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Vanguard of the Imam: Religion, Politics, and Iran's Revolutionary Guards
Iran's Revolutionary Guards are one of the most important forces in the Middle East today. As the appointed defender of Iran's revolution, the Guards have evolved into a pillar of the Islamic Republic and the spearhead of its influence. Their sway has spread across the Middle East, where the Guards have overseen loyalist support to Bashar al-Assad in Syria and been a staunch backer in Iraq's war against ISIS-bringing its own troops, Lebanon's Hezbollah, and Shiite militias to the fight. Links to terrorism, human rights abuses, and the suppression of popular democracy have shrouded the Revolutionary Guards in controversy.In spite of their prominence, the Guards remain poorly understood to outside observers. In Vanguard of the Imam, Afshon Ostovar has written the first comprehensive history of the organization. Situating the rise of the Guards in the larger contexts of Shiite Islam, modern Iranian history, and international affairs, Ostovar takes a multifaceted approach in demystifying the organization and detailing its evolution since 1979. Politics, power, and religion collide in this story, wherein the Revolutionary Guards transform from a rag-tag militia established in the midst of revolutionary upheaval into a military and covert force with a global reach.The Guards have been fundamental to the success of the Islamic revolution. The symbiotic relationship between them and Iran's clerical rulers underpins the regime's nearly unshakeable system of power. The Guards have used their privileged position at home to export Iran's revolution beyond its borders, establishing client armies in their image and extending Iran's strategic footprint in the process. Ostovar tenaciously documents the Guards' transformation into a power-player and explores why the group matters now more than ever to regional and global affairs. The book simultaneously serves as a history of modern Iran, and provides a crucial and engrossing entryway into the complex world of war, politics, and identity in the Middle East.
320 pages, Kindle Edition
First published May 1, 2016
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
March 30, 2017
The Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is one of the most powerful, yet opaque, military-political organizations on the planet. Abroad, they serve as the knife edge of many Iranian military and espionage endeavors, while at home they are an economic and cultural behemoth hugely invested in maintaining the current structures of the Islamic Republic. Finding solid information about the IRGC is hard enough, but this difficulty is compounded by the fact that so much writing about Iran in Western publications is ideological and agenda-driven to the point of undermining its trustworthiness.
With that in mind, this book is really a breath of fresh air. Drawing on translated historical and contemporary public-source information about the IRGC, it crafts an informative baseline narrative of the group's formation during the '79 revolution, its coalescence during the Iran-Iraq war, and its hegemonic rise under Ayatollah Khamenei's patronage. Today it is the organization responsible for managing Iran's wars in Iraq and Syria, helping recruit and train popular militias just like it (and associated groups like Hezbollah) within these countries.
The roots of the IRGC go back to the early days of the Islamic revolution. As Iranian cities were gripped by revolt, loose networks of militias tied to local clerics began to take part in street battles that targeted the Shah's forced as well as rival opposition factions. These mosque-led militia networks were later institutionalized under the control of a number of right-wing clerics who ultimately won out in the post-revolutionary period. They became their enforcers in the street, helping wipe out other revolutionary trends and imposing the austere ideology of the ruling faction.
During the Iran-Iraq War membership in the IRGC ballooned to huge levels, as the Islamic Republic began recruiting impressionable young men and boys into its ranks to serve as "human wave" attackers against Saddam Hussein. The IRGC paid a huge and bloody price in this conflict, serving essentially as cannon fodder for Iran's leadership. But the group's loyalty to the clerics increased through this experience; It maintained a zealous worldview that view the huge death tolls and the war itself as part of a religious exercise, uniting the revolution with events from the early days of Islamic history. The IRGC and its young cadres were encouraged to think of themselves as recreating the events of Karbala as they marched to certain death against entrenched Iraqi positions, following Khomeini's fateful 1982 decision to launch a counter-invasion of Iraqi territory. The segments of the book dealing with the war are often gut-wrenching. Buses of young men were sent to certain death at the exhortation of clerics, as part of a deeply misguided and fanatical decision to try and conquer Iraq after driving out an invading force from the Iranian city of Khorramshahr. The unimaginable sacrifices and losses of the Iranian people due to this decision are a reminder that Khomeini belongs alongside Mao Tse-Tung, Josef Stalin and those other 20th century leaders who forced their people to conduct massive, costly acts of collective will in pursuit of a grand ideological program.
