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The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century
The Chinese system is like no other known to man, now or in history. This book explains how the system works and where it may be moving.
Drawing on Chinese and international sources, on extensive collaboration with Chinese scholars, and on the political science of state analysis, Stein Ringen concludes that under the new leadership of Xi Jinping, the system of government has been transformed into a new regime radically harder and more ideological than the legacy of Deng Xiaoping. China is less strong economically and more dictatorial politically than the world has wanted to believe.
By analyzing the leadership of Xi Jinping, the meaning of "socialist market economy," corruption, the party-state apparatus, the reach of the party, the mechanisms of repression, taxation and public services, and state-society relations, "The Perfect Dictatorship" broadens the field of China studies, as well as the fields of political economy, comparative politics, development, and welfare state studies.
Drawing on Chinese and international sources, on extensive collaboration with Chinese scholars, and on the political science of state analysis, Stein Ringen concludes that under the new leadership of Xi Jinping, the system of government has been transformed into a new regime radically harder and more ideological than the legacy of Deng Xiaoping. China is less strong economically and more dictatorial politically than the world has wanted to believe.
By analyzing the leadership of Xi Jinping, the meaning of "socialist market economy," corruption, the party-state apparatus, the reach of the party, the mechanisms of repression, taxation and public services, and state-society relations, "The Perfect Dictatorship" broadens the field of China studies, as well as the fields of political economy, comparative politics, development, and welfare state studies.
208 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2016
50 people are currently reading
1093 people want to read
About the author
Stein Ringen
23 books20 followersStein Ringen (born July 5, 1945) is a Norwegian sociologist and political scientist. He is Professor of Sociology and Social Policy at the Department of Social Policy and Intervention, University of Oxford, and a Fellow of Green Templeton College, Oxford (formerly Green College, Oxford).
Early life and education
Ringen holds a magister degree in political science (a 7-year degree including 3 years of research) from the University of Oslo (1972) and a Dr. philos. degree from the University of Oslo (1987).
Career
He has been a visiting professor at Université de Paris I - Panthéon Sorbonne (1995, 1996), École Normale Supérieure de Cachan (1996-1997), Masaryk University (2003), Charles University (2003), University of the West Indies (2004, 2006) and Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (2006).
Books
2023: The Story of Scandinavia: From the Vikings to Social Democracy
2016: The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century[2][3]
2013: Nation of Devils: Democratic Leadership and the Problem of Obedience, Yale Univ. Press[1]
2009: The Economic Consequences of Mr Brown
2007: What Democracy Is For
2006: The Possibility of Politics (new edition)
2005: Citizens, Families, and Reform (new edition)
2004: Norges nye befolkning
2000: Veien til det gode liv'
1999: Ordet som er (co-author)
1998: The Family in Question
1997: Reformdemokratiet
Early life and education
Ringen holds a magister degree in political science (a 7-year degree including 3 years of research) from the University of Oslo (1972) and a Dr. philos. degree from the University of Oslo (1987).
Career
He has been a visiting professor at Université de Paris I - Panthéon Sorbonne (1995, 1996), École Normale Supérieure de Cachan (1996-1997), Masaryk University (2003), Charles University (2003), University of the West Indies (2004, 2006) and Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (2006).
Books
2023: The Story of Scandinavia: From the Vikings to Social Democracy
2016: The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century[2][3]
2013: Nation of Devils: Democratic Leadership and the Problem of Obedience, Yale Univ. Press[1]
2009: The Economic Consequences of Mr Brown
2007: What Democracy Is For
2006: The Possibility of Politics (new edition)
2005: Citizens, Families, and Reform (new edition)
2004: Norges nye befolkning
2000: Veien til det gode liv'
1999: Ordet som er (co-author)
1998: The Family in Question
1997: Reformdemokratiet
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 34 reviews
January 1, 2018
Most everything one reads about China in the international media is positive, even laudatory. There exist unsavory structural reasons for this. Americans discovered a “fake news” issue, and we worry that FOXNews and Breitbart openly lie, but in China this is been official practice for over 60 years. Frankly, the Chinese people as human beings deserve much better.
As you start this book, don’t get turned off by the slow pace of the first third, where he sets up his credibility and his research method. The second half is frankly shocking and devastating, and definitely deserves your attention. The quality and conciseness of the editing may be 4-stars, but the refreshingly unique research and analysis make is an Extremely important book deserving five stars.
“Free primary schooling was introduced on in 2008, and is still not in reality free”. p38
“Punishable crimes include, for example, ‘spreading rumors’, ‘causing trouble’, ‘creating a disturbance’, ‘gathering a crowd’, and ‘damaging the nation’s image’, a new charge that appeared in 2014.” p99
I was surprised how little I knew about the Chinese tax system, which relies primarily on a regressive 17 percent VAT. Potentially progressive income taxes are paid by less than four percent of the population, and are evadeable.
The China disabled persons Federation employs 120,000 full-time to care for disabled people, and for two decades until 2008 was led by Deng Pufang, the son of Dang Xiaoping, who was confined to a wheelchair after having been beaten to disability during the cultural revolution. P122
“Couples who are expecting a child must first apply for a “birth permit”, which is required for the baby to be born legally in for a birth certificate to be issued once the baby is born. Children born outside of wedlock are technically illegal maybe left to live in limbo as noncitizens without normal rights, for example, if parents are unable to pay the fine.” P103
China employs approximately 2,000,000 internet monitors, while the army is 2.5m ppl and the armed internal police number 1.5m with another 800,000+ local police. Everything under the knowledge and control of the Chinese Communist Party.
I now feel that one reason China supports North Korea, is that their political information systems are not so far apart. Both countries missinform their citizens to maintain control.
“Chinese society is organized by the principle of divide and rule. The urban, rural, and Migrant populations have different forms of citizenship with different entitlements. These divisions are enshrined in the hukou, ....as a barrier against solidarities. Rather than bridging such divisions, the system of social protection it is so designed to maintain them.” P 134
“In April 2013,…From the Central committee ...Document 9… warned against seven false idea logical trends: western constitutional democracy, universal values, the promotion of civil society, the promotion of neoliberalism, western ideas of journalism, motion of historical nihilism, and questioning the nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Food, many of those seem important to the goals of humanism, and human progress. What does China offer that’s in any way better?
As you start this book, don’t get turned off by the slow pace of the first third, where he sets up his credibility and his research method. The second half is frankly shocking and devastating, and definitely deserves your attention. The quality and conciseness of the editing may be 4-stars, but the refreshingly unique research and analysis make is an Extremely important book deserving five stars.
“Free primary schooling was introduced on in 2008, and is still not in reality free”. p38
“Punishable crimes include, for example, ‘spreading rumors’, ‘causing trouble’, ‘creating a disturbance’, ‘gathering a crowd’, and ‘damaging the nation’s image’, a new charge that appeared in 2014.” p99
I was surprised how little I knew about the Chinese tax system, which relies primarily on a regressive 17 percent VAT. Potentially progressive income taxes are paid by less than four percent of the population, and are evadeable.
The China disabled persons Federation employs 120,000 full-time to care for disabled people, and for two decades until 2008 was led by Deng Pufang, the son of Dang Xiaoping, who was confined to a wheelchair after having been beaten to disability during the cultural revolution. P122
“Couples who are expecting a child must first apply for a “birth permit”, which is required for the baby to be born legally in for a birth certificate to be issued once the baby is born. Children born outside of wedlock are technically illegal maybe left to live in limbo as noncitizens without normal rights, for example, if parents are unable to pay the fine.” P103
China employs approximately 2,000,000 internet monitors, while the army is 2.5m ppl and the armed internal police number 1.5m with another 800,000+ local police. Everything under the knowledge and control of the Chinese Communist Party.
