In this innovative and concise work, Israeli politician Benjamin Netanyahu offers a compelling approach to understanding and fighting the increase in domestic and international terrorism throughout the world. Citing diverse examples from around the globe, Netanyahu demonstrates that domestic terrorist groups are usually no match for an advanced technological society which can successfully roll back terror without any significant curtailment of civil liberties. But Netanyahu sees an even more potent threat from the new international terrorism which is increasingly the product of Islamic militants, who draw their inspiration and directives from Iran and its growing cadre of satellite states. The spread of fundamentalist Islamic terrorism, coupled with the possibility that Iran will acquire nuclear weapons, poses a more frightening threat from an adversary less rational and therefore less controllable than was Soviet Communism. How democracies can defend themselves against this new threat concludes this provocative book.
Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu is the ninth and current Prime Minister of Israel, serving since March 2009. Netanyahu also serves as the current Chairman of the Likud Party, as a Knesset member, as the Health Minister of Israel, as the Pensioner Affairs Minister of Israel and as the Economic Strategy Minister of Israel.
Netanyahu is the first (and, to date, only) Israeli prime minister born after the State of Israel's foundation. Netanyahu joined the Israeli Defense Forces In 1967 where he served as a commander in the elite Sayeret Matkal commando unit, taking part in many missions including the hostages rescue mission from the hijacked Sabena Flight 572 in 1972. He fought in the Yom Kippur War in 1973 and achieved the rank of captain before being discharged. Netanyahu served as the Israeli ambassador to the United Nations from 1984 to 1988, member of the Likud Party, and was Prime Minister from June 1996 to July 1999. Netanyahu was Foreign Minister (2002–2003) and Finance Minister (2003–August 2005) in Ariel Sharon's governments, but he departed over disagreements regarding the Gaza Disengagement Plan. He retook the Likud leadership on 20 December 2005. In the 2006 election, Likud did poorly, winning twelve seats. In December 2006, Netanyahu became the official Opposition Leader in the Knesset and Chairman of the Likud Party. In August 2007, he retained the Likud leadership by beating Moshe Feiglin in party elections. Following the 10 February 2009 parliamentary election, in which Likud placed second and right-wing parties won a majority, Netanyahu formed a coalition government. He is the brother of Israeli Special Forces commander Yonatan Netanyahu, who died during a hostage rescue mission, and Iddo Netanyahu, an Israeli author and playwright.
This is an interesting view by a leader in one of the countries that has had to deal with it more profoundly and nearly constantly --- Israel --- on how to deal with international terrorism. Since Benjamin Netanyahu, whether one likes or hates him, has been a leading politician in Israel for 25 years, as well as one of its longest serving Prime Ministers --- and with personal experience in counter-terrorism operations, I was interested to read his thoughts on this topic and how to deal with it.
Where Netanyahu's points and opinions are strongest are with Middle Eastern terrorism, which given his role in his nation and the threats it's had to deal with, is not surprising. However, he spends about a third of the book addressing domestic terrorism in the United States, and, indeed, his audience seems intended to be an American one.
This book was written in 1995 --- so, at that time, with the formation of militias and the Oklahoma City bombing --- this did seem to be a growing threat. So Netanyahu likely felt any book written addressing terrorism must needs address the perceived threat of American anti-government extremists. However, in doing so, he shows little understanding of America and its citizens, despite having lived in America for many years, both in his youth as well as professionally as an adult. He seems to view constitutional liberties of American citizens as being expendable if the Government determines necessary to suspend in combating a domestic threat. For example, he maintains that constitutional rights are means by which to "ensuring the health and well-being of the citizens".