Following the war a tough decision had to be made about what to do with the hundreds of thousands of young men who fought and survived the conflict. At the decision of the regime leadership, the IRGC cadres were not demobilized, but instead retained as ideological cadres and praetorian guards to help maintain the Islamic Republic (IRI) in power. Due to their sacrifices, these young men retained a level of great prestige within the IRI hierarchy. Over time they came to form an ideological core within the regime, blending into the millions-strong volunteer basij force that often patrolled Iranian cities against domestic threats. With the death of Khomeini and rise of his successor Ali Khamenei, the IRGC also became an economic force in Iran. Favored by Khamenei for patronage, the organization received lucrative construction and manufacturing contracts that wedded it more deeply into the ruling establishment while economically rewarding the loyalty and sacrifices of its cadres. The IRGC is thus in many ways "self-funding," as it has come to form an organic part of the Iranian economy.
By the dawn of the War on Terror, the IRGC had matured into a potent military and social force, promoting the IRI's ideological positions and foreign policy, while also directing much of the Iranian economy. Meanwhile it also promoted the Islamic Republic's internationalist ideals, engaging in proxy conflicts in Lebanon and Iraq intended to combat global imperialist powers. The book deals at length with Iran's shadow wars with the United States and Israel, as well as the IRGC ideological position on these conflicts. The birth of Hezbollah in Southern Lebanon was specifically brought about the IRGC's affinity for the Bekaa Valley Shia Arabs, and their receptiveness to the IRI's message. Hezbollah today is an unquestioningly loyal proxy of the Islamic Republic, going so far as to accept its principle of Velayat-e-Faqih and thus fealty to Iran's Supreme Leader.
The last segments of the book deal with Iran's involvement in the Arab Spring conflicts and the war against Islamic State. This is a history still in progress, but the book nonetheless provides an excellent narrative of events to date through official IRGC statements, quotes and positions on these conflicts. It also complies known information from a rich diversity of sources about the IRGC's direct role in Iraq and Syria, stitching together an admirably fulsome account of Iranian strategy and ideological perspective on these wars. The book is remarkably fair-minded to all parties and paints a picture that seems much more honest and less sensational than many other accounts.
The backdrop to the book as a whole is the story of the Islamic Republic writ large - starting from the ideological opposition to the Shah, the revolution, infighting at home, the war with Saddam, domestic consolidation, the War on Terror, and finally through to the foreign proxy wars of today. It is filled with testimonials from former Iranian revolutionary figures, analysis of the IRGC's own historical documentation, and prognostications of possible futures for the group and the IRI in general based on this information. Although somewhat academic in tone, for anyone interested in Iran and the Middle East this is enthralling reading. It places recent events in a perspective that make clear how much Iran's current wars are in fact part of a long, ideologically-driven struggle that began at home and abroad when the Shah fell, and that shows no signs of abating soon. The IRI is committed to exporting its revolution, one way or another, and the IRGC serves as a blunt instrument for doing so when other means are inadequate. It also protects the IRI from ideological and physical threats, serving as a constituency that is absolutely committed to protecting the revolutionary government and spreading its influence abroad.
Required reading for anyone who wants to understand modern Iran, as well as events now playing out in the post-revolutionary Middle East.
With that in mind, this book is really a breath of fresh air. Drawing on translated historical and contemporary public-source information about the IRGC, it crafts an informative baseline narrative of the group's formation during the '79 revolution, its coalescence during the Iran-Iraq war, and its hegemonic rise under Ayatollah Khamenei's patronage. Today it is the organization responsible for managing Iran's wars in Iraq and Syria, helping recruit and train popular militias just like it (and associated groups like Hezbollah) within these countries.
The roots of the IRGC go back to the early days of the Islamic revolution. As Iranian cities were gripped by revolt, loose networks of militias tied to local clerics began to take part in street battles that targeted the Shah's forced as well as rival opposition factions. These mosque-led militia networks were later institutionalized under the control of a number of right-wing clerics who ultimately won out in the post-revolutionary period. They became their enforcers in the street, helping wipe out other revolutionary trends and imposing the austere ideology of the ruling faction.