I now feel that one reason China supports North Korea, is that their political information systems are not so far apart. Both countries missinform their citizens to maintain control.
“Chinese society is organized by the principle of divide and rule. The urban, rural, and Migrant populations have different forms of citizenship with different entitlements. These divisions are enshrined in the hukou, ....as a barrier against solidarities. Rather than bridging such divisions, the system of social protection it is so designed to maintain them.” P 134
“In April 2013,…From the Central committee ...Document 9… warned against seven false idea logical trends: western constitutional democracy, universal values, the promotion of civil society, the promotion of neoliberalism, western ideas of journalism, motion of historical nihilism, and questioning the nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” Food, many of those seem important to the goals of humanism, and human progress. What does China offer that’s in any way better?
December 8, 2022
一本外國學者試圖瞭解中國大陸的政治邏輯與在此框架下經濟與社會發展的書，老實說自馬可波羅以來，外國人就都對了解中國保有著一種不知所謂的“異國感情”與“奇幻神秘”，但直到今日依然沒有半本能寫中國寫的好的，畢竟以判斷人事物來說，尺度至關重要，如果尺的刻度不明、歪七扭八，你是無法用這把尺量出正確結果的，更別說老共有大量的歷史、真相、數據、決策都不透明，神州子民都滿頭霧水了，怎麼輪得到一個連中文都看不懂的老外來替世人解惑呢？如果對學者對開始學習中文的時機實在太晚，可以用殖民帝國當時對殖民地的方式與邏輯來看老共可能會更有心得，同樣是有特定不能動搖的統治階層、同樣的是拉攏小團體來控管大團體、同樣的是不給人民關鍵的權力、同樣的是牢牢掌控政軍經宣、同樣的是灌輸特定的意識型態，如果再加上老共所專屬獨有的歷史假相與難以明講的黨內鬥爭，不就一清二楚了嗎？至於富國強兵或經濟發展所產生的自信，作者忘了替納粹與日殖辯解的人不也是拿歐洲稱霸與大東亞共榮來說嘴嗎？
尤其作者還是中共中國一鍋燴，分不清其中巨大的差別與差距，這代表著對中國歷史的不了解；西藏、新疆、台灣的主權問題怎麼可以說是源自稗官野史？這同樣代表對中國歷史的不了解；什麼時候毛澤東繼承孔子思想了？毛治下的打倒孔家店、焚書坑儒可不是玩假的，今天仁義禮信在中國人民身上還有多少不就一清二楚了？
尤其作者還是中共中國一鍋燴，分不清其中巨大的差別與差距，這代表著對中國歷史的不了解；西藏、新疆、台灣的主權問題怎麼可以說是源自稗官野史？這同樣代表對中國歷史的不了解；什麼時候毛澤東繼承孔子思想了？毛治下的打倒孔家店、焚書坑儒可不是玩假的，今天仁義禮信在中國人民身上還有多少不就一清二楚了？
November 2, 2017
This is an extremely important book for anyone who wants to understand what is happening in China. The idea of the party-state is important not only for China but for other dictatorships from the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany onwards. The ominous signs from the Party Congress in late October 2017 with Xi taking firm control with his constitution and no successor in the Politburo says Xi has as much control as Mao did. Would not have understood this and also what this portends without having read this book.
February 25, 2019
This was a pretty dry read, but I guess that was to be expected. This is not my field in any way, and I have read very little about political theory, so this review should probably be ignored. However...
I found the discussion of hypotheses quite interesting, particularly the arguments about the Triviality, Welfare and Power Hypotheses. However, these discussion were few and far between.
There was a lot of discussion on the state of China and its politics. This was occasionally well-evidenced and convincing (best example of this was the censorship section). But there were sections that were either so lacking in information that I don't see the point of inclusion, or just lacked conviction. For example, a section on the police described multiple issues with police organisations, but only footnotes evidence for one of these. The lack of citation to the references at the back of the book means it is impossible to determine the level of evidence for almost every argument, and I find this an incredibly unconvincing writing style. It is also very inconvenient for any topic I would like to read further on.
Considering this is a thesis that is attempting to convince the reader of their argument, this style had a significant impact on the reading experience.
I found the discussion of hypotheses quite interesting, particularly the arguments about the Triviality, Welfare and Power Hypotheses. However, these discussion were few and far between.
There was a lot of discussion on the state of China and its politics. This was occasionally well-evidenced and convincing (best example of this was the censorship section). But there were sections that were either so lacking in information that I don't see the point of inclusion, or just lacked conviction. For example, a section on the police described multiple issues with police organisations, but only footnotes evidence for one of these. The lack of citation to the references at the back of the book means it is impossible to determine the level of evidence for almost every argument, and I find this an incredibly unconvincing writing style. It is also very inconvenient for any topic I would like to read further on.
Considering this is a thesis that is attempting to convince the reader of their argument, this style had a significant impact on the reading experience.
January 15, 2018
It's not (only) about China (worth roughly 20% of humanity even though). It's not (only) about dictatorial and/or authoritarian governments in general. It's not even (only) about our own governments tempted to take the same path or use the same methodologies. This last one would be slightly severe and exaggerated despite worrying weak signals.
It's more about one of our own tendency to expect security and stability, at all costs. To pursue and value comfort, wealth, well-being and health. All these things worth wishing these days. But what are we willing to sacrifice to earn and retain all of this?
Many Chinese (well, roughly half of them, which is not that bad) now benefit from this to a certain extent: stability, security, wealth, comfort... At a "small" cost (see excerpt below).
Though it is a good introductory book to any lay man or woman who might be interested in understanding China better (with loads of facts and research), it is as much a basis for a reflection on our political systems, our own State, our own society. I was struck by the relationship between individuals and the State: how it builds, what fosters it, how it can/need converge, which one should have preeminence over the other, how a State/government can foster stability for society and its own regime.
Our societies and political regimen are very different from China's. But there is so much to learn from it.
This review is part of my list of "52 books for mobility, work and cities" because it is so important to understand the role of the State and its relationship with individuals and society.
---
One excerpt among the many that struck me, and that should nudge you to read this book.
"It is perfectly possible in China to live your own life—as long as you understand and accept the limits: that there are things you cannot do or say, that there are other things you have to do, or pretend to do, that there are things you are asked to believe and that you for many purposes must profess to believe, and things you must say and profess to believe in the right way, that there are beliefs you are not allowed to practise, that you cannot organise, that you are obliged to tolerate propaganda and mindless political education, that abuse by public officials is a fact of life you must accommodate to, that ultimately the party-state sets the rules and decides, that you do not have the right to question the party, or any other rights for that matter, including the right to have children, that you have to pay for what you are entitled to, that you are under observation and control, that if you break the rules, or what the authorities say are the rules, or if someone near to you does, you are in risk of being harassed, taken away, disappeared, beaten up, and possibly killed."
It's more about one of our own tendency to expect security and stability, at all costs. To pursue and value comfort, wealth, well-being and health. All these things worth wishing these days. But what are we willing to sacrifice to earn and retain all of this?
Many Chinese (well, roughly half of them, which is not that bad) now benefit from this to a certain extent: stability, security, wealth, comfort... At a "small" cost (see excerpt below).
Though it is a good introductory book to any lay man or woman who might be interested in understanding China better (with loads of facts and research), it is as much a basis for a reflection on our political systems, our own State, our own society. I was struck by the relationship between individuals and the State: how it builds, what fosters it, how it can/need converge, which one should have preeminence over the other, how a State/government can foster stability for society and its own regime.
Our societies and political regimen are very different from China's. But there is so much to learn from it.
This review is part of my list of "52 books for mobility, work and cities" because it is so important to understand the role of the State and its relationship with individuals and society.
---
One excerpt among the many that struck me, and that should nudge you to read this book.