No, civil rights --- at least in the United States --- are NOT means to health and well-being. --- dangerously fungible terms that could easily be justified as reasons by whichever political group holds sway to trample upon the rights of other citizens. America, perhaps, is unique in that, from its founding, liberties are ends --- not "means" --- in themselves, considered to be inalienable and self-evident and fundamental --- preexisting the Federal Government and even America itself. That is not to say that America has been perfect in upholding rights of all its citizens --- only to say, instead, that America has held these as ideals to achieve from its very beginning. We never have linked the collective's health and well-being to one's rights and freedoms. That these have happened is a collateral benefit of these, not the other way around as Netanyahu seems to understand them. Netanyahu seems to feel that if a group's freedom of assembly, or religion, or right to bear arms seem threats to "health and well-being" as the politicians in the Federal Government define them --- then such rights may be suspended. Indeed, he cites as evidence examples used in Western Europe during the 1970s and 80s to confront their own terrorist threats, but these are hardly as persuasive as he thinks. Moreover, for a man known for pragmatism and cynicism, he seems to naively believe that extraordinary and unconstitutional powers given to the U.S. Government would just be given up once the crisis is past. Given the abuses against American citizens by Federal law enforcement officials and the intelligence community over the last 60 years, including their most recent abuse of the FISA court processes, clearly, these are not unrealistic concerns.
What salvages this book and makes it valuable are Netanyahu's views on combatting international terrorism --- particularly in the Middle East and with respect to Islamic terrorism. Indeed, many, if not most of the measures he calls for in his book, were subsequently adopted in the aftermath of 9/11 and were highly successful
However, like many contemporary American neocons, he makes the mistake of going beyond this in calling for the Americans to remove Saddam Hussein, condemning America for failing to finish the job. As it turns out, America did follow this advice --- with disastrous results --- destabilizing the region and giving a huge boost to Iran --- very much the world's leading supporter of terrorist groups both then and now --- which, in this book, Netanyahu also condemns at length.
I think that this book has historical value. It provides an insight into the mind of israel's current leader as well as providing an record of how, not just Netanyahu, but many political leaders in the 1990s viewed the international terrorist threat and how best to combat it. But is it a great book? No, but it is an interesting one.
A tactical manifesto fused with historical prophecy—a cerebral gauntlet thrown at the feet of complacent democracies. Written in 1995 during his first hiatus from Israeli premiership, and when Hamas was in its infancy, Netanyahu’s treatise simmers with the urgency of a statesman whose life has been punctuated by personal and political brushes with terror, including the death of his brother Yoni during the 1976 Entebbe raid to rescue Jewish airline passengers kidnapped by Palestinian terrorists.
The book, part polemic and part playbook, dissects terrorism’s anatomy with surgical precision, arguing that democracies must abandon “the delusion of equidistance” between aggressors and victims. One memorable passage likens negotiating with terrorists to “offering a pyromaniac a seat on the fire brigade,” a wry jab at diplomatic naiveté. Netanyahu’s fusion of Cold War-era case studies (from the Munich Olympics to the Red Brigades) with prescient warnings about Islamist radicalism—long before 9/11—lends the text an eerie clairvoyance. His insistence that terrorism thrives on perceived weakness, not grievance, is underscored by chilling descriptions of murderous racist attacks, such as the PLO’s 1974 Ma’alot massacre, where Jewish schoolchildren became pawns in a grotesque game of extortion.
The book’s most gripping moments lie in its unflinching specifics: a harrowing account of the Achille Lauro hijacking, where wheelchair-bound Leon Klinghoffer, a Jew, was executed and tossed overboard; the IRA’s calculated use of media manipulation to “turn bloodshed into headlines”; and Netanyahu’s caustic critique of “moral relativism” in Western academia, which he accuses of rationalizing terror as “the opiate of the oppressed.” His analysis of Hezbollah’s dual strategy—suicide bombings paired with social welfare programs—reads like a blueprint for modern asymmetric warfare. The chapter “The Fallacy of Land for Peace” rigorously dismantles the Oslo Accords, a warning that concessions without reciprocity amount to “feeding a crocodile in hopes it eats you last.” Netanyahu’s prophetic wit flashes through, as when he asserts that terrorists “prefer their martyrology with a side of press coverage.”