During the Iran-Iraq War membership in the IRGC ballooned to huge levels, as the Islamic Republic began recruiting impressionable young men and boys into its ranks to serve as "human wave" attackers against Saddam Hussein. The IRGC paid a huge and bloody price in this conflict, serving essentially as cannon fodder for Iran's leadership. But the group's loyalty to the clerics increased through this experience; It maintained a zealous worldview that view the huge death tolls and the war itself as part of a religious exercise, uniting the revolution with events from the early days of Islamic history. The IRGC and its young cadres were encouraged to think of themselves as recreating the events of Karbala as they marched to certain death against entrenched Iraqi positions, following Khomeini's fateful 1982 decision to launch a counter-invasion of Iraqi territory. The segments of the book dealing with the war are often gut-wrenching. Buses of young men were sent to certain death at the exhortation of clerics, as part of a deeply misguided and fanatical decision to try and conquer Iraq after driving out an invading force from the Iranian city of Khorramshahr. The unimaginable sacrifices and losses of the Iranian people due to this decision are a reminder that Khomeini belongs alongside Mao Tse-Tung, Josef Stalin and those other 20th century leaders who forced their people to conduct massive, costly acts of collective will in pursuit of a grand ideological program.
Following the war a tough decision had to be made about what to do with the hundreds of thousands of young men who fought and survived the conflict. At the decision of the regime leadership, the IRGC cadres were not demobilized, but instead retained as ideological cadres and praetorian guards to help maintain the Islamic Republic (IRI) in power. Due to their sacrifices, these young men retained a level of great prestige within the IRI hierarchy. Over time they came to form an ideological core within the regime, blending into the millions-strong volunteer basij force that often patrolled Iranian cities against domestic threats. With the death of Khomeini and rise of his successor Ali Khamenei, the IRGC also became an economic force in Iran. Favored by Khamenei for patronage, the organization received lucrative construction and manufacturing contracts that wedded it more deeply into the ruling establishment while economically rewarding the loyalty and sacrifices of its cadres. The IRGC is thus in many ways "self-funding," as it has come to form an organic part of the Iranian economy.
By the dawn of the War on Terror, the IRGC had matured into a potent military and social force, promoting the IRI's ideological positions and foreign policy, while also directing much of the Iranian economy. Meanwhile it also promoted the Islamic Republic's internationalist ideals, engaging in proxy conflicts in Lebanon and Iraq intended to combat global imperialist powers. The book deals at length with Iran's shadow wars with the United States and Israel, as well as the IRGC ideological position on these conflicts. The birth of Hezbollah in Southern Lebanon was specifically brought about the IRGC's affinity for the Bekaa Valley Shia Arabs, and their receptiveness to the IRI's message. Hezbollah today is an unquestioningly loyal proxy of the Islamic Republic, going so far as to accept its principle of Velayat-e-Faqih and thus fealty to Iran's Supreme Leader.
The last segments of the book deal with Iran's involvement in the Arab Spring conflicts and the war against Islamic State. This is a history still in progress, but the book nonetheless provides an excellent narrative of events to date through official IRGC statements, quotes and positions on these conflicts. It also complies known information from a rich diversity of sources about the IRGC's direct role in Iraq and Syria, stitching together an admirably fulsome account of Iranian strategy and ideological perspective on these wars. The book is remarkably fair-minded to all parties and paints a picture that seems much more honest and less sensational than many other accounts.
The backdrop to the book as a whole is the story of the Islamic Republic writ large - starting from the ideological opposition to the Shah, the revolution, infighting at home, the war with Saddam, domestic consolidation, the War on Terror, and finally through to the foreign proxy wars of today. It is filled with testimonials from former Iranian revolutionary figures, analysis of the IRGC's own historical documentation, and prognostications of possible futures for the group and the IRI in general based on this information. Although somewhat academic in tone, for anyone interested in Iran and the Middle East this is enthralling reading. It places recent events in a perspective that make clear how much Iran's current wars are in fact part of a long, ideologically-driven struggle that began at home and abroad when the Shah fell, and that shows no signs of abating soon. The IRI is committed to exporting its revolution, one way or another, and the IRGC serves as a blunt instrument for doing so when other means are inadequate. It also protects the IRI from ideological and physical threats, serving as a constituency that is absolutely committed to protecting the revolutionary government and spreading its influence abroad.