"It is perfectly possible in China to live your own life—as long as you understand and accept the limits: that there are things you cannot do or say, that there are other things you have to do, or pretend to do, that there are things you are asked to believe and that you for many purposes must profess to believe, and things you must say and profess to believe in the right way, that there are beliefs you are not allowed to practise, that you cannot organise, that you are obliged to tolerate propaganda and mindless political education, that abuse by public officials is a fact of life you must accommodate to, that ultimately the party-state sets the rules and decides, that you do not have the right to question the party, or any other rights for that matter, including the right to have children, that you have to pay for what you are entitled to, that you are under observation and control, that if you break the rules, or what the authorities say are the rules, or if someone near to you does, you are in risk of being harassed, taken away, disappeared, beaten up, and possibly killed."
January 21, 2020
Personally I found chapter 4 very hard to read, perhaps due to my aversion to numbers. The book does offer some interesting analysis of the Chinese "controlocracy" as S. Ringen puts it. His analysis and arguments are certainly persuasive, they are of course backed up with compelling examples.
As someone living in China, surrounded by people who deny there is anything wrong, it is a relief to read that I'm not insane for thinking the political system is the bureacratic "controlocracy" that I have seen it be.
As someone living in China, surrounded by people who deny there is anything wrong, it is a relief to read that I'm not insane for thinking the political system is the bureacratic "controlocracy" that I have seen it be.
August 19, 2018
'The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century' is a clear-eyed assessment about China and its government. Stein Ringen is not a sinologist, and he does not have any previous experience studying China. His is an outsider's perspective. He nevertheless avoids naivety and admits complexity without sacrificing integrity. Ringen sees a ruthlessness in China's treatment of its governed, which is too often neglected when superficially engaged observers or those with a stake in promoting a watered-down brand propagate their views. He makes a clear distinction from the outset: China is not merely an authoritarian state, it is a dictatorship built on control.
China is a party-state, and like all other party states its first order priority is perpetuating the ruling Party's authority. Unlike other party-states, the Chinese leadership have been able to offer their subjects something in return for limiting their freedom: increased (if unequally distributed) material prosperity. As Ringen sees it, there is a tension between the party-state as ideological and the party-state as pragmatic. The current trend is towards reasserting ideology, and a restrictive Chinese brand of ideological control at that.
After self perpetuation, China's two most pressing objectives are national glory and territorial integrity. Each of these manifest in different ways, but they are both viewed as indisputable national rights. Worryingly, China combines paranoia with assertiveness in its interactions with the world. Although Ringen sees no evidence of desire to militarily expand its borders (beyond the SCS and other claimed territories, that is), the leadership have stirred nationalism and chauvinistic behaviour among its populace with provocative and uncompromising speech and actions. In international relations, 'what is giving China clout in the world is bigness more than performance... crude magnitudes and numbers that come with it, rather than qualitative development or civilisation'. Domestically, China is operating as a two-tiered society: one urbanised, educated, and affluent; the other rural and poor.
In his analysis of China's economy, Ringen brings his plain but lucid voice to break down complexity. He divides the production side of the economy into roughly 50/50 state and private. The private economy is comprised of mostly 'small and medium sized family firms'. State enterprises are also 'embedded in some kind of market context', where these enterprises have been 'relieved of their previous welfare responsibilities and are mostly subject to profit expectations'. Control over the economy's arteries, the banking system, remains firmly in state control. Credit is the main way of raising capital, as opposed to other financial markets. Strategic sectors (defence, energy, petrochemicals etc.) and many pillar industries (machinery, automobiles, information technology, construction etc.) are also controlled by either central or local government. All land is in public ownership. Prices are set by the state, not the market.
For all its achievements, China's economic growth has not yielded equitable per capita income growth, is largely superficial investment led, and operates as an assembly line and imitator rather than a genuine innovator. Ringen posits that China's social, economic, and political development has been 'effective but not efficient'.
Ringen is particularly strong analysing China's taxation revenues and corresponding public service delivery. He carefully outlines a ferociously extractive state at work which exploits its subjects through wage suppression, land usage expropriation, and regressive taxation. Chinese citizens' quality of life are nowhere near proportionate to economic growth. Resources are controlled and siphoned off towards the Party who have enriched themselves at the expense of the Chinese people.
After a discussion about the differentials between pragmatism and ideology, Ringen goes on to give his overview of Chinese politics. He puts forth three hypotheses to explain the Chinese political system: the triviality hypothesis, the welfare hypothesis, and the power hypothesis.
The triviality thesis asserts that the Chinese state possess only two objects: regime perpetuation and protecting territorial integrity. There is nothing more than maintaining these two objectives - the Chinese state is self-serving and everything else is subservient. In his characteristically clear voice, Ringen hits the mark by identifying the Chinese leaderships' thinking: 'rulers hold up the perpetuation of the regime as a purpose in its own right with no hesitation or embarrassment'. The received wisdom about inaccessible and opaque deliberations behind high walls is laid bare when boiled to its essential components.
Ringen then outlines his welfare hypothesis. It's a self-explanatory thesis which claims the Chinese state's purpose is to serve the people. He places this ambition within the Chinese cultural tradition, however, by exploring contemporary officials claims which purport continuity between China's present and an older idea found in its imperial history - the notion of social harmony. The continuity adds credence to the claim to serve the people.
Rounding out his three theses is the power state theory. In this incarnation, the state is ideological and a Party-state seeks a higher objective. All of the state machinery are used to seek this objective. Citizens have a duty of obedience and are to serve the state and its ruling authority.
It is interesting that someone from outside the China-watching club was able to so accurately assess the current state of affairs and political ambitions. Despite many writing off his work as prejudiced scholarship, Ringen's analysis of China's political system is accurate and uncompromising. Where others saw liberal economic or political tendencies he saw the truth: the Chinese state is built on unchallengeable central power and control over its subjects. Ringen leaves us with two uncomfortable trajectories: 'If the Chinese state continues to operate as a custodian of economic growth and political control, and does so effectively, it is likely to remain dictatorial but pragmatic. If it becomes dependent on ideology and embraces a narrative in which persons are subsumed in the nation, it will have made itself into a totalitarian state of the most sinister kind, the kind in which persons are on 'the masses' and do not matter individually'. Let us all hope he is wrong.
China is a party-state, and like all other party states its first order priority is perpetuating the ruling Party's authority. Unlike other party-states, the Chinese leadership have been able to offer their subjects something in return for limiting their freedom: increased (if unequally distributed) material prosperity. As Ringen sees it, there is a tension between the party-state as ideological and the party-state as pragmatic. The current trend is towards reasserting ideology, and a restrictive Chinese brand of ideological control at that.
After self perpetuation, China's two most pressing objectives are national glory and territorial integrity. Each of these manifest in different ways, but they are both viewed as indisputable national rights. Worryingly, China combines paranoia with assertiveness in its interactions with the world. Although Ringen sees no evidence of desire to militarily expand its borders (beyond the SCS and other claimed territories, that is), the leadership have stirred nationalism and chauvinistic behaviour among its populace with provocative and uncompromising speech and actions. In international relations, 'what is giving China clout in the world is bigness more than performance... crude magnitudes and numbers that come with it, rather than qualitative development or civilisation'. Domestically, China is operating as a two-tiered society: one urbanised, educated, and affluent; the other rural and poor.
In his analysis of China's economy, Ringen brings his plain but lucid voice to break down complexity. He divides the production side of the economy into roughly 50/50 state and private. The private economy is comprised of mostly 'small and medium sized family firms'. State enterprises are also 'embedded in some kind of market context', where these enterprises have been 'relieved of their previous welfare responsibilities and are mostly subject to profit expectations'. Control over the economy's arteries, the banking system, remains firmly in state control. Credit is the main way of raising capital, as opposed to other financial markets. Strategic sectors (defence, energy, petrochemicals etc.) and many pillar industries (machinery, automobiles, information technology, construction etc.) are also controlled by either central or local government. All land is in public ownership. Prices are set by the state, not the market.