Reading Fighting Terrorism in 2025, 30 years after it was conceived, feels like eavesdropping on a Cassandra: Netanyahu’s admonitions about Iran’s nuclear ambitions and the globalized nature of jihadism now echo through daily headlines. What startled me was his early recognition of terrorism’s “theater of cruelty”—how attacks are staged not just to kill but to demoralize. Counterterrorism isn’t merely tactical but psychological: breaking the enemy’s belief in victory.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s steadfast leadership in confronting the pervasive threat of terrorism is both a moral imperative and a strategic necessity. Hamas, ISIS, Jihad, the Houthis, the Iranian regime, and Hezbollah represent not merely genocidal and colonial regional adversaries but a global menace, a cancer that undermines the very foundations of peace, stability, and human dignity. Netanyahu’s resolute stance against these entities reflects a profound commitment to safeguarding not only Israel’s security but also the broader aspirations for a world free from the grip of extremism.
It is my fervent hope that the relentless efforts to dismantle these networks of terror will soon bear fruit, eradicating their influence and paving the way for a future defined by reconciliation, prosperity, and enduring peace. The region, and indeed the world, deserves nothing less than the triumph of justice over the forces of destruction, ignorance, and blind hate.
The book’s intellectual heft is undeniable. Netanyahu’s fusion of Hobbesian realism with Sun Tzu-esque strategy makes it indispensable for understanding modern conflict. Provocative and eerily prescient—a compass pointing both to salvation and blind spots. Why didn't we listen to this three decades ago? Everything he wrote literally happened. Perhaps we'll listen now. עם ישראל חי
No real surprises in this book. If you've followed Netanyahu's political career and policies, you probably already understand what this book will be about. This book is about more of the same, and not about creative solutions. The policies will make sense to readers who share his beliefs that the Arabs are anti-Israel, not because Palestinians lost their land to create a Jewish State, and not because of Israeli policies which impact the arab population, but because the Arabs and Muslims are by their nature anti-Jew and anti-West. Thus, the only answer for Israel and Western Nations is to deal with them from a position of strength and distrust until they see the light. I imagine that this is such an obvious truth to him, that to even consider the effects of alternate paths to peace such as by stopping continued 'illegal' settlements, or compromises leading to a Palestinian state, don't warrant any mention in this book at all.
Current Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu has had a long history in the study of and struggle against terrorism. He was a moving force behind the Jonathan Institute, which in 1979 organized an international conference against terrorism. Netanyahu provides a compelling understanding of the roots, ideology and actions of terror, and also provides details to how it can be combated. He gets to the heart of what terrorism is, and how it differs from other types of violence. "Terrorism is the deliberate and systematic assault on civilians to inspire fear for political ends". Netanyahu illustrates how terrorism differs from organized crime. Organized crime is carried out for the purpose of financial gain, while terrorism is carried out for political ends.
While gangsters kill only those who they need to kill, usually other gangsters, terrorists aim to sow fear in the society, and aim to terrorize, murder and maim people in the society under target, often the most vulnerable such as old people, women and children. Netanyahu disproves and attacks the evil propaganda of those who romanticize terrorists as fighters for freedom. On the contrary terrorists are anti-democratic and totalitarian to the core, aiming to use pluralism and democracy to destroy pluralism and democracy. Terrrorists are the forerunners of tyranny. Nothing justifies terrorism. Terrorism is evil per se. Netanyahu outlines the history of Arab and international terror, covering the links between Arab terror and other international terrorist organizations, including Marxist and Neo-Nazi terror groups. In the early 1980s a Neo-Nazi terror network, organized by West German radicals Walter Hexel and Odfried Hepp renounced the traditional Nazi hostility towards Soviet Communism, identifying "American imperialism" as the occupying force from which West Germany had to be liberated by a renewed Nazism. The Hexel and Hepp Neo-Nazi group was financed and armed by the Soviet Union, and trained by the Soviet-backed PLO in Lebanon. It carried out attacks in collusion with Abu Abba's Palestine Liberation Front. Netanyahu details the terror of the Soviet-PLO Axis. The Soviet sponsorship of terror is today continued by such terror states as North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, Syria, Libya, Sudan and Iran. The author