Q: ... we may be shortly waving farewell to the economics-inspired reproductive love story in which female Fertility Value meets male Resource Value, settles down, and maximizes reproductive success. (c)
A lot of interesting research on gender evolution, roles, specters, biology, marketing, risks and potential. Lehman Sisters hypothesis and risk considerations are particularly well-thought out.
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A pair of testicles hanging on a key ring is bound to capture attention; to mesmerize. “That’s some key ring you have there,” people would politely comment. But what they would really mean is that in some important way your identity has been defined. Idiosyncrasies, complexities, contradictions, characteristics in common with those who don’t have genitals on a key ring—all this fades into the background. Who you are is someone with a testicle key ring. (c) That's quite an ides. Seriously, her son's a awesomely chill kid.
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How could it be sexist to merely report the objective conclusions of science? In fact, are there any sexists these days? Or are there just people who recognize that our brains and natures have been shaped by evolutionary pressures responsive only to reproductive success in our ancestral past, with no concern for the future consequences for the representation of women in Formula 1 world championships, or on corporate boards? (c)
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“Psychologically, men and women are almost a different species,” was the conclusion of one Manchester Business School academic. Cahill, likewise, suggests that this compounding is akin to the way that many small differences between a Volvo and a Corvette—a little difference in the brakes here, a modest dissimilarity in the pistons there, and so on—add up to very different kinds of car. Perhaps not coincidentally, one is a nice, safe family vehicle with plenty of room in the trunk for groceries; the other is designed to offer power and status. (c)
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And when it comes to the workplace, many “gender diversity” consultants take it for granted that biological sex provides a useful proxy for the skill sets employees bring to organizations. To increase female representation at senior levels, they recommend that employers “harness the unique qualities of men and women.” To have mostly men in senior management positions, this argument goes, is a bit like trying to sweep a floor with nine dustpans and one brush. (c)
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It’s as if the women of a harem were to casually comment to the sultan when he popped by, “Oh no, that child’s not one of yours—that’s the second footman’s daughter.… Eh? Ah, sorry. He’s not yours either, that’s the son of the chauffeur. Hang on, sultan, we’ll find your kid. Nadia… Nadia! Do you remember which of these kids is the sultan’s? Oh, yes, that’s right. That boy over there playing with his half-brother. He’s yours. Almost certainly.” (c)
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Given the risks and costs of these “excess” matings (such as disease and predation risks for leaving the group, as well as the investment of time and energy that could be spent doing something else), this was behaviour that required explanation. (Hrdy suggested that it helped to leave open the father’s identity, making it less likely that the mothers’ offspring would be killed.) Since this justly famous scientific revelation, researchers have come up with all manner of ingenious suggestions as to the advantages female animals might gain from multiple mates. Since it only seems fair that women, too, should have access to evolutionarily flavoured “the-whisperings-of-my-genes-made-me-do-it” excuses for cheating on a partner, I provide a selection of these ideas here. Proposed gains of female promiscuity include genetic benefits, healthier offspring, and the opportunity to set up sperm competitions that weed out inferior specimens. It’s even been suggested that females may have sex with several males in order to sabotage the reproductive success of rivals, by depleting local sperm stocks. (c)
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Among primates, for instance, low-ranking females’ ovulation may be suppressed by nearby dominant females, or they may be so harassed by other females that they spontaneously abort. (c)
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price of sex for the male St. Andrew’s Cross spider is so high that he only mates once. As the University of Melbourne evolutionary biologist Mark Elgar explained to me, this is because during this very special occasion “he foolishly breaks his copulatory apparatus and the female puts him out of his embarrassment by eating him.” (No wonder they’re cross.) (c)
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Other species keep costs down with self-imposed chastity. In Elgar’s lab, male stick insects (Macleay’s Spectre) are offered a mating opportunity every week. Despite apparently having nothing more demanding to do all day than resemble a stick, they only rouse themselves to take up this mating opportunity 30–40 per cent of the time. (c)
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A man with a Maserati is a fascinating phenomenon, deserving of study, to be sure. But whether he is the human biological equivalent of the well-antlered stag, his spotless luxury car the counterpart of the shimmering, biologically extravagant tail of the peacock—that is another matter altogether. (c) Fun)
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Some individual women have even managed to give birth to many more than this: the anonymous first wife of a Russian peasant called Feodor Vassilyev had thirty-seven pregnancies yielding sixty-nine children. (c)
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As Bradley University psychologist David Schmitt explains:
Consider that one man can produce as many as 100 offspring by indiscriminately mating with 100 women in a given year, whereas a man who is monogamous will tend to have only one child with his partner during that same time period. In evolutionary currencies, this represents a strong selective pressure—and a potent adaptive problem—for men’s mating strategies to favor at least some desire for sexual variety...