For all its achievements, China's economic growth has not yielded equitable per capita income growth, is largely superficial investment led, and operates as an assembly line and imitator rather than a genuine innovator. Ringen posits that China's social, economic, and political development has been 'effective but not efficient'.
Ringen is particularly strong analysing China's taxation revenues and corresponding public service delivery. He carefully outlines a ferociously extractive state at work which exploits its subjects through wage suppression, land usage expropriation, and regressive taxation. Chinese citizens' quality of life are nowhere near proportionate to economic growth. Resources are controlled and siphoned off towards the Party who have enriched themselves at the expense of the Chinese people.
After a discussion about the differentials between pragmatism and ideology, Ringen goes on to give his overview of Chinese politics. He puts forth three hypotheses to explain the Chinese political system: the triviality hypothesis, the welfare hypothesis, and the power hypothesis.
The triviality thesis asserts that the Chinese state possess only two objects: regime perpetuation and protecting territorial integrity. There is nothing more than maintaining these two objectives - the Chinese state is self-serving and everything else is subservient. In his characteristically clear voice, Ringen hits the mark by identifying the Chinese leaderships' thinking: 'rulers hold up the perpetuation of the regime as a purpose in its own right with no hesitation or embarrassment'. The received wisdom about inaccessible and opaque deliberations behind high walls is laid bare when boiled to its essential components.
Ringen then outlines his welfare hypothesis. It's a self-explanatory thesis which claims the Chinese state's purpose is to serve the people. He places this ambition within the Chinese cultural tradition, however, by exploring contemporary officials claims which purport continuity between China's present and an older idea found in its imperial history - the notion of social harmony. The continuity adds credence to the claim to serve the people.
Rounding out his three theses is the power state theory. In this incarnation, the state is ideological and a Party-state seeks a higher objective. All of the state machinery are used to seek this objective. Citizens have a duty of obedience and are to serve the state and its ruling authority.
It is interesting that someone from outside the China-watching club was able to so accurately assess the current state of affairs and political ambitions. Despite many writing off his work as prejudiced scholarship, Ringen's analysis of China's political system is accurate and uncompromising. Where others saw liberal economic or political tendencies he saw the truth: the Chinese state is built on unchallengeable central power and control over its subjects. Ringen leaves us with two uncomfortable trajectories: 'If the Chinese state continues to operate as a custodian of economic growth and political control, and does so effectively, it is likely to remain dictatorial but pragmatic. If it becomes dependent on ideology and embraces a narrative in which persons are subsumed in the nation, it will have made itself into a totalitarian state of the most sinister kind, the kind in which persons are on 'the masses' and do not matter individually'. Let us all hope he is wrong.
March 15, 2017
Still a must read for anyone interested in modern Chinese rule. However, you will not find any unique information here. What a reader will find, however, is a very distinct view point - that while CCP will not in any way fail to continue to rule China, it has already failed in many aspect of delivery including actual economic growth.
Also attended a talk by Prof. Ringen at UCLA in March. Still regretted not asking him a question on the future of Hong Kong.
Also attended a talk by Prof. Ringen at UCLA in March. Still regretted not asking him a question on the future of Hong Kong.
October 27, 2020
George Orwell- 1984, in motion.
February 23, 2025
I'm sorry but if you misrepresent facts to support your argument i don't think your argument is very good
August 4, 2016
China is a fascinating country with a very interesting political and economic system that is often inscrutable to outsiders. This book sets out to explain how things work in the country today and seek to guess how things will be in the future.
The system may be protected by a façade or misunderstanding, aided perhaps by a spate of good fortune. The author believes that the government today is a relatively hard-line regime that is less strong economically and more dictatorial politically than the world has wanted to believe. This reviewer doesn’t know, but the author seemingly knows his stuff and puts forward a sensitive, powerful and engaging series of arguments to sustain his position. It brings forth a number of interesting questions and observations against the Chinese state which, at worst case, could translate into traumatic economic actions and maybe even civil disturbances. The author goes against the grain and does not agree that the existing system works for the common Chinese good, even if it may appear different to western eyes.
The Chinese economy is large and there has been massive economic growth, yet the economy has not transformed into a strong, structured and sustainable system. Question marks exist as to whether it has been built on a weak, questionable structure that may fall down like the proverbial house of cards in the future. If it should happen, the reverberations both internally and externally will be long-ranging. Are the current leaders really leading, or clinging on with a harsh, dictatorial style, desperately trying to keep the train on its tracks? The author seems to believe that that they are struggling to keep the lid on things rather than driving the country forward with a strict, authoritarian yet benevolent style. What of the future? The author believes that there is a tug-of-war about ideologies and how they are implemented and it is far from clear which side will win.
This was a fascinating and enjoyable book that is packed full of information that provides a great overview of China and a bit of what makes the country tick. The book does not claim to have all the answers or even can develop all of the key questions, yet it does not pull its punches with what it can comment on. You don’t even need to be a “China nerd” to enjoy this book. It is more than capable of satisfying the casual, curious reader at the same time.
Autamme.com
The system may be protected by a façade or misunderstanding, aided perhaps by a spate of good fortune. The author believes that the government today is a relatively hard-line regime that is less strong economically and more dictatorial politically than the world has wanted to believe. This reviewer doesn’t know, but the author seemingly knows his stuff and puts forward a sensitive, powerful and engaging series of arguments to sustain his position. It brings forth a number of interesting questions and observations against the Chinese state which, at worst case, could translate into traumatic economic actions and maybe even civil disturbances. The author goes against the grain and does not agree that the existing system works for the common Chinese good, even if it may appear different to western eyes.
The Chinese economy is large and there has been massive economic growth, yet the economy has not transformed into a strong, structured and sustainable system. Question marks exist as to whether it has been built on a weak, questionable structure that may fall down like the proverbial house of cards in the future. If it should happen, the reverberations both internally and externally will be long-ranging. Are the current leaders really leading, or clinging on with a harsh, dictatorial style, desperately trying to keep the train on its tracks? The author seems to believe that that they are struggling to keep the lid on things rather than driving the country forward with a strict, authoritarian yet benevolent style. What of the future? The author believes that there is a tug-of-war about ideologies and how they are implemented and it is far from clear which side will win.
This was a fascinating and enjoyable book that is packed full of information that provides a great overview of China and a bit of what makes the country tick. The book does not claim to have all the answers or even can develop all of the key questions, yet it does not pull its punches with what it can comment on. You don’t even need to be a “China nerd” to enjoy this book. It is more than capable of satisfying the casual, curious reader at the same time.
Autamme.com
June 27, 2021
The Perfect Dictatorship is an excellent book about Chinas government as of 2015. As 200 page books on the contemporary government of China go, and they are many, it does not get better.
Ringen goes through the Chinese government sector by sector and show how the communist party, individual leaders, bureaucracy, laws and culture affect each one.
The book gives a lot of new useful info to anyone currently at the stage "China is a former communist country now partly embracing capitalism". Of course this is suvject to quick change if things change inside China. How likely such drastic change is to happen soon is also discussed in the book.
Ringen goes through the Chinese government sector by sector and show how the communist party, individual leaders, bureaucracy, laws and culture affect each one.
The book gives a lot of new useful info to anyone currently at the stage "China is a former communist country now partly embracing capitalism". Of course this is suvject to quick change if things change inside China. How likely such drastic change is to happen soon is also discussed in the book.
June 3, 2019
Brilantní vhled do Číny současnosti, který umožní více pochopit, jak se "stabilizuje společnost".
I když je kniha z roku 2016, Ringen skvěle predikuje vývoj, který ukazuje stále tvrdší ruku Si Ťin-pchinga...
