In this volume, Mr Runciman has selected extracts, from Max Weber's writings which reflect the full range of his major the nature of domination in human society, the role of ideas in history, the social determinants of religion, the origin and impact of industrial capitalism and the scope and limits of social science itself. He has also included some shorter extracts from Weber's less familiar writings on such diverse topics as the stock exchange and the history of the piano.
Maximilian Carl Emil Weber was a German lawyer, politician, historian, sociologist and political economist, who profoundly influenced social theory and the remit of sociology itself. His major works dealt with the rationalization, bureaucratization and 'disenchantment' associated with the rise of capitalism. Weber was, along with his associate Georg Simmel, a central figure in the establishment of methodological antipositivism; presenting sociology as a non-empirical field which must study social action through resolutely subjective means.
I bought this book years ago, when I felt it was incumbent upon me to familiarize myself with the work of this great social theorist. I finally read it because I felt that it was incumbent on me to read the books I already own before I buy any more.
This volume is manifestly made for students—likely those taking a course on classic social theory, needing only to absorb the main ideas of Weber before moving on to Marx or Durkheim or whomever. (My copy—furiously highlighted and annotated in some chapters, and totally untouched in others—bears this out.) Thus it is neither particularly pleasant to read nor fully engrossing, as each chapter is only a snippet of something longer that Weber wrote. Nevertheless, I do feel that I did successfully educate myself on a foundational social theorist, so my previous self could be happy with the purchase.
Weber was both monstrously intelligent and frighteningly well-educated. Whether he is discussing Russian politics, the history of Buddhism, medieval mercantilism, or the development of the piano, it is impossible not to be impressed by the depth of thought or the breadth of knowledge. He was also a highly original thinker. Unlike Marx—a classic “hedgehog,” whose work is dominated by one fundamental theory—Weber was a prototypical “fox,” meaning that his work was full of ideas, each one interesting, but which do not necessarily form a systematic whole.
Indeed, his work is characterized by his emphasis on multiple factors—how religious beliefs affect economic development, say, and how economic systems shape religions—in constant dialogue. The advantage to this approach is that is not as prone to oversimplifying the material in order to provide a convenient explanation. But the disadvantage is that it is not always clear what he is arguing. In his best and most famous work, The Protestant Ethic and the “Spirit” of Capitalism, despite the brilliant scholarship exhibited on every page, it is not easy to say whether he is arguing that Protestantism “caused” capitalism to develop, or merely aided it, or just influenced it—and if so, to what extent?
Weber did not shy away from big questions, and one that particularly exercised his attention was why Europe came to dominate the world. His answer, in a nutshell, is ‘rationalization’—the quality he sees as unique to Western culture. His use of the term ‘rational’ is quite broad. By that, he means anything that is governed by systematic rules developed according to satisfy some ideal criteria (that is, criteria not derived from tradition). By this definition, even theology can be rational, such as that of Thomas Aquinas (and, indeed, Weber sees this sort of theology as typically ‘Western’). For my part, I was both unconvinced that Europe uniquely possessed this quality, as well as unsatisfied by the explanation—since it remains mysterious why ‘rationalism’ developed only in Europe.
Weber also did not shy away from analyzing non-Western cultures, specifically ‘Eastern’ religions. However, even though he is extremely well-educated, that does not always mean that he is well-informed. When discussing Hinduism or Confucianism, he often seems to be trying to explain how these prevented India or China from developing modern capitalism, rather than attempting to understand them on their own terms. Indeed, one constant source of frustration for me was Weber’s tendency to use history and anthropology as mere grist for his mill, so to speak—as raw material for his intricate theories of social development—without pausing to adequately explain it. Indeed, this is as much a stylistic as an intellectual fault, as many of his essays (at least in this collection) consist of assertion piled on assertion, without making much of an effort either to convince the reader or to back up his claims.
It is, however, probably unfair to criticize Weber on the basis of this collection. In any case, he was an undoubtedly brilliant thinker and an academic of the first order. And it must be said, by the (admittedly very low) standards of German professors, he is a forceful and clear writer. Scholars of many different fields and specialties can all find intriguing ideas and valuable insights in the work of Max Weber. And when that can be said of a thinker who has been dead for more than a century, that is high praise indeed.