Consider, Einon posits, a woman who on average has sex once a week for thirty years. Now suppose she bears a generous brood of nine children. As you can easily calculate for yourself, on average she will have sex 173 times per child. And for each of the 172 coital acts that didn’t lead to a baby, there was a partner involved, having nonreproductive sex. To explore what this means for any man trying to reach the benchmark set by Schmitt of scoring a century of infants in a year, it’s worth following Einon in breaking things down to clearly see the schedule involved.
First, the man has to find a fertile woman. For the benefit of younger readers, it may be worth pointing out that throughout most of human evolution the Tinder app was not available to facilitate this. Nor, as observed in the previous chapter, was there likely to have been a limitless supply of fertile female vessels for men to access. In historical and traditional societies, perhaps as many as 80–90 per cent of women of reproductive age at any one time would be pregnant, or temporarily infertile because they were breast-feeding, Einon suggests. Of the remaining women, some of course would already be in a relationship, making sexual relations at the very least less probable and possibly more fraught with difficulties. Let’s suppose, though, that our man manages to identify a suitable candidate from the limited supply. Next, he has to prevail in the intense competition created by all the other men who are also hoping for casual sex with a fertile woman, and successfully negotiate sex with her. Say that takes a day. In order to reach his target of one hundred women per annum, our man then has just two to three days to successfully repeat the exercise, ninety-nine more times, from an ever-decreasing pool of women. All this, mind you, while also maintaining the status and material resources he needs to remain competitive as a desirable sexual partner.
So what’s the likely reproductive return on this exhausting investment? For healthy couples, the probability of a woman becoming pregnant from a single randomly timed act of intercourse is about 3 per cent, ranging (depending on the time of the month), from a low of 0 to a high of nearly 9 per cent. On average, then, a year of competitive courtship would result in only about three of the one hundred women becoming pregnant. (Although a man could increase his chances of conception by having sex with the same woman repeatedly, this would of course disrupt his very tight schedule.) This estimate, by the way, assumes that the man, in contradiction with the principle of “indiscriminately mating,” excludes women under twenty and over forty, who have a greater number of cycles in which no egg is released. It also doesn’t take into account that some women will be chronically infertile (Einon estimates about 8 per cent), or that women who are mostly sexually abstinent have longer menstrual cycles and ovulate less frequently, making it less likely that a single coital act will result in pregnancy. We’re also kindly overlooking sperm depletion, and discreetly turning a blind eye to the possibility that another man’s sperm might reach the egg first. In these unrealistically ideal conditions, a man who sets himself the annual project of producing one hundred children from one hundred one-night stands has a chance of success of about 0.00000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000363. ...
To put that number in a little context, a man’s odds of being killed by a meteorite in his lifetime is 0.000004.14.