also outlines the sponsorship by Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein of international terrorism hosting in Baghdad such terrorist groups as the Abu Nidal organization, Abul Abba's Palestine Liberation Front, and the organization of the notorious bomb maker Abu Ibrahim. Yasser Arafat's PLO had an extensive network in Kuwait, and provided Saddam with important intelligence work in preparing for the 1990 invasion of Kuwait. PLO terrorists joined Iraqi troops after the invasion in a spree of terror, mass murder and rape against the Kuwaiti people after the invasion. Netanyahu also covers the PLO strategy to destroy Israel through any means possible, and how they see the establishment of a Palestinian State in part of the Land of Israel, as a step to the complete destruction of Israel and it's replacement by an Arab Moslem State. The PLO, during the Oslo Process of the 1990s, stated again and again their goal of using Oslo to comletely destroy Israel vowing "With blood, fire and sweat we will liberate all of Palestine and it's capital Jerusalem". He saw the danger of a Holocaust by a nuclear Iran already in the 1990s and proposes action of sanctions and isolation, and if this fails millitary action to stop genocidal regimes like Iran gaining nuclear weapons. He points out that while all nuclear proliferation is bad, it is far more dangerous in genocidal and totalitarian terror states than in liberal democracies, the latter of which are unlikely to ever use their nuclear arms.
He also gives a valuable outline of how the western democracies can fight and ultimately defeat the scourge of international terror and the states that sponsor and support it.
While there are some things I disagree with Netanyahu about (I don't like his attitude to social welfare in Israel), on the subject of terrorism and how to combat the scourge, he is spot on!
Easily the most biased unlikeable author I have read in quite awhile. The liberty he takes with history and established fact to push his nonsense is ahead of it's time. I was surprised he didn't blame the USS LIBERTY incident on the American sailors for having been "goyim". The Islamist should hand this book out as it only serves to make their anger seem relatable.
was not expecting this to be this fascinating but here we are picked this up for my research paper and fell in love with his writing obviously- this is a tough topic and it's truly quite sad that we live in a world with these kind of issues and it was nice to see someone talk to openly about it no rating
Really good and lucid account of the nature of terrorism and how to fight it. Written in 1995, the book is shockingly spot-on about the further development of Islamic terrorism and plausibly alarmist about nuclear proliferation to terrorists states. I just wish that the author would issue an updated edition taking into account the 20-years since the book was first published. I wonder if he is busy with something else.
"The citizens of free societies must be told again and again that terrorists are savage beasts of prey, and should be treated as such. Terrorism should be given no intellectual quarter." - excerpt from the book.
Your reaction to this book will likely be decided based on your feelings towards the author, Benjamin Netanyahu, or towards Israel and the United States. As a pro-Western, pro-Israel American, I highly recommend this book! Although somewhat dated (1st edition was in 1995), there is now only more of an urgent need for the West to confront and stop the spread of terrorism.
After almost twenty years in the Post-9/11 world, there is considerable fatigue in the West generally and in the US specifically among the average public in regards to fighting terrorism. This is unfortunate because the threat continues (and will continue until the major terrorist-sponsoring states are dismantled or rendered useless). In this light, this book is even more important now than when it was written in 1995.
"The Western democracies are inherently very strong, precisely due to the nearly universal ideological ties which, beneath the cacophony of democratic politics, quietly unite their peoples."
I got this book cheap as a discard from a local library. And once I read it I was very surprised that it was discarded. I can only assume that they simply looked at the pub. date (1995), say that it was about terrorism, and simply assumed that the info was obsolete. This is untrue with very few exceptions. It could easily be updated with more current cases, however, much of it seems like it could have been written yesterday. This is a highly relevant book from a very interesting perspective. Obviously, being written by an Israeli Prime Minister means that it is very biased when it comes to Palestinian- Israeli relations, but I have yet to see a source that is not. This book is well worth the read if you're interesting in learning about international terrorism.
Very enlightening. People in positions Probably should listen to someone with such insight as this author has and maybe our countries won’t be making the same mistakes over and over.
