The Success Equation is exactly what it describes in the subtitle: Untangling Skill and Luck in Business, Sports, and Investing. I thought this was a great topic but was not executed as sharply as it could be. I liked that there were a lot of examples, and that the author pulled from a variety of different places for the information, but I thought he was a little sloppy with the details and had some logical gaps that were a little frustrating. They did not greatly detract from the overall message, but the book could have benefitted from additional editing from people familiar with the topics he covered. He apparently really liked the book Thinking, Fast and Slow by Daniel Kahnamen as well of the writings of Nassim Taleb, and pulls many concepts and examples from them. Like any book that tries to distill things down to a single theme, he does this a little bit and tries to fit everything into either luck or skill. Did you get a lot of strikeouts today because you were unlucky, or because you faced the best pitcher in baseball? Is it luck that you’re scheduled to face a good pitcher?
He begins the book by defining Luck. “Luck is a chance occurrence that affects a person or a group (e.g., a sports team or a company). Luck can be good or bad. Furthermore, if it is reasonable to assume that another outcome was possible, then a certain amount of luck is involved. In this sense, luck is out of one’s control and unpredictable.” (13) He further clarifies the difference between luck and skill. “The consequences of our efforts, both good and bad, reflect an element within our control – skill – and an element outside of our control – luck. In this sense, luck is a residual: it’s what is left over after you’ve subtracted skill from an outcome.” (16) He then talks about skill a little bit (19) and describes the continuum of activities that are lucky, like gambling, versus activities that are very heavily reliant on skill, like running races or playing chess or checkers. “In considering skill, it’s also important to distinguish between experience and expertise. There is an unspoken assumption that someone doing something for a long time is an expert. In activities that depend largely on skill, though, expertise comes only through deliberate practice, and very few individuals are willing to commit the time and effort to go beyond a plateau of performance that’s good enough. The fact is, most of us generally don’t need performance that’s better than good enough.” (22) He then talks about the difference between the necessary sample size for activities that are mostly skill and those that are mostly luck (to differentiate what Nate Silver would call the signal from the noise). “Here’s the main point: if you have an activity where the results are nearly all skill, you don’t need a large sample to draw reasonable conclusions. A world-class sprinter will beat an amateur every time and it doesn’t take a long time to figure that out. But as you move left on the continuum between skill and luck, you need an ever-larger sample to understand the contributions of skill (the causal factors) and luck. In a game of poker, a lucky amateur may beat a pro in a few hands, but the pro’s edge would become clear as they played more hands.” (26) I would probably use different terms, like talking about the true relationship and the randomness that exists about it, but it’s fairly intuitive. He later talks about why it is hard to distinguish luck from skill. He covers creeping determinism. “This is the propensity of individuals to ‘perceive reported outcomes as having been relatively inevitable.’ Even if a fog of uncertainty surrounded an event before it unfolded, once we know the answer, that fog not only melts away, but the path the world followed appears to be the only possible one. Here is how all of this relates to skill and luck: even if we acknowledge ahead of time that an event will combine skill and luck in some measure, once we know how things turned out, we have a tendency to forget about luck. We string together the events into a satisfying narrative, including a clear sense of cause and effect, and we start to believe that what happened was preordained by the existence of our own skill.” (38) This is an important point, and one that definitely relates to investing. He continues to talk about how we focus disproportionally on the things that went well without sufficiently investigating the context and the things that went wrong – the undersampling of failure. “He argues that one of the main ways that companies learn is by observing the performance and characteristics of successful organizations. The problem is that firms with poor performance are unlikely to survive, so they are inconspicuously absent from the group that any one person observes…Since we draw our sample from the outcome, not the strategy, we observe the successful company and assume the strategy was good.” (39) It’s the issues of looking at who did well, and seeing what they had in common as opposed to seeing who did well, and seeing what percentage that is of all the companies that had a similar strategy. He then talks about whether skill in one place is transferable to another. He cites research saying that punters perform just as well when they transfer teams, but it’s not as much the case with wide receivers. This can also be the case in a business environment. “Star analysts who switched employers paid a high price for jumping ship relative to comparable stars who stayed put: overall, their job performance plunged sharply and continued to suffer for at least five years after moving to a new firm. He considered a number of explanations for the deterioration in performance and concluded that the main factor was that they left behind a good fit between their skills and the resources of their employer.” (45) He again talks about the importance of sample size. “We’re naturally inclined to believe that a small sample is representative of a larger sample. In other words, we expect to see what we’ve already seen. This fallacy can run in two directions. In one direction, we observe a small sample and believe, falsely, that we know what all of the possibilities look like. This is the classic problem of induction, drawing general conclusions from specific observations.” (49) He also talks about the gambler’s fallacy, where we think that if things go bad for long enough then they are bound to turn around and be better in the future. He then talks about how the outcome of an event is like the combination of balls from two jars (52): one being luck and the other being skill. Depending on what you pull, you can be skilled, but still have a negative outcome based on the luck number you draw, but as the sample sizes increase, the ones with more skill will tend to do better than those with less skill, as the total impact of luck converges to the mean for everyone involved. He then goes into some detail about how different activities lie in different places across the skill/luck continuum.