And they say feminists are wishful thinkers.(c)
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In fact, a major headache for sex researchers is that men reliably report a larger mean number of other-sex sexual partners than do women. This is logically cally impossible, since heterosexual coitus requires the presence of both a woman and a man. This impossible discrepancy seems to be mostly due to men’s inaccurate reporting, and their “greater tendency to report large, ‘round’ numbers of partners.” Once people’s tallies get to about fifteen partners, they tend to answer with “ballpark figures” ending in multiples of five (Let’s see, there was Suzy, Jenny, Malini, Ruth,… call it fifty) and the discrepancy between the mean for men and women is larger in the oldest age groups, for whom memory is presumably most blurred. (c)
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A second obvious objection is that what this study is actually primarily showing is women’s lack of interest in being murdered, raped, robbed, or inflaming the interests of a potential stalker. (c)
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Certainly, attitudes can shift: sometimes remarkably quickly, as I discovered once when visiting the home of a university boyfriend. His father protested strongly against me sleeping in the same bedroom as his son, given our unmarried state. His wife listened respectfully, then suggested that if this was how he felt he had better get the ladder, climb up to the attic, find the camp bed, carry it down the ladder, clean it off, mend the wobbly leg, set it up in the study, find some bed linen and make it up for me. My boyfriend’s father considered this for a moment and then concluded that, upon reflection, one did have to move with the times. (c)
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Ultimately, that old tale claims that it isn’t just sexism and discrimination that sustains the glass ceiling—not completely. At the core of this inequality are the whisperings of evolution. To men, it murmurs That’s right… keep going, son. I know it may seem counter-intuitive to suggest that spending eighty hours a week in a science lab becoming increasingly pale and weedy, and possibly developing rickets, will make you more attractive to scores of young, beautiful, fertile women, but trust me on this. Instead, to women, evolution is whispering Are you sure all this hard work is worth it? Why not go home, invest more in the few kids you’ve got? Oh, and maybe brush your hair a little? It’ll make it glossier—more youthful.
But this old story is on its last legs, and it’s time to give birth to its successor. (c) Cheers!
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Interestingly, even the apparent counterexample of the minority of men who purchase sex—often taken as evidence of men’s capacity and desire for purely physical sexual activity—turns out in some cases at least to be nothing of the sort. According to University of Leeds sociologist Teela Sanders, “a significant number” of men who purchase sex habitually or exclusively visit the same sex worker. This seems surprising, given the natural assumption that the purchasing of sex is the manifestation of men’s evolved desire for sexual variety, unencumbered by the restrictive relational obligations, moralities, and negotiations that sex usually entails. Why buy the same woman’s sexual services twice, in a market exchange potentially as emotionally uncomplicated and uncommitted as getting one’s car washed, or buying a bunch of bananas? (с)
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recent research has established higher frequencies of “de novo” mutations (that is, those that arise for the first time in the gametes, rather than hereditary mutations) in the sperm of older men, and their contribution to genetic disease.28 Presumably, then, the younger the man, the better the state of his “good genes.” Yet despite all this, men don’t wear uncomfortable platform shoes in order to make themselves look taller, rarely hand over fistfuls of cash to pay for major surgeries to make themselves more pleasingly V-shaped, or make their chins more handsomely prominent, nor line up in large numbers to have their foreheads paralysed with Botox injections. This absence of male enthusiasm for painful and expensive physical enhancements points to the possibility that deficiencies in reproductive potential can be, and are, forgivingly overlooked when it comes to sexual attraction. (c)
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These preferred characteristics do not offensively imply that the “mate value” of your wife—even if she happens to be the woman you love, the mother of your children, and the only person in the world who understands what you mean when you say someone had “‘a beard like McFie’s’ or ‘hair the same colour as that man in Hove who caught me kicking his cat’”—is less when she’s fifty than when she was twenty years younger. They are attributes that can’t be bought, injected into you, or liposuctioned out of you. And they are also traits that have little to do with tax brackets, luxury European cars, or corner offices. Rather, they correspond to factors that reduce the chances you will want to throw a plate at your partner’s head. They are dependability, emotional stability, a pleasing personality, and love. (c)
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The ape that mistook itself for a peacock should also not forget that it’s human. (c)
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They analysed images of more than 1,400 human brains, drawn from large data sets from four different sources. First, they identified around ten of the largest sex differences in each sample. Even this preliminary exercise challenged popular understanding in a couple of ways. First of all, contrary to the view that the brains of men and women are strikingly different, none of these differences were particularly substantial. Even for the very largest, the overlap between the sexes meant that about one in five women were more “male-like” than the average male. What’s more, each data set had a different Top Ten list. As the authors point out, this shows that sex differences in the brain aren’t simply due to sex, but depend on additional factors, the most obvious candidates being age, environment, and genetic variation. (с)
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This critical difference between ourselves and other species is perhaps best illustrated by the reality TV show Wife Swap. In this long-running programme, viewers enjoy the mayhem that ensues when wives of generally very different social class, background, personality, and lifestyle swap homes, household rules, lives, husband, and children for two weeks “to discover just what it’s like to live another woman’s life.” I think I can say with low risk of the charge of anthropocentric bias that there is no other species in the animal kingdom for which this concept would work for seven seasons. Other animals are fascinating, to be sure. Many are highly flexible and adaptable. But there just aren’t that many ways to be a female baboon. (c) I KNEW there was a reason why I dislike TV.