The first and most crucial thing to understand is this: There is no international terrorism without the support of sovereign states. International terrorism simply cannot be sustained for long without the regimes that aid and abet it. Terrorists are not suspended in midair. They train, arm, and indoctrinate their killers from within safe havens on territory provided by terrorist states. Often these regimes provide the terrorists with intelligence, money, and operational assistance, dispatching them to serve as deadly proxies to wage a hidden war against more powerful enemies.
While it is true of what he has said, that terrorists thrive from the conditions provided by the states they live in, you can read between the lines that he is accusing some states. If he did not include the word 'terrorist states', it would have been 100% true.
Nonetheless, he has really written a good book, only if he removed himself and Israel from the equation and looked at creative solutions to defeating terrorism without imposing his bigoted views. He thinks that he (and Israel by extension) has the answers on how to deal with terrorism: ... Hill called me to ask what I thought the American response should be.
“Issue a counter-threat,” I told him. “Make it clear to the terrorists that if they so much as touch a hair on any of the hostages’ heads, you won’t rest until every last one of them has been hunted down and wiped out.”
Hill said he would pass the message to Shultz. Days later, he called back to say that they had acted on this recommendation and that the results had been positive.
All through the book this is what he is talking about, how his ways of fighting terrorism are better, and if other countries/Western democracies - here referring to the USA - used them, they would have succeeded.
Honestly, I don't even know why this write-up is called a book. It is an essay; but for the genre issue, let's leave it at that.
However, he did share useful tips in the end:
1.Impose sanctions on suppliers of nuclear technology to terrorist states. If only he removed the words 'terrorist states' and rephrased it to 'states that support or sponsor terrorists', it would have been a good solution. Here, he is only thinking of Arab states that are traditionally Israel enemies.
2. Impose diplomatic, economic, and military sanctions on the terrorist states themselves. Refer to my comment above.
3. Neutralize terrorist enclaves.
4. Freeze financial assets in the West of terrorist regimes and organizations. Replace 'terrorist regimes' with terrorist sponsors.
5. Share intelligence. One of the central problems in the fight against international terrorism has traditionally been the hesitation of the security services of one nation to share information with foreign services. In this regard, countries have often viewed “their” terrorists as though they were the only terrorists worth fighting, while turning a blind eye to activities hostile to other governments. The trouble with this method is not only that it is of questionable morality; the fact is that it does not work. Terrorists hide behind the mutual suspicions between the Western security services, seeming to be attacking a particular nation when in fact they often view the entire West as a common society and a common enemy. Only through close coordination between law enforcement officials and the intelligence services of all free countries can a serious effort against international terrorism be successful.
6. Revise legislation to enable greater surveillance and action against organizations inciting to violence, subject to periodic renewal. I agree with this. Civil liberties need to be limited for security forces to succeed.
I'm no fan of Bibi's politics; he's the right-wing Zionist who just will not go away and is now poised to become PM once again. Nonetheless, I find the Netanyahu family story fascinating and compelling, and I'd be dishonest if I said there weren't some good insights about terrorism in this book. At the very least, this book is useful for capturing a certain way of thinking about terrorism pre-911. Bibi is part of the New Terrorism wave of scholarship in the 90s that argued that as terrorism was becoming more religiously motivated it was becoming far more dangerous and extreme, especially in conjunction with WMD and state sponsorship. Bibi argues for an active posture toward terrorism, but not really a military one; he seems to think that most countries in the world can deal with terrorism primarily through law enforcement. He clearly thinks that the world is pretty naive about terrorism and needs to listen to Israel, which has lived with it for decades. For Bibi, the stakes of the fight against terrorism are huge, not just because of the destruction it causes but because it assaults fundamental lines between civilization and barbarism. That's a major theme of conservative thinking about terrorism pre and post 911 (and a lot of liberals too, but the conservatives really hammer that point.