The next portion talks about the arc of skill, and how there are optimal ages for different types of decisions. “When we age, we tend to avoid exerting too much cognitive effort and deliberating extensively over a decision that needs to be made. We gradually come to rely more on rules of thumb. This means that we make poorer choices in environments that are complex and unstable. Business and investing are examples of realms where intuition often fails. Researchers who studied people making investments found that decisions about those investments grew less wise as people aged.” (97)
The book then goes into the many shapes of luck. Sometimes there are familiar patters, like trending or mean reversion. He talks a little bit about the hot hand in basketball. “Statisticians have a name for the normal ups and downs that you should expect when the distribution of luck is known: common –cause variation. For example, common-cause variation can explain most of the changes in Adam Jones’s batting average during the season. It also applies to the output of manufacturing processes and to winning the lottery. In economics, common-cause variation is akin to risk.” (115) They also go into power laws a little bit. “One of the key features of distributions that follow a power law is that there are very few large values and lots of small values. As a result, the idea of an “average” has no meaning.” (117) Averages are more meaningful in data that does not have such a wide distribution. They make the point that you can still look at average height if Bill Gates moves into the neighborhood, but average wealth is no longer meaningful. They also talk about cumulative effects of randomness, and call it the Matthew Effect after a verse from the book of Matthew “For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance: but whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken away even that he hath.” (118) They discuss how two similarly skilled people who get slightly different jobs can end up in very different places 10 or 15 years later. “But the Matthew effect explains how two people can start in nearly the same place and end up world apart. In these kinds of systems, initial conditions matter. And as time goes on, they matter more and more.” (118) Small differences can become magnified over time, depending on the environment.
Next, they spend some time talking about what makes a useful statistic. Essentially, a statistic that has little randomness and high predictive power is more useful than the opposite.
When it comes to building skill, they talked about how effort is important to learn new things. “That said, the claim that talent plays no role in how well people do is not supported by the facts. High performance combines a dash of basic ability with lots of perspiration.” (162) Checklists are also useful to ensure that we build skills the right way. “Checklists are highly effective but underutilized in jobs that combine probabilistic tasks with tasks that follow a set of rules or set procedures. Here’s the reason: professionals in these fields think of themselves as practicing a craft and actually find it demeaning to resort to a checklist. They think they have the knowledge to do the job and do not need any aids. They are wrong, and their attitude is costly.” (163) Checklists don’t replace knowledge, but help people focus their attention, especially at times when things are hectic.
The next section discusses how to deal with luck. To help illustrate this, they introduce us to the Colonel Blotto game, and talk about how it’s important for those that have an advantage to simplify the game, and for those who don’t have the advantage to try to make it as complex and on as many fronts as possible to try to make it so that there is a way that they can get an advantage somewhere. For an overmatched opponent to win, it’s imperative that they force the dominant foe to play their game. “Nearly 80 percent of of the losers in asymmetric wars never switch strategies. Part of the reason combatants don’t switch is that when training and equipment are developed for one strategy, it’s often costly to shift to another. Leaders or organizational traditions also stand in the way of adopting new strategies. This type of inertia often prevents an organization from pursuing the strategy that offers the best chance of winning.” (186)
The next part talks about the art of good guesswork, and provides some principles to help focus our efforts. “Once something has occurred and we can put together a story to explain it, it starts to seem like the outcome was predestined. Statistics don’t appear to our need to understand cause and effect, which is why they are so frequently ignored or misinterpreted. Stories, on the other hand, are a rich means to communicate precisely because they emphasize cause and effect.” (214) I would add that it’s important to look at the data, and not just go off of intuition. “Deliberate practice works when skill dominates, while a focus on process and probability is appropriate when luck is the greater force. Further an appreciation for reversion to the mean allows us to make a more thoughtful assessment of what will happen next.” (215) He essentially says that we should focus on the process for noisy outcomes, which sounds good. To a degree, a good process is one that results in good outcomes, though, and if it’s hard to measure whether an outcome was good randomly or because of the steps in the process, how do we know if it is actually good or not?
Overall, this is an ok book, pulling in aspects of Daniel Kahneman, Nassim Taleb, and Nate Silver. I thought their books were a little more rigorous, with examples that had less logical holes in them, and were at a higher, almost more academic, standard. That being said, I think Mauboussin pulled a lot of interesting information together and made some interesting points about the role that skill and luck play in a variety of contexts.