Required reading for anyone who wants to understand modern Iran, as well as events now playing out in the post-revolutionary Middle East.
May 10, 2017
This book gives a great run through the history of the IRGC from its earliest days straight through to its war against the Islamic State. The author benefits enormously from Farsi-language materials to bring depth and nuance to this historical work.
The concluding notes about the future of an organization born in (and defined by) conflict and how it's relationship to the supreme leader may unfold if it has to either deal with the Iranian people more directly or without a boogeyman at the gates was very interesting.
The concluding notes about the future of an organization born in (and defined by) conflict and how it's relationship to the supreme leader may unfold if it has to either deal with the Iranian people more directly or without a boogeyman at the gates was very interesting.
December 6, 2016
Reads like an academic thesis, so for wonks only, but it's a decent overview of recent Iranian history through the lens of the Revolutionary Guards -- how they became an essential part of the regime and how they risk, in spite of themselves, increasing the sectarianism of current conflicts across the Middle East.
July 2, 2025
IRGC is super complex and it’s interesting to see the differences between them and the government. Book reads like a thesis
November 21, 2021
Thorough but Accessible
Overall, a pretty informative read. The author does a good job of describing the IRGC's historical background and how that background influenced it to become the organization that it is today. Moreover, Ostovar explains the theological/ideological discourse used to justify the IRGC's role in Iranian society in a manner accessible to those unfamiliar with the subject matter. A good book for those hoping to learn more about the IRGC and the political state of affairs in Iran more generally.
Overall, a pretty informative read. The author does a good job of describing the IRGC's historical background and how that background influenced it to become the organization that it is today. Moreover, Ostovar explains the theological/ideological discourse used to justify the IRGC's role in Iranian society in a manner accessible to those unfamiliar with the subject matter. A good book for those hoping to learn more about the IRGC and the political state of affairs in Iran more generally.
May 10, 2022
Afshon Ostovar’s scholarship provides so much valuable information on Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. Sometimes the structure and the chapter/section titles were confusing but the detail is unparalleled. Ostovar includes a lot of useful context for the IRGC’s rise, role, and relationship to the Supreme Leader.
I hope his work motivates others to research and publish more on this important actor in the Middle East and Iran.
I hope his work motivates others to research and publish more on this important actor in the Middle East and Iran.
February 29, 2024
A few scribbles here and there about some of his brief comments about how a xyz event inspire this cause and perhaps his understanding of Islam. However, this is a valuable resource about a group that cannot be completely known or well known from the outside looking in. This books does as good of a job as it can. Thorough and informative.
June 24, 2019
A thoroughly researched and well-written history and analysis of the IRGC. So don't say I didn't warn you because it starts out pretty dry and it's not about Iran per se. It's specifically about the IRGC.
November 6, 2017
Interesting and Informative.
July 20, 2018
A really insightful book about Iran and Iranian actions in other countries across the Middle East.
August 25, 2018
In depth analysis of both the Revolutionary Guards and the other forces that have shaped - and continue to shape- Iranian society in the last 40 years.
Incisive and informative writing.
Incisive and informative writing.
February 14, 2025
At first, Vanguard of the Imam seems like a solid, well-researched book. But once you realize the author has a not-so-scholarly bone to pick with his subject, the shine starts to wear off. It took me over a year—plus Ostovar’s Wars of Ambition—to fully catch the subtleties of his bias. The history itself is fine, but the historiography? Hard to take seriously when it’s so obviously skewed by an Empire-adjacent, pro-West, even Israel-sympathizing stance in every framing of Iran’s actions.
Worse, Ostovar bends over backwards to turn a brutal, iron-fisted regime into a kind of slapstick act—bumbling villains who just happened to fail upwards. Reading it, I kept thinking: this must be what Cold War-era Russians felt like, flipping through English books on the Soviet Union that read more like patriot games than history, sociology, or anything resembling serious scholarship. And so it goes.
Worse, Ostovar bends over backwards to turn a brutal, iron-fisted regime into a kind of slapstick act—bumbling villains who just happened to fail upwards. Reading it, I kept thinking: this must be what Cold War-era Russians felt like, flipping through English books on the Soviet Union that read more like patriot games than history, sociology, or anything resembling serious scholarship. And so it goes.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews