journalism was not high on his priorities. He referred to himself mockingly as ‘Old Ernie Hemorrhoid, the poor Poor Man’s Pyle’, in a mild jibe against Ernie Pyle, the most famous American war correspondent. But he studied the men around him and their conduct under fire because he had plans for writing the great American novel about the war. As his biographer observed, ‘Ernest gloried in the role of senior counsellor and friend to both officers and men.’ He was fascinated by the nature of courage and derided psychiatrists’ views about a man’s breaking point.As was Kurt Vonnegut:
J. D. Salinger, little more than a mile away with the 12th Infantry Regiment, continued to write short stories furiously throughout this hellish battle, whenever, as he told his readers, he could find ‘an un-occupied foxhole’. This activity seems at least to have postponed Salinger’s own psychological collapse until the end of the war..."
"...Vonnegut and a dozen others tried to find their way back to American lines through the snowbound forest, but the Germans of the 18th Volksgrenadier-Division who were mopping up trapped them in the bed of a creek. Loudspeakers broadcast an order to surrender. To hurry them, the Germans fired tree bursts over their heads. Deciding that they had no alternative, the cornered Americans stripped their weapons and threw the working parts away. They emerged with their hands up, and thus began their imprisonment which, in Vonnegut’s case, led to Dresden and the firestorm of February 1945, described in Slaughterhouse-Five..."
"...But while Hitler refused to face reality in public, in rare moments he acknowledged the hopelessness of their position. Late in the evening in the bunker at Ziegenberg,I'd like to include one more quote that I felt captured the duality of this battle; its tragedy, and its triumph. Beevor closes the book with this quote of the many American "Kriegies:"
he spoke to his Luftwaffe adjutant, Oberst Nicolaus von Below, about taking his own life.
He still blamed setbacks on the Luftwaffe and the ‘traitors’ in the German army. ‘I know the war is lost,’ he told Below. ‘The enemy superiority is too great. I have been betrayed. After 20 July everything came out, things I had considered impossible. It was precisely those circles against me who had profited most from National Socialism. I pampered and decorated them, and that was all the thanks I got. My best course now is to put a bullet in my head. I lacked hard fighters . . . We will not capitulate, ever. We may go down, but we will take the world with us...’"
"The unsung American victims of the Ardennes offensive were those captured by the enemy and condemned to spend the last months of the war in grim Stalag prison camps. Their journey to Germany was a series of long cold marches, interminable rail journeys packed into boxcars, being bombed and strafed by Allied aircraft and dogged by the debilitating squalor of dysentery. Sergeant John Kline from the 106th Division described his ordeal in a diary. On 20 December, he and his fellow prisoners were made to march all day without food and with no water to drink. They resorted to handfuls of snow. At a little village ‘the Germans made us take off our overshoes and give them to the civilians’. They saw German soldiers sitting in captured Jeeps eating what was supposed to have been their Christmas dinner. On 25 December, after German civilians threw stones at the column of prisoners of war, he wrote, ‘No Christmas, except in our hearts.’
Two days later they reached Koblenz in the afternoon, and were given some soup and bread from a portable kitchen. As they were marched on in groups of 500, a man in a business suit lunged into the street and hit him over the head with his briefcase. The German guard told him that the man must have been upset over the recent bombings.
As the fighting approached its end in April 1945, the Australian war correspondent Godfrey Blunden came across a group of young, half-starved American prisoners of war, presumably also from the 106th Infantry Division. He described them as having ‘xylophone ribs’, sunken cheeks, thin necks and ‘gangling arms’. They were ‘a little hysterical’ in their joy at encountering fellow Anglo-Saxons.
‘Some American prisoners whom I met this morning seemed to me to be the most pitiful of all I have seen,’ Blunden wrote. ‘They had arrived in Europe only lastDecember, gone immediately into the front line and had received the full brunt of the German counter-offensive in the Ardennes that month. Since their capture they had been moved almost constantly from one place to another and they told stories of comrades clubbed to death by German guards merely for breaking line to grab sugar beets from fields. They were more pitiful because they were only boys drafted from nice homes in a nice country knowing nothing about Europe, not tough like Australians, or shrewd like the French or irreducibly stubborn like the English. They just didn’t know what it was all about.’ They at least were alive. A good number of their comrades had lacked the will to survive their imprisonment, like the original for Kurt Vonnegut’s Billy Pilgrim, who acquired the ‘5,000 mile stare’. Reduced to blank apathy, they would not move or eat and died silently of starvation.
The surprise and ruthlessness of Hitler’s Ardennes offensive had brought the terrifying brutality of the eastern front to the west. But, as with the Japanese invasion of China in 1937 and the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, the shock of total warfare did not achieve the universal panic and collapse expected. It provoked instead a critical mass of desperate resistance, a bloody-minded determination to fight on even when surrounded. When German formations attacked, screaming and whistling, isolated companies defended key villages against overwhelming odds. Their sacrifice bought the time needed to bring in reinforcements, and this was their vital contribution to the destruction of Hitler’s dream. Perhaps the German leadership’s greatest mistake in the Ardennes offensive was to have misjudged the soldiers of an army they had affected to despise..."