I když je kniha z roku 2016, Ringen skvěle predikuje vývoj, který ukazuje stále tvrdší ruku Si Ťin-pchinga...
Want to read
June 14, 2019People's democratic dictatorship (人民民主专政; 人民民主專政;) is a phrase incorporated into the Constitution of the People's Republic of China by Mao Zedong, the then leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC).
February 4, 2019
Sharp and well-organized analysis.
February 20, 2020
Highly recommend if you want to know how far China's China Dream will go.
October 2, 2020
As a Chinese citizen, I am very familiar with these things, but I can’t explain it as clear as the author.
October 8, 2020
The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century by Stein Ringen is an examination of the evolution of the modern Chinese state and current positions. Ringen is a Norwegian sociologist and political scientist. He is Professor of Sociology and Social Policy at the Department of Social Policy and Intervention, University of Oxford, and a Fellow of Green Templeton College, Oxford.
Ringen provides an interesting perspective on China. As a Norwegian, he is in a neutral position to give an unbiased look at China. Typical examinations of China are from expatriates and those with an anti-communist bias. Ringen is not a Chinese apologist, but a reliable source of information. He does like to compare the evolution of China with that of South Korea and nation that moved from authoritarianism to democracy and small job economy to a technological cutting edge. Korea creates. China copies.
The discussion I enjoyed the most was the one on legitimacy. Many in the west associate legitimacy with democracy, but that is not always the case. Totalitarian regimes frequently use elections to prove their legitimacy to the world. The USSR, Iraq, and Iran all had/have elections but the results are never in doubt. Legitimacy here is the internal legitimacy that keeps the local population supporting, or at least not rebelling against, the government. This is where the Chinese government holds the edge.
Many societies crave freedom or a voice in the government. The Chinese population craves stability. China has been embarrassed in the 20th century by foreign interventions from the west and Japan. Upheaval and foreign control were the norms. Now there is internal tranquility. Albeit strict and repressive, the Chinese society is stable.
Much press is given to how many people China has pulled out of poverty. The number is quite impressive, however, the number still living in poverty is enormous. China also has the greatest income inequality in the world. But there is a hope that people will be better off as the economy grows. Corruption is being attacked by the government offering a more fair footing. The government is trapped in a game of maintaining power and keeping the population compliant.
There is plenty of discussion on economy and growth as well as the quality of the growth -- assembly jobs vs innovation. The People's Army is covered as a source of power in the state and its reform into a professional army from a political tool. The intertwining of the party and the state also create a unique power system different from the Soviet or totalitarian regimes. This is the key to the "Perfect Dictatorship." A well researched and refreshing look at Modern China.
Ringen provides an interesting perspective on China. As a Norwegian, he is in a neutral position to give an unbiased look at China. Typical examinations of China are from expatriates and those with an anti-communist bias. Ringen is not a Chinese apologist, but a reliable source of information. He does like to compare the evolution of China with that of South Korea and nation that moved from authoritarianism to democracy and small job economy to a technological cutting edge. Korea creates. China copies.
The discussion I enjoyed the most was the one on legitimacy. Many in the west associate legitimacy with democracy, but that is not always the case. Totalitarian regimes frequently use elections to prove their legitimacy to the world. The USSR, Iraq, and Iran all had/have elections but the results are never in doubt. Legitimacy here is the internal legitimacy that keeps the local population supporting, or at least not rebelling against, the government. This is where the Chinese government holds the edge.
Many societies crave freedom or a voice in the government. The Chinese population craves stability. China has been embarrassed in the 20th century by foreign interventions from the west and Japan. Upheaval and foreign control were the norms. Now there is internal tranquility. Albeit strict and repressive, the Chinese society is stable.
Much press is given to how many people China has pulled out of poverty. The number is quite impressive, however, the number still living in poverty is enormous. China also has the greatest income inequality in the world. But there is a hope that people will be better off as the economy grows. Corruption is being attacked by the government offering a more fair footing. The government is trapped in a game of maintaining power and keeping the population compliant.
There is plenty of discussion on economy and growth as well as the quality of the growth -- assembly jobs vs innovation. The People's Army is covered as a source of power in the state and its reform into a professional army from a political tool. The intertwining of the party and the state also create a unique power system different from the Soviet or totalitarian regimes. This is the key to the "Perfect Dictatorship." A well researched and refreshing look at Modern China.
August 9, 2022
Autor rozebírá současný čínský stát z hlediska způsobu vlády a ekonomiky. Popisuje, co se v číně událo od opiových válek a rozpadu císařské moci v 19. století (století ponížení), přes japonskou okupaci a občanskou válku až po uchopení moci komunistickou stranou. Popisuje maoismus a začátek téměř od nuly v sedmdesátých letech. Postupné otevírání ekonomiky, ale potlačování touhy po svobodě a demokratických tendencí.
Popisuje, jakým způsobem stát ovládá podniky, jak je vším prostoupená komunistická strana - státostrana - a dohlíží na celou státní správu. V posledních desetiletích strana upouští od snahy kontrolovat každý aspekt života lidí, ale spoléhá se na sebekontrolu a jasné vyhrožování použitím síly, pokud někdo překročí linii. Brání jakékoli sebeorganizaci a neposlušné lidi mlátí a zavírá do vězení. Po nástupu Sia probízá stále tvrdší indoktrinace. Z komunistického programu se přechází na fašistický nacionalizmus.
Autor srovnává ekonomický vzestup v Číně s jinými okolními státy a ukazuje, že čínský vzestup je horší, než například v Koreji, Japonsku nebo Thajwanu. Také varuje před elkou neefektivitou investic a korupcí, která hrozí zhroucením trhu - hlavně s nemovitostmi. Celkem dobrá předpověď, protože kniha je z roku 2015.
Zamýšlí se nad smyslem existence státu a nabízí tři možnosti - triviální, sociální a fašistickou. Triviální je neideologická existence čistě pro existenci. Sociální je pro blaho občanů a zkvalitňování jejich života. Fašistická pak pro posilování státu a občan je jen kolečko v mašinérii. Ukazuje, že sociální důvod to není (čína má sice velké zdanění a z velké části i skryté, ale neposkytuje dostatečné sociální zabezpečení. Režim si pouze ústupky kupuje podporu) a ikdyž dříve to byl triviální důvod (po ústupu od maoismu, kdy byla cílem komunistická utopie), nyní se přesouvá k silnému fašistickému státu.
Odhaluje Čínu jako totalitní stát, kde kontrola probíhá spíše měkkými způsoby dohledu a na úrovni vesnic se dá mluvit i o jisté demokracii. Tam ale vládne velká bída a obyvatelé nemohou snadno odejít do měst kvůli "domovskému právu". Migrující dělníci jsou vykořisťovaní a s minimem práv.
Popisuje i další problémy Číny, jako je ekologie, nesouhlas obyvatel s ovládáním a korupce společně s krizí důvěry. Pokud se Čína vydá fašistickou cestou, varuje před přehlížením její nebezpečnosti, ikdyž ji celkově odhaluje jako mnohem slabší, než se dělá na venek.
Popisuje, jakým způsobem stát ovládá podniky, jak je vším prostoupená komunistická strana - státostrana - a dohlíží na celou státní správu. V posledních desetiletích strana upouští od snahy kontrolovat každý aspekt života lidí, ale spoléhá se na sebekontrolu a jasné vyhrožování použitím síly, pokud někdo překročí linii. Brání jakékoli sebeorganizaci a neposlušné lidi mlátí a zavírá do vězení. Po nástupu Sia probízá stále tvrdší indoktrinace. Z komunistického programu se přechází na fašistický nacionalizmus.