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for decades there have been indications that risk taking isn’t a one-dimensional personality trait: instead, there are “insurance-buying gamblers” and “skydiving wallflowers,” as one group of researchers put it. (c)
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Columbia University’s Elke Weber and colleagues asked several hundred U.S. undergraduates how likely they would be to take risks in six different domains: gambling, financial, health, recreational, social, and ethical decisions. Again, a person’s risk-taking propensity didn’t follow any kind of consistent pattern across the different domains—that is, the person who would happily blow a week’s wages at the races was no more likely to leap from a bridge attached to a rubber cord, invest in speculative stock, ask their boss for a raise, have unprotected sex, or steal an additional TV cable connection, than was someone who’d as soon flush dollar bills down the toilet as put them on a horse. Researchers drew the same conclusion a few years later in a study that deliberately recruited people on the basis of their affinity to a particular kind of risk: like skydivers, smokers, casino gamblers, and members of stock-trading clubs. Once again, risk taking in one domain didn’t extend to others. So gamblers, say, unsurprisingly stood out as the most risk taking when it came to questions about betting. But they were no more risk taking than the other groups, including even a group of health-risk-averse gym members, when it came to questions about recreational or investment risks. ... The pure, unadulterated daredevil no doubt exists, but such individuals are statistical exceptions to the general rule that people are fascinatingly idiosyncratic and multifaceted when it comes to risk. (c)
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So what makes someone eager to take risks in one domain, but reluctant in another? It turns out to be risk takers’ less negative perception of the risks and more positive perception of the benefits, Weber and colleagues found. The study of the skydivers, gamblers, smokers, and stock traders came to a similar conclusion. The risk takers in this study didn’t like risk per se any more than did the risk-averse gym members. Rather, they perceived greater benefits in their particular pocket of risk taking, and this explained why they took risks that others avoided, and took one kind of risk rather than another. (c)
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Or consider a recent study of young Chinese women and men, who played a risk-taking game either privately or while being were observed by an attractive person of the other sex. ... Chinese women were every bit as risk taking as the men when unobserved. But in line with gender norms, men increased their risk taking when supposedly observed by an attractive other-sex observer, while women decreased it. (c)
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Disappointingly, the wide range of reactions to this brief biography has yet to include You must be Cordelia Fine! Would you sign this copy of your book that I carry around with me? Instead, people often shoot me a startled look, and then ask whether I’d also deny that there are other basic physiological differences between the sexes. Whenever this happens, I’m always tempted to fix my interrogator in the grip of a steely gaze and pronounce briskly, “Certainly! Testes are merely a social construction,” then see how the conversation flows from there. (c)
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We have stereotypes that stain every encounter, clothing, language, salaries, titles, awards, media, legislation, norms, stigma, jokes, art, religion… the list of phenomena that make up our rich, gendered cultures goes on and on.
That’s a lot of social construction to reconstruct.(c)