As I’ve been reading these Penguin Monarchs books, it’s been fun trying to guess the areas of specialization for each of the authors based on what, within the tight constraints of a 100-page book covering years of history, they nonetheless can’t seem to resist spending disproportionate time on. This time around, though I know that Nicholas Vincent is an expert on Magna Carta (and is probably tired of writing about it, which perhaps explains why there’s relatively little about it here), I’d also put money on him specializing in finance and economics in the Middle Ages. This is a book stuffed to bursting with currency figures (each one appearing twice because of a perceived need to convert each sum cited in marks over to pounds—but a mark is 2/3 of a pound: point this out once and that should see your reader through) and with the endless minutiae of John’s constant and exorbitant taxation to raise funds for military expeditions intended to win back Angevin lands he’d gone and lost in France. It’s like the Exchequer’s version of the problem in Thomas Asbridge’s fussily detailed accounts of Richard I’s battlefield exploits, something that’s rather more tedious when it’s endless scutages and taxes on movable goods instead of swords and siege engines.
That aside, though, this is an excellent account of the disastrous reign of King John. Vincent’s aim here, as the question mark on his title makes clear, is much more than any of the previous authors (that I’ve read here so far, anyway) to question rather than just reproduce the prevailing narrative emerging from what he calls “the history of the history,” the long process of telling arguably somewhat unfair and reductionist stories about John to lay various kinds of blame on him. Of course there’s something a bit fun-spoiling about this kind of corrective reimagining, even though it’s right and good and probably brings things much closer to reality, as well as helping us see what we want historical narratives to do for us. Vincent begins by pointing out many of the ideological needs served by a villainized figure like John; identifying him with Magna Carta lets you place at his feet any and all failures of the state that you may perceive as informed by that somewhat over-rated and over-credited document.
Still and all: exaggerated though John’s villainy might often be, when presented with even the most neutral and sober accounting of his many betrayals, incompetences, inadequacies, plunderings, personal deficiencies, cruelties, oath-breakings, etc. as this book does, it becomes impossible to ignore what a terrible ruler and man he was. To be fair, a lot of this is arguably just par for the Angevin course; Vincent notes the irony that “John was to be villainized for doing things that his father and elder brother had done more ruthlessly, yet more effectively.” But Vincent also points out that one of our best reasons for believing the worst of what we’ve heard about John over the years is that even his contemporaries were inclined to believe and help circulate these things about him, which “suggests their inherent verisimilitude.” People in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were, to say the least, telling very different stories about John’s father and brother.
What was he like, John Lackland? (Or, if you prefer, the more withering “John Softsword.”) A frequent scoffer at religion, a betrayer, very likely a murderer at least a few times over (including of his main rival for the throne, his nephew Arthur of Brittany), a vindictive and abusive philanderer, given to “masking his own shame by blaming his subordinates,” an untrustworthy oathbreaker, often childish, petty, cruel. “Quick to collect his winnings, reluctant ever to honour his debts,” Vincent writes, “John undermined all trust. At the same time, he began to demand ever more extravagant assurances of loyalty from those around him.” I’ll spare you any explicit comparisons with, er, our American friends’ recent political troubles, but it’s hard not to hear history rhyming a bit here.
(One that note, one other thing: history likes repeating and rhyming, but some things do come to a decisive end. Vincent closes by pointing out the following about the use of the name “John” in British royalty: “One of the king’s grandsons, born in 1232, was named in his honour but failed to survive infancy. In more recent times, the only royal prince christened John, the youngest son of George V, died in 1919 aged only thirteen, an epileptic, hidden away by his parents. Long before this, in the 1370s, when the barons of Richard II threatened to make common cause with the king’s uncle, John of Gaunt, it was widely murmured that there should be no more talk of kings in England named John. Since then, there has been no such talk. And there probably never will be.”)