This is a huge contribution to the history of second-wave feminism in the United States, and an absolute must-read for anyone interested in that topic. Spruill begins with the dramatic assessment that the National Women's Conference in Houston, Texas, in 1977 was a watershed moment in the advance of women's rights in the United States, and she spends the bulk of the book in a detailed inquiry of what led up to the conference and what happened there, with the last segments devoted to a summation of what has happened for women's rights in this country between then and now.
It takes some persuading to the see the NWC as a fundamental accomplishment, especially since Spruill, both times she talks about it--in the introductory chapter, and then in the middle chapters exploring the Houston event--spends at least as much time discussing the anti-feminist, anti-ERA rally taking place alongside, an event that seems to have been louder, better-attended, and even more self-congratulatory. For those curious about what the Women's Marches following President Trump's inauguration accomplished, this book is a good reminder that protests galvanize, provide solidarity, and develop loyalty among a group. It is also testament to the fact that, when you have two equally heated opinions that are dead-set against one another, nothing gets done beyond a lot of screaming, insult-launching, and exaggerated hyperbole.
This is best seen in the chapters devoted to the state conferences preceding the NWC, whose job it was to elect delegates to the national convention and determine a platform to submit. Here there is a tragic arc to the narrative. When legislative and popular support for the ERA in particular and the idea of women's rights in general was high in the initial stages, the conventions did what they were supposed to do: elect a diverse set of delegates and develop a platform that reflected a progressive agenda of full civil rights, reproductive rights, and non-discrimination policies for the national platform that would eventually be submitted to the president. Once the anti-ERA forces get into the action--the phalanx of those who passionately believed that the traditional family structure, with the woman at home dependent on the husband, was the only right model for everyone--the book becomes a wearying account of how, state by state, busloads of smug white evangelical women and their husbands descended on conventions, disrupted any fruitful discussion, congratulated themselves for being family champions, and then went back to their safe, white houses, having made sure that any discussions that might have helped women who did not have their beliefs or advantages were effectively shut down.
Spruill doesn't shy away from how the anti-forces deployed all sorts of others groups, including the KKK, to bulk out their protest numbers (an association Schafly always denied). In short, these chapters pound home the point learned from watching the U.S. Congress in action for the last six of the Obama years: those who make every effort to obstruct an agenda that might mean more social justice for the broader population can usually manage to succeed, whether or not their cause is just or even beneficial for the majority. But the book also doesn't shy away from showing the divisions within the feminist ranks--the arguments over how far to embrace LGBT rights, for example, and how to handle the abortion question--that led to factions and fissures there as well. What's overlooked is what the moderate middle may have wanted, as any attempt to reach that population fell apart early on--a reason that feminism has not been embraced by and is still poorly understood by the mainstream.
Spruill's research is excellent and her prose, for the most part, is up to the task of handling the many threads of her narrative. There are some places where her overviews descend into roll calls of who was at a certain meeting or who supported a certain piece of legislation; there are other places where the narrative seems to switch back and forth in time, and one goes over ground that already feels covered. These are small drawbacks to what otherwise is a sharp, smart, very well-organized assessment of just what the feminists were fighting for, and what their opponents were fighting against. She is fair to both sides, quotes scrupulously and at length from her primary research, and also managed to interview many of the major figures on their involvement.
The major women on the scene emerge as courageous, charismatic, dedicated, impressive people, among them Bella Abzug, Gloria Steinem, Betty Friedan (all pro-ERA), and Phyllis Schafly (anti). The story of how Schafly nearly single-handedly organized the resistance and halted such an enormously important piece of legislation as equal rights for all genders is awesome and--if you happen to be on the side of equal rights for women--a completely demoralizing example of how the shrill misuse of information and incitement of fear can stop any real dialogue and any positive change from happening (something we continue to see happening in the discussion on women's rights up to this day). In this way, Spruill's history is a revealing and explanatory account of just how the divisions between the progressives and the conservatives got so deep and the rhetoric got so heated to the point that there seems no middle ground remaining.
After the last chapters, which are a fast summary of how rights for women have swung back and forth depending on whether the administration was led by a Republican or a Democrat, it's hard to see a way forward, and Spruill doesn't really devote herself to solutions. However, she's laid a careful, solid, even foundation for future investigations of feminist history and women's rights in the US. Let's hope she's also laid the ground for an intelligent discussion of solutions and, perhaps, even without an ERA, a national acceptance of the belief that women are in fact equal to full human, constitutional, civil rights and equal treatment under the law. I hope I live to see that day.