Autor srovnává ekonomický vzestup v Číně s jinými okolními státy a ukazuje, že čínský vzestup je horší, než například v Koreji, Japonsku nebo Thajwanu. Také varuje před elkou neefektivitou investic a korupcí, která hrozí zhroucením trhu - hlavně s nemovitostmi. Celkem dobrá předpověď, protože kniha je z roku 2015.
Zamýšlí se nad smyslem existence státu a nabízí tři možnosti - triviální, sociální a fašistickou. Triviální je neideologická existence čistě pro existenci. Sociální je pro blaho občanů a zkvalitňování jejich života. Fašistická pak pro posilování státu a občan je jen kolečko v mašinérii. Ukazuje, že sociální důvod to není (čína má sice velké zdanění a z velké části i skryté, ale neposkytuje dostatečné sociální zabezpečení. Režim si pouze ústupky kupuje podporu) a ikdyž dříve to byl triviální důvod (po ústupu od maoismu, kdy byla cílem komunistická utopie), nyní se přesouvá k silnému fašistickému státu.
Odhaluje Čínu jako totalitní stát, kde kontrola probíhá spíše měkkými způsoby dohledu a na úrovni vesnic se dá mluvit i o jisté demokracii. Tam ale vládne velká bída a obyvatelé nemohou snadno odejít do měst kvůli "domovskému právu". Migrující dělníci jsou vykořisťovaní a s minimem práv.
Popisuje i další problémy Číny, jako je ekologie, nesouhlas obyvatel s ovládáním a korupce společně s krizí důvěry. Pokud se Čína vydá fašistickou cestou, varuje před přehlížením její nebezpečnosti, ikdyž ji celkově odhaluje jako mnohem slabší, než se dělá na venek.
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September 25, 2025China bad. China bad. China bad. Woo hoo. Having said, this book doesn't have a lot of polemical terms you usually see authors use for the sake of self-aggrandizement. So at the very least it deserves one good point for that. One bad point being that: a lot of statements rest on many easy assumptions, that make you want to wonder if the questions the author poses happen to be any multi-layered, or just questions that already resolved themselves by the way they are posed.
As for the issue of authoritarianism, let me just say this: if getting rid of authoritarianism was that easy, a lot of Asians like myself would never go around to b1tch and moan about how horrible life in our countries are to random stranger on the internet. Yet all we keep seeing are the same old arguments that don't even seem to care for the issues of the people they talk for, if they cared at all. To use an analogy: it's like having to here 100 lectures of how cars are inferior to airplanes, when you forget that most people can't even drive airplanes to begin with.
There's nothing wrong about using your own standards to judge another country's government. Okay, so you think having a government to tell you "you have to do XYZ" is unacceptable, alright, that makes that government bad. But I don't see why I can't use my own standards to say that 'your government doesn't even push your own people to try their best, and that is an issue'. When you insist your standards are universal, you have to make a compelling case of why is that so. So far all the tricks the lovely social scientists have managed to conjure in their own hands are the tricks of narcissism, namely saying that: our way of doing is better, and you might well imitate that. But exactly how? Even if you take for granted the Western way is the better way, you still don't see how you are gonna bring about "democracy" and whatever the Western craps to the land of the so-called dictators. People should be treated equally? Go tell that to parents who would scream at you for suggesting they don't get to beat their kids to death. People should have choices? Are you gonna let your children stick their fingers to the power socket just because they deserve the freedom of choices?
Everybody with a brain does realize that the Chinese government is bad - there's no need for a book that says pretty much just that. However you know what else is bad? It's life.
A 2016 book that is more outdated than its date of publication.
As for the issue of authoritarianism, let me just say this: if getting rid of authoritarianism was that easy, a lot of Asians like myself would never go around to b1tch and moan about how horrible life in our countries are to random stranger on the internet. Yet all we keep seeing are the same old arguments that don't even seem to care for the issues of the people they talk for, if they cared at all. To use an analogy: it's like having to here 100 lectures of how cars are inferior to airplanes, when you forget that most people can't even drive airplanes to begin with.
There's nothing wrong about using your own standards to judge another country's government. Okay, so you think having a government to tell you "you have to do XYZ" is unacceptable, alright, that makes that government bad. But I don't see why I can't use my own standards to say that 'your government doesn't even push your own people to try their best, and that is an issue'. When you insist your standards are universal, you have to make a compelling case of why is that so. So far all the tricks the lovely social scientists have managed to conjure in their own hands are the tricks of narcissism, namely saying that: our way of doing is better, and you might well imitate that. But exactly how? Even if you take for granted the Western way is the better way, you still don't see how you are gonna bring about "democracy" and whatever the Western craps to the land of the so-called dictators. People should be treated equally? Go tell that to parents who would scream at you for suggesting they don't get to beat their kids to death. People should have choices? Are you gonna let your children stick their fingers to the power socket just because they deserve the freedom of choices?