It's also worth noting that Bibi sees Iran as by far the biggest terrorist/WMD menace in the world; Iraq barely comes up. This makes sense because after 911, Bibi told Bush . The biggest downsides of this book are that he's a super hard liner who seems incapable of admitting any fault on Israel's side (such as the settlements that totally screw up any hope of a peace deal with Palestine that he continues to encourage). I think he's become a more fanatical figure over time, but the 90s version of Bibi in this book is at least worth listening too. This book is a bit outdated now, so it's only worthwhile if you have some kind of research interest in the topic.
Ambleside Online year 12 book. There was a lot of history in this book that was interesting and a lot of his arguments made sense, but I just can’t get behind his proposal to give the government more power. You have to trust your government to do that. My husband did point out that we might feel differently if our neighbors were constantly bombing us…but they’re not (currently) and I don’t. lol
The title of the book is misleading, it focuses mostly on internal issues of civil liberties in Western democracies, how they should be obstructed, with a goal to preempt or to be ahead of any planned act of terrorism, enabling a sort of Orwellian state. The author's style is condescending and self-praising. He gives on page 141 as an example Israel law, that "requires careful licensing of handguns and prohibits the ownership of more powerful weapons, yet gun ownership is widespread. Forbidding the ownership of machine guns is not a denial of the right to own a weapon for self-defense; it is a denial of the right to organize private armies...". But he doesn't mention that the State of Israel is a patron of settlers militias and the Israel security forces didn't prevent the terrorist act committed by Baruch Goldstein in 1994, killing in a mosque 29 and wounding 125 Palestinian Muslim worshippers. Do not release jailed terrorists, advices Benjamin Netanyahu, as among the most important policies which must be adopted. But during his post as prime minister, the author Benjamin Netanyahu, approved exchange of 1027 jailed "terrorists" for a single soldier, Gilad Shalit. It is easy to give advices when you are not responsible for consequences, Mr. Netanyahu. In short, the advices and lectures of Benjamin Netanyahu are unconvincing and strongly biased against Arabs and in particular against Palestinians. My conclusion: A mediocre and simple minded essay, showing no solution to the problem of "Fighting Terrorism".
Perhaps one feels as though they would know Benjamin Netanyahu’s mind when it comes to dealing with terrorists. This book may help dispel any of that mythology. He isn’t a George Bush clone. He has his own thoughts based on his training and study and his life spent in the defense of a perilous small nation surrounded by enemies. In this 2001 edition, President Netanyahu discusses domestic terrorism at length, in addition to international terrorism. He places no confidence in groups of citizens attempting to take the law into their own hands, for whatever reason. At the end of the book, he lists ten ways to combat terrorism in any form.
Here is another book with a really old bookmark, all I need is a few more weeks of being snowed in and I will be through all of my started books pile.
So this book was written in 1995 and one wonders if our leaders had bothered to read it how september of 2001 would have been different. One big supprise was that he is in favor of gun control, one would think that after the disarming of German Jews by the Nazi's prior to the Holocost he would have a strong position against gun control. I guess you learn someting new every day.
Since this book was written in 1995, a lot of water has passed under the bridge. Most notably, 9/11 was the largest terror attack on U.S. soil. In response, the United States passed the Patriot Act to strengthen its anti-terrorism laws. As I write this in January 2022, Benjamin Netanyahu, the longest-serving Prime Minister in the history of Israel, stands accused of three cases of corruption and is is entering a plea deal. It is shame that this great man has succumbed to the alure of power and greed. Nuclear negotiations are still continuing in Vienna with Iran, the world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism. I can only believe that any agreement made by Iran will be a hudna, a promise made with your fingers crossed. It has been a year since rioters took over the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. And a terrorist just held four members of a Colleyville, TX synagogue hostage at gunpoint. It was only through their active shooter training that they were able to escape. Netanyahu proffers many good ideas to combat terrorism. Through a concerted effort, Al-Qaeda has been mostly wiped out. Yet as Netanyahu admits, it is difficult to fight an enemy who would gladly die in order to advance his ideology. The U.S. has imposed severe economic sanctions upon Iran. Yet it has not slowed their advancement of nuclear technology or the spread of terrorism throughout the Middle East. Ayatollah Khamanei has said that even if a million of his own people die, it will be worth it to wipe out Israel. This is an important book that should be read by all who value their freedom. But sometimes I feel that Netanyahu is posturing against the Israel Labor Party, which was then in power at the time. Nevertheless, it is a compelling read by someone who is not a native English speaker.
This book helped me to understand Benjamin Netanyahu in a better way. It puts the Israeli perspective in a very clear light and covers nearly a century of context from which their mindset generates. I do not agree that the United States should restrict speech or the right to bear arms. But I understand now why Netanyahu believes that we should. Some interesting quotes from near the end of the book: p. 136 "As with all international efforts, the vigorous application of sanctions must be led by the United States." p. 134 "The main point is that the United States should adopt a firm policy and then proceed to bring other nations on board." This whole book was an admonition to the United States. I have recently heard it postulated that Israel needs to control and use the United States in order to further its own security and ends in the Middle East. Factually speaking that is probably not incorrect. That probability and the content of this book, within the continuing context of the Middle East theater, needs to be evaluated carefully, calmly, and without emotion, with the desire for truth and justice, as both US citizens, lawmakers, and private donors pursue their attitudes and courses of action with our fellow humans, the Israelis.
The guru of international counterterrorism is undoubtedly Bibi and the advanced democracy in the Middle East, Israel. Bibi is now practicing his counter-terrorist theory depicted in this book on the Gaza and Lebanon war successfully. In short, they’re consciously reversing the fatal and suicidal policy adopted in the past by Israeli governments after Oslo, the land-for-peace policy. Also, another point they’re facing is the jailed terrorist-for-innocent hostages’ exchange. As Bibi reflected in the 1990s and at the time 911, both polices backfired, and resulted in more terrorist threats and attacks after their implementation. This is the shortest sum of the essence of this book.
On the international level, anti-Israeli, anti-Semite, anti-Zionist propaganda continue. They can only be defeated by military victories of Israel on the battlefield. And it also repeatedly proved that, as we can see in the global hatred and hysteria instigated by Hamas-Hezbollah-Iran against Jews via biased, populist, clickbait media reports, global Jews need Israel as a haven. The existence of Israel is in the public interest of all Jews. Both Israelis / Zionists and diaspora Jews.
"Those who deliberately bomb babies are not interested in freedom and those who trample on humsn rights are not interested in defending such rights." BN
He wrote this before 9/11; second edition is post 9/11, pre Iraq invasion. Demonizes the whole of the Middle East with such vitriol; the word "terrorist" is used in every other sentence. Apathetic to anything Palestinian, such are always described by him as criminals and animals and yes, that high dead political word, “terrorists.” He is unrelentingly ahistorical. America and Israel are always the good guys in his narrative because muslim children are never murdered by such benevolent western governments. The children can always be summed up in one word, "collateral," like that's all they ever were and all they will ever be in the history of his world view. Fuck this guy.
The Right Stuff Written by Mandi Scott Chestler on September 4th, 2008 Book Rating: 5/5 This should be mandatory reading for every voter in America. This man knows his stuff and is a true leader who is not afraid to tell it like it is. Citizens of the civilized world must have Moral Clarity to identify and confront evil. The "politically correct" moral relativity that is popular today is both lazy and dangerous. The ends never justifies the means when murdering innocent civilians is concerned. Playing the "victim card" does not justify the use of suicide bombing and flying planes into buildings. The author has the Right Stuff to indentify evil for what it is and offer concrete plans for fighting terrorism.
It appears Netanyahu was delusional in the 1990s, not just today.
He speaks in terms of good and evil, allowing him to claim that there is no option but to take extreme measures. He makes no real allowance for negotiations and no room for humanizing the opposing side.
It is clear that there is a complex balance between civil liberties and the well-being of society. The book touches on the subject though it falls short of a productive discussion on this topic.
The book has interesting aspects but seriously lacks substance, hence the 2 stars
I have mixed feelings with this book as I have with the Israel/Gaza Strip conflict. I will say Netanyahu put forth a good case, but that is only one side of the story.