I have read quite a few of the titles in Oxford’s “A Very Short Introduction” series and, in all cases, have been impressed by the balance and thoroughness of the treatment, despite the small size of the books. Given the heavy use of the word “Zionism” in today’s political news and the many conflicting views of it, I seized the chance of reading the book when I found it among the volumes on UCSB Library’s new-arrivals bookshelf.
Let me begin by listing the 10 chapters, excluding an epilogue, that average 11 pages in length and provide a good view of the book’s contents and structure:
1. The Jews: Religion or Nation? (pp. 1-10)
2. Modern Jewish Nationalism (pp. 11-21)
3. Theodore Herzl and the Creation of the Zionist Movement, 1897-1917 (pp. 22-34)
4. The Weizmann Era and the Balfour Declaration (pp. 35-43)
5. Socialist and Revisionist Zionism, 1917-1939 (pp. 44-50)
6. Zionism in World War II and Its Aftermath (pp. 51-63)
7. Zionism in a Jewish State, 1948-1967 (pp. 64-80)
8. Nationalism and Messianism, 1967-1977 (pp. 81-94)
9. Swing to the Right, 1977-1995 (pp. 95-105)
10. Transformation of Zionism Since 1995 (pp. 106-111)
Zionism, if defined as a nationalist movement affirming the right of Jews to self-determination, has a long history. However, the modern notion of Zionism is traced back to Theodor Herzl, who is credited with formulating the idea of a secular state for the Jews, which is quite different from a “Jewish state.” Herzl’s liberal, utopian vision (a sort of Jewish enlightenment) faced three opposing groups from within the movement. These were a “Democratic Faction,” which, fearing Herzl’s dictatorial tendencies, favored a revolutionary transformation based on secular Hebrew culture, the socialist/Marxist/communist front, which tended to emphasize solutions to the “Arab Problem” in Palestine, and the group that favored embracing Orthodox Judaism.
The internal conflicts of Zionism mirrored those of the broader European community (within which the movement grew), where nations were taking sides in multifaceted political and economic ideologies.
One of the inventors, if that’s the right word to use, of Jewish enlightenment was Moses Mendelssohn, a formidable philosopher of the 18th century, who viewed Judaism as just another religion that must be tolerated in a modern free state. Following this interpretation, it would have been feasible to integrate the Arabs, who formed the majority of the population in the new state, into a modern secular state run according to the latest scientific principles.
When Herzl died at the young age of 44, Chaim Weizmann, a renowned chemist with several important inventions to his credit, led the Zionism movement, though he didn’t enjoy broad acceptance right away. Weizmann tried to iron over some of the differences by gradually moving to combine cultural and political Zionism. Work on the “Arab Problem,” which had led to the consideration of other locations, such as Uganda in lieu of Palestine to site the new state, continued under his leadership.
Enlightenment meant that Jews had to abandon their roles as small-time merchants to become farmers, artisans, and professionals. Modern Jewish nationalism, with Hebrew as the common language, gained strong support, because it was seen as an antidote to assimilation, which some viewed as a grave danger. Europe’s rabbis “denounced Herzl as a heretical scoundrel out to destroy Judaism by disobeying God’s commandments.”
Over time, Zionists attracted support from politicians in Europe, who became sympathetic to the cause but who could not promise a homeland, given that they had no control over Palestine. The Balfour declaration laid out the support in principle, in a carefully-worded document which, postulates, among other conditions, “that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights or political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country” [p. 42].
World War II and the ensuing atrocities against the Jews empowered Zionism’s right-wing nationalists, who gradually gained more support. The desire to settle in Palestine intensified after WW II, when a large number of Jews in Displaced Persons Camps had no place to go. At about this time, the Soviet Union reversed its decades-long opposition to Zionism, in part, it is believed, to claim a stake in the power vacuum anticipated after the departure of the British from the Middle East.
It is noteworthy that Israel’s declaration of independence contained no mention of God or the “divine promise.” What united the new Israelis were the Hebrew language, a secular school system, and the decidedly-secular army. Once Israel was formed, governing proved difficult and many concessions and compromises had to be made to satisfy various factions. These included religious courts, observance of Saturdays and other religious holidays, serving kosher food in the army and government institutions, and allowing separate religious schools for ultra-orthodox Jews.
These concessions to the religious factions were not inevitable and, in retrospect, may have been fatal mistakes for the state of Israel. Religious groups made inroads owing to the inability of the secular and progressive groups to iron out their differences. Religious groups have also been blamed for the promised constitution not being written, because they insisted that any constitution should be based on Jewish law.
Beginning in the late 1970s, revisionist Zionism gained power, leading to peace with Egypt’s Sadat. A second major transformation occurred upon the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 and the migration of many Russian Jews to Israel.
It is interesting that the bulk of migrations to Israel have been by relatively poor Jews around the world. Jews in North America, for example, constitute a minute fraction of those relocating to Israel. There is a saying that in the Diaspora, “Zionism means one Jew collecting money from a second Jew to send a third Jew to Israel”!
In 1870, no one spoke Hebrew as their primary tongue, whereas roughly 8 million people speak the language fluently now. It is remarkable that in the history of Zionism, beginning with Herzl, not one single leader of the movement or Israeli Prime Minister has been a practicing Jew. At this writing, Zionists are predominantly secular, the only exception being a small group of ultra-orthodox Jews.
The state of Israel was finally created in 1948 under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion, five decades after Herzl initiated the Zionist movement. The Zionists success in bringing the state of Israel about and the remarkable social and technical accomplishments of the state are marred by a longstanding, and seemingly insoluble, conflict in the region, as the Middle East sinks further into destabilization.
The anthem of Zionists, “Hatikvah” (“The Hope”), which later became the Israeli national anthem, contains the following words: “We have not yet lost our hope.” The hope of “[being] a free nation in our own land, the land of Zion and Jerusalem” has at best been only partially realized.