Everybody with a brain does realize that the Chinese government is bad - there's no need for a book that says pretty much just that. However you know what else is bad? It's life.
A 2016 book that is more outdated than its date of publication.
June 18, 2019
完美的控制
《The perfect dictatorship》是一部研究党国——即国家控制社会，党控制国家——统治艺术的政治学著作。作者斯坦·林根在写作此书前曾研究过韩国政治，书中的第一部分既是以同为东亚国家的韩国的角度来为中国令人目眩神迷的高速发展祛魅。他指出：中国的现代化绝大部分是经济的现代化，而非政治和社会的现代化。韩国通过四十多年的发展不仅使一个贫穷国家转变为高收入国家（经济的现代化），而且从独裁政体过渡到能够平稳运行的民主政体（政治的现代化），它的覆盖广泛而有效的社会保障制度使韩国成为一个相对均富的国家，同时它的公民社会也较发达（社会的现代化）。中国经济发展的规模确实非常巨大，但只是是因为它本身体量就庞大，它的量大，但质却堪忧。
引入中韩两国的现代化对比，可以发现两国的威权政体在对控制的追求上有所不同，而这最终决定了两国的政治生态的发展。作者举了两个例子：韩国军政府并不如党国般追求极权控制，一个标志就是允许志工组织——一个为社会服务的非政府组织——以一定的空间和权威存在；韩国政府发起的旨在让民众义务劳动的“新村运动”给了广大民众成立各种委员会的经验，这同样有利于公民社会的建设。而在中国，官方打压和取缔社会自组织，或力图把它们都纳入官方控制，它寻求对公民社会的控制而非韩国那样的合作。
在关于党国控制本性的阐述上，作者列举了他所观察到的社会控制方法：比如各级党组织搜集情报，甚至是超越国界的，那些在国外发表“不当”言论的留学生在大陆的前途会蒙尘；即便是申张政府倡导的权利的社会组织也将遭到打压或被党国控制；为真相和人权斗争的律师、记者和自媒体人都遭到打压；任何反对意见都是不允许的，不论是激进还是温和；司法系统从立法到拘押再到最终审判完全为政治服务，为迫害铺平道路；出版、新闻、互联网等等无所不在的审查体系；生育控制彰显了国家能够控制家庭成员亲密行为的强大力量；从小学就开始的政治思想教育，而现在对高等院校的思想改造也逐步升级，政府公务人员被教育不得接受西方宪政民主思想、普世价值、公民社会、新自由主义、西方新闻观、历史虚无主义和质疑中国特色的社会主义性质这七种错误思想；以“中国梦”重塑意识形态，并动员全党全社会宣传，并在科研院所成立专题研究会；当然还有使个人行为留下痕迹的身份证和旨在阻止人民形成统一集团的户口制度。
作者通过分析国家对人民利益的高抽取而给了党国控制的一个必要因素。通过税收、土地交易、社会保险、劳动报酬过低、地方政府无法偿还的债务等等情况的计算，作者得出结论，这是一个高税负国家，国家抽取人们真实收入的55%~67%，这样一个极度依赖榨取民众的体系没有强有力的控制是无法维持自身的。
既然控制的主体是执政的党，那么讨论控制和执政合法性的关系就是必要的。从古至今，任何一个政府都面临执政合法性的问题，党国利用繁荣经济成果购买人民信任和维护国家领土完整是两种有效的方式，但是一劳永逸地找出符合历史和现实的意识形态叙事是后邓小平时代所有领导人的追求，因为只有确立全民认可的意识形态，党作为维护意识形态的工具才具备超然的法理地位，才能建立党的控制，这一工具的工具的完备合法性。如此，党、国家、执政合法性、控制论、意识形态才能串联起一个完整的链条。作者并不认同党国非意识形态的说法，首先党国把它的合法地位系于马列毛邓的政治理论叙事，并先后通过“和谐社会”和“中国梦”来构建社会认同，后者在官方叙事里是国家和民族只有在党领导下才能追求的民族复兴之梦。值得注意的是，作者在跋中对“中国梦”的看法，他认为这是一个国家民族的梦，有别于追求个人成功的“美国梦”，其危险在于个人幸福与民族复兴的紧密联系，将民族复兴目标建立在个人利益之上的理论实质就是以集体利益为善、不惜抹杀个人价值的目的论的法西斯主义。
作者并没有忽视中国改革开发的巨大成果，它在维持稳定、经济发展、脱贫、公共服务、提高生活水准等方面成果显著，但作者也指出中国社会面临腐败、不诚信、信任缺失、食品药物安全、环境污染、贫富差距、家庭分解（以空巢老人和留守儿童为典型）、城乡发展不平衡等问题，其中累退性的增值税、社会保障的城乡户口差距和对农民工的歧视政策（比如子女上学问题）都是制度性的不公平，这些表明党国控制的意图并不在于建设以国家力量平衡市场经济不公平分配为核心目的“福利国家”。于是要么建立起以政权永续长存为最高目标的强力控制国家（作者称之为“平凡国家”），要么建立起意识形态至上的“强权国家”。
在我看来，此书的最大问题是指出党国控制本性之后没有再做深入的分析，作者不是汉学家于是恐怕不能奢求他去深入历史而做出基于思想文化层面的解释，但作者作为擅长比较政治学的学者，没有试图解释为什么这种完美的控制能够独一无二地在中国实现，或者说为什么其他国家不能采取这种有效的控制，就比较遗憾了。这个致命的理论缺失使作者的论述大部分都流于对现象的归纳和梳理，关于问题本质的探索不够深入。
《The perfect dictatorship》是一部研究党国——即国家控制社会，党控制国家——统治艺术的政治学著作。作者斯坦·林根在写作此书前曾研究过韩国政治，书中的第一部分既是以同为东亚国家的韩国的角度来为中国令人目眩神迷的高速发展祛魅。他指出：中国的现代化绝大部分是经济的现代化，而非政治和社会的现代化。韩国通过四十多年的发展不仅使一个贫穷国家转变为高收入国家（经济的现代化），而且从独裁政体过渡到能够平稳运行的民主政体（政治的现代化），它的覆盖广泛而有效的社会保障制度使韩国成为一个相对均富的国家，同时它的公民社会也较发达（社会的现代化）。中国经济发展的规模确实非常巨大，但只是是因为它本身体量就庞大，它的量大，但质却堪忧。
引入中韩两国的现代化对比，可以发现两国的威权政体在对控制的追求上有所不同，而这最终决定了两国的政治生态的发展。作者举了两个例子：韩国军政府并不如党国般追求极权控制，一个标志就是允许志工组织——一个为社会服务的非政府组织——以一定的空间和权威存在；韩国政府发起的旨在让民众义务劳动的“新村运动”给了广大民众成立各种委员会的经验，这同样有利于公民社会的建设。而在中国，官方打压和取缔社会自组织，或力图把它们都纳入官方控制，它寻求对公民社会的控制而非韩国那样的合作。
在关于党国控制本性的阐述上，作者列举了他所观察到的社会控制方法：比如各级党组织搜集情报，甚至是超越国界的，那些在国外发表“不当”言论的留学生在大陆的前途会蒙尘；即便是申张政府倡导的权利的社会组织也将遭到打压或被党国控制；为真相和人权斗争的律师、记者和自媒体人都遭到打压；任何反对意见都是不允许的，不论是激进还是温和；司法系统从立法到拘押再到最终审判完全为政治服务，为迫害铺平道路；出版、新闻、互联网等等无所不在的审查体系；生育控制彰显了国家能够控制家庭成员亲密行为的强大力量；从小学就开始的政治思想教育，而现在对高等院校的思想改造也逐步升级，政府公务人员被教育不得接受西方宪政民主思想、普世价值、公民社会、新自由主义、西方新闻观、历史虚无主义和质疑中国特色的社会主义性质这七种错误思想；以“中国梦”重塑意识形态，并动员全党全社会宣传，并在科研院所成立专题研究会；当然还有使个人行为留下痕迹的身份证和旨在阻止人民形成统一集团的户口制度。
作者通过分析国家对人民利益的高抽取而给了党国控制的一个必要因素。通过税收、土地交易、社会保险、劳动报酬过低、地方政府无法偿还的债务等等情况的计算，作者得出结论，这是一个高税负国家，国家抽取人们真实收入的55%~67%，这样一个极度依赖榨取民众的体系没有强有力的控制是无法维持自身的。
既然控制的主体是执政的党，那么讨论控制和执政合法性的关系就是必要的。从古至今，任何一个政府都面临执政合法性的问题，党国利用繁荣经济成果购买人民信任和维护国家领土完整是两种有效的方式，但是一劳永逸地找出符合历史和现实的意识形态叙事是后邓小平时代所有领导人的追求，因为只有确立全民认可的意识形态，党作为维护意识形态的工具才具备超然的法理地位，才能建立党的控制，这一工具的工具的完备合法性。如此，党、国家、执政合法性、控制论、意识形态才能串联起一个完整的链条。作者并不认同党国非意识形态的说法，首先党国把它的合法地位系于马列毛邓的政治理论叙事，并先后通过“和谐社会”和“中国梦”来构建社会认同，后者在官方叙事里是国家和民族只有在党领导下才能追求的民族复兴之梦。值得注意的是，作者在跋中对“中国梦”的看法，他认为这是一个国家民族的梦，有别于追求个人成功的“美国梦”，其危险在于个人幸福与民族复兴的紧密联系，将民族复兴目标建立在个人利益之上的理论实质就是以集体利益为善、不惜抹杀个人价值的目的论的法西斯主义。
作者并没有忽视中国改革开发的巨大成果，它在维持稳定、经济发展、脱贫、公共服务、提高生活水准等方面成果显著，但作者也指出中国社会面临腐败、不诚信、信任缺失、食品药物安全、环境污染、贫富差距、家庭分解（以空巢老人和留守儿童为典型）、城乡发展不平衡等问题，其中累退性的增值税、社会保障的城乡户口差距和对农民工的歧视政策（比如子女上学问题）都是制度性的不公平，这些表明党国控制的意图并不在于建设以国家力量平衡市场经济不公平分配为核心目的“福利国家”。于是要么建立起以政权永续长存为最高目标的强力控制国家（作者称之为“平凡国家”），要么建立起意识形态至上的“强权国家”。
在我看来，此书的最大问题是指出党国控制本性之后没有再做深入的分析，作者不是汉学家于是恐怕不能奢求他去深入历史而做出基于思想文化层面的解释，但作者作为擅长比较政治学的学者，没有试图解释为什么这种完美的控制能够独一无二地在中国实现，或者说为什么其他国家不能采取这种有效的控制，就比较遗憾了。这个致命的理论缺失使作者的论述大部分都流于对现象的归纳和梳理，关于问题本质的探索不够深入。
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
October 11, 2025
Beim Lesen von Stein Ringens „The Perfect Dictatorship: China in the 21st Century“ konnte ich nicht anders, als das Buch durch die Brille von Kenneth Arrow (1921–2017, Nobelpreis für Ökonomie 1972) zu betrachten. Ringen beschreibt ein System, das politische Stabilität und schnelle Reformen durch subtile Kontrolle und ideologische Lenkung erreicht – eine Art „perfekte Umsetzung“ von gesellschaftlichen Entscheidungen, die in demokratischen Kontexten unmöglich erscheint.
Vor diesem Hintergrund wirkt Kanzler Merz’ Ausrufung eines „Herbstes der Reform“ fast wie eine Jagd nach einem Phantom. Arrows Unmöglichkeitstheorem macht deutlich, dass keine kollektive Entscheidungsregel gleichzeitig Effizienz, Konsistenz und die Berücksichtigung aller individuellen Präferenzen garantieren kann – ohne auf diktatorische Macht zurückzugreifen. In dieser Perspektive erscheint das Streben nach einem schnellen Reformpaket in einer Demokratie als systemimmanent zum Scheitern verurteilt.
Meine Intuition, das Buch durch Arrows Theorem zu lesen, macht die strukturellen Unterschiede zwischen autoritären und demokratischen Systemen besonders deutlich: Ringen zeigt die Effizienz einer Diktatur, während Arrows Theorie die unvermeidbaren Grenzen demokratischer Entscheidungsprozesse illustriert. So wird nicht nur Chinas politische Effizienz sichtbar, sondern auch die grundsätzliche Unmöglichkeit, Reformen in einer Demokratie wie in China „perfekt“ umzusetzen – ein spannender, wenn auch ernüchternder Einblick.
Am Ende bleibt bei mir der Gedanke an einen idealen Diktator – einen, der über uneingeschränkte Macht verfügt, aber ausschließlich das Gemeinwohl im Sinn hat. Ein solches Konstrukt mag theoretisch faszinierend sein, doch Arrows Unmöglichkeitstheorem erinnert mich zugleich daran, dass diese Vorstellung in der realen Welt, zwischen den unzähligen Präferenzen und Interessen der Menschen, zwangsläufig ein Phantom bleibt.
Vor diesem Hintergrund wirkt Kanzler Merz’ Ausrufung eines „Herbstes der Reform“ fast wie eine Jagd nach einem Phantom. Arrows Unmöglichkeitstheorem macht deutlich, dass keine kollektive Entscheidungsregel gleichzeitig Effizienz, Konsistenz und die Berücksichtigung aller individuellen Präferenzen garantieren kann – ohne auf diktatorische Macht zurückzugreifen. In dieser Perspektive erscheint das Streben nach einem schnellen Reformpaket in einer Demokratie als systemimmanent zum Scheitern verurteilt.
Meine Intuition, das Buch durch Arrows Theorem zu lesen, macht die strukturellen Unterschiede zwischen autoritären und demokratischen Systemen besonders deutlich: Ringen zeigt die Effizienz einer Diktatur, während Arrows Theorie die unvermeidbaren Grenzen demokratischer Entscheidungsprozesse illustriert. So wird nicht nur Chinas politische Effizienz sichtbar, sondern auch die grundsätzliche Unmöglichkeit, Reformen in einer Demokratie wie in China „perfekt“ umzusetzen – ein spannender, wenn auch ernüchternder Einblick.
Am Ende bleibt bei mir der Gedanke an einen idealen Diktator – einen, der über uneingeschränkte Macht verfügt, aber ausschließlich das Gemeinwohl im Sinn hat. Ein solches Konstrukt mag theoretisch faszinierend sein, doch Arrows Unmöglichkeitstheorem erinnert mich zugleich daran, dass diese Vorstellung in der realen Welt, zwischen den unzähligen Präferenzen und Interessen der Menschen, zwangsläufig ein Phantom bleibt.
January 13, 2022
A "country review" of sorts that analyses a country in comparison to other countries accomplishing certain goals.
The author reveals certain less-apparent truths about modern China, like the apparent shift to capitalism masked beneath a fully controlled credit system, the "empty gdp growth" of building unneeded things such that the upkeep costs overtake utility, the deep entrenchment of organised corruption that is accepted as a way of life and "tax" by citizens, and how Korea's authoritarian model of economic growth was actually better and resulted in more citizen welfare than China and should be praised as such.
The author's objectivity is both his strength and biggest weakness, because him not being a Chinese citizen may make certain claims about daily life in China questionable (akin to foreign analysts saying Singapore is an oppressive dictatorship based on isolated characteristics more than experience) and also makes the book notably lack a social dimension
The author reveals certain less-apparent truths about modern China, like the apparent shift to capitalism masked beneath a fully controlled credit system, the "empty gdp growth" of building unneeded things such that the upkeep costs overtake utility, the deep entrenchment of organised corruption that is accepted as a way of life and "tax" by citizens, and how Korea's authoritarian model of economic growth was actually better and resulted in more citizen welfare than China and should be praised as such.
The author's objectivity is both his strength and biggest weakness, because him not being a Chinese citizen may make certain claims about daily life in China questionable (akin to foreign analysts saying Singapore is an oppressive dictatorship based on isolated characteristics more than experience) and also makes the book notably lack a social dimension
December 30, 2022
A great summary of what is happening in China that tries to take into account also the possibility that China is a genuine and nice state that opens up to the world. However, under the weight of the presented evidence, it is clear that the state-party either maintains its pragmatic course or turns into a fascist-like regime based on nationalistic ideology. Great comparison with other nations in the region that with a lot less achieved more that points to the fact that why China is so fascinating is mainly just its size, not its skill. And as we know... quantity is not always quality.
January 26, 2018
A study in depth and tells a lot of truth about the modern dictatorship that the Western world doesn't know much about. I can see the writer did a lot of studies and had a comprehensive understanding of what is happening in China. The point of view is a little bit "bystander" but not really affect how well the book is written. Not too much theocratic, mostly an observation. I would like to see more analysis even it is already a great work about China.
January 24, 2023
Really helpful for me to have a clear sight about why's everything going on in China. As someone grown up there, I was mostly blinded and didn't have the chance to really think about these profound connections in our societies, our roots, since most of us take this twisted connection between the party and people's lives as granted. Insightful overall.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
November 27, 2019
As a person who read quite a lot about China, this book does not meet my expectations in terms of new information. At the same time, it is quite dry to read. However, this is a good book for anyone who wants to understand about China.
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May 12, 2020Controlocracy permeates into education, family, taxation, information and slogans. It's crucial to revision the symptoms of late-autocracy, but it's even more important to ask how are the people imagining their land.
March 24, 2021
你知道自己生活在糞坑裏，你知道你和你朋友的身上都被沾了很多💩，你也知道這些💩是從上面來的，但這只是你樸素的很general的一個從自身經驗出發的直觀印象。這本書就是將你在生活中經歷、聽聞、感受、猜測到的林林總總非常系統化、條例化的將它們總結起來，從數據、例子、法例、制度下手，明確地告訴你，你所有的感受都是真實的，你就是活在糞坑裏，並且進一步向你清晰地剖析和演練了，這些💩是怎麼制度化地全方位地由上至下地噴到你生活的方方面面，以及為什麼他們要這麼做。所以書中的一切看起來都是何其熟悉，但仍有閱讀的意義。它讓你更好地明白自己，以及好端端的人活在糞坑中這件事，到底是為什麼以及有什麼意義。
June 30, 2021
Whilst generally correct and insightful, the perfect dictatorship isn't the most engagingly written book of political analysis out there.
I did learn some stuff though, so it was worth the relatively minor timesink.
I did learn some stuff though, so it was worth the relatively minor timesink.
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