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The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930
For decades the most frightening example of bigotry and hatred in America, the Ku Klux Klan has usually been seen as a rural and small-town product–an expression of the decline of the countryside in the face of rising urban society. Kenneth Jackson's important book revises conventional wisdom about the Klan. He shows that its roots in the 1920s can also be found in burgeoning cities among people who were frightened, dislocated, and uprooted by rapid changes in urban life. Many joined the Klan for sincere patriotic motives, unaware of the ugly prejudice that lay beneath the civic rhetoric. Mr. Jackson not only dissects the Klan's activities and membership, he also traces its impact on the public life of the twenties. In many places―from Atlanta to Dallas, from Buffalo to Portland, Oregon―the Klan agitated politics, held immense power, and won elective office. The Ku Klux Klan in the City is a continuing and timely reminder of the tensions and antagonisms beneath the surface of our national life. "Comprehensively researched, methodically organized, lucidly written...a book to be respected."― Journal of American History .
348 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1992
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June 22, 2020
Popular perceptions of the Ku Kulx Klan are that they are rural southern white men terrorizing isolated black communities. Kenneth Jackson challenges many of these preconceptions by focusing on the KKK Movement of the early 1920s. He examines about a dozen cities and chronicles the rise and fall of the Klan in each city. Each chapter is seemingly repetitive although the conclusions (intro and conclusion) are strong and contain the most information.
Jackson's central argument is that nearly half of all klansmen of the 1920s were based in large (75,000+) cities throughout the country. Chicago had the single largest number of klansmen at around 50,000. The appeal of the Klan was based on prejudice. Some communities, especially Detroit, witnessed explosive growth in black populations, but racial prejudice was not the main driving force. The core message of the 1920s Klan was something called "100% American." This broad bumper sticker slogan allowed for prejudice against blacks, Catholics, and Jews. At the same time it committed the Klan to law and order with a blind support for law enforcement and a corresponding antagonism towards law breakers, most often bootleggers.
Jackson does not spend much time on Klan outrages. He assumes readers already have a negative disposition towards the Klan. He begins the book with the syndicated series by the New York World chronicling 150+ Klan outrages; but rarely gets any more specific. Any movement that includes 1 million to 8 million members (Jackson says Klan membership was probably around 2.028 million) is unlikely to be based entirely on hate. Jackson notes how the Klan made donations to various charities during its very brief 1920s revival. Jackson pities the klansmen. His conclusion is that the average klansman was a lower middle class, protestant, white male whose world was rapidly changing. Desperate for any anchor, they readily joined the Klan only to become more disillusioned and abandon support. The rank and file member was "non-union, blue collar employee of large businesses and factories. Miserably paid, they rarely boasted of as much as a high school education and more commonly possessed only a grammar or free school background. Their religious lyalty was to conservative, non-ritualistic Protestant denominations such as the Baptist, Methodist, or Christian churches (p. 241)."
Race is a complex issue. Writing in the 1960s, Jackson had a much easier time commenting on race. In several instances, he recorded donations benefiting black charities. He concludes that in only some cities was apprehension of blacks a driving factor in memberships. True, everywhere, racial superiority was considered to be an understood and accepted idea. But his point is that recruiters, or kleagles, rarely had to emphasize, or even chose to comment on white vs. black racial relations. Much more common in the 1920s was religion. A profound fear of Catholics was a much more successful recruitment tool. "...Aware of the Red Scare and reports of petting parties, wild dancing, and other indications of a revolution in morals....Sensing traditional values, religion, and way of life of an older America were in danger, [he] donated ten dollars to a hypocritical secret society in a vague attempt to halt the forces of time (p. 242)."
Jackson argues that misguided and desperate klansmen became disillusioned with the Invisible Empire once they realized the Klan could not deliver on its promises. The Klan could not prevent immigrants from changing the population. "It could neither restore the Bible to primacy in the public schools, nor restrict the activities of the Catholic Church, nor return the Negro to rural docility, nor stop neighborhood transition (p. 254)." Except that is not true. In 1924 the United States imposed the infamous immigration quotas. Many states passed additional laws to enforce Prohibition. Jim Crow oppressed black voters in the South. Jackson's case studies show that when klansmen won elections, they advanced klan agendas. In Portland, OR, which was a Klan hotspot, they succeeded in outlawing parochial schools. In several places, the Klan was very successful in pushing its social agenda. Even if unsuccessful in local elections, the size of their voting base was enough to push rival politicians into adopting more conservative or xenophobic positions. A more common theme to explain the decline of the klan is corruption and in-fighting.
William Simmons revived the organization around 1919. The country was beginning an economic depression. A new law against liquor strongly pitted immigrant communities against established protestant communities. Millions of returning soldiers led to further economic stress and an upsurge in crime. Simmons partnered with two advertisers in a recruitment drive. The advertisers won a sweetheart deal by gaining a percentage of initiation fees from each recruit. Until the syndicated column by the New York World in September 1921 documented the vigilante aspect of the nascent Klan, recruitment was slow. Readers of the column eagerly signed up with the Klan to fight the future. Once the Klan became established there was a coup. Simmons was removed and Hiram Wesley Evans took over. The ugly drawn-out dispute between Evans and Simmons shook the Klan. Many branches split with the Klan, either as a direct result of the national split in the organization, or through the autocratic style of the organization that funneled all wealth and power to the national level. In several instances, corruption at the local level meant that local Klan leaders embezzled funds and ran away. The in-fighting was seemingly consistent in every city Jackson considered for this book.
Although Jackson pities the average 1920s klansman and documents some good deeds by the Klan, he does appear to delight in ridiculing the Klan. These barbs, found throughout the book, provide some humor to the seemingly repetitive story of in-fighting. Jackson discovered a census-like document of membership based in Knoxville. This source appears to be the basis of his arguments on membership at a national level. It is an intriguing source. However, he seemingly uses it as much for giggles as for source material. He delights in stating how many klansmen did not know their own religious denomination. At least one, wrote "Jentile." Other preachers could not identify their church or location. Apparently, many Klansmen claimed to be preachers to avoid paying dues. In recounting the "naturalization of klansmen" in Denver, CO, he quoted the Imperial Wizard (Evans) addressing the crowd that they had joined "the most wonderful movement the world has ever seen (p. 230)."
Overall, it is an interesting read. It is more so considering the polarization of America in the 2010s. Just as the country underwent radical transformation in the 1920s, the American of the 2010s is also undergoing radical change. People desperately want stability. The klansmen of the 1920s found a way to monetize that desire. Jackson describes a Klan that grew in many large cities. He does not discuss dogma, so it is difficult to understand the motivations of the klansmen. Jackson does document instances of beneficence by local klan chapters; but these are outweighed by the secretive aspects of the society. Ultimately, Jackson concludes that any activity that requires anonymity by a mask probably is not in the public's best interest.
Jackson's central argument is that nearly half of all klansmen of the 1920s were based in large (75,000+) cities throughout the country. Chicago had the single largest number of klansmen at around 50,000. The appeal of the Klan was based on prejudice. Some communities, especially Detroit, witnessed explosive growth in black populations, but racial prejudice was not the main driving force. The core message of the 1920s Klan was something called "100% American." This broad bumper sticker slogan allowed for prejudice against blacks, Catholics, and Jews. At the same time it committed the Klan to law and order with a blind support for law enforcement and a corresponding antagonism towards law breakers, most often bootleggers.
Jackson does not spend much time on Klan outrages. He assumes readers already have a negative disposition towards the Klan. He begins the book with the syndicated series by the New York World chronicling 150+ Klan outrages; but rarely gets any more specific. Any movement that includes 1 million to 8 million members (Jackson says Klan membership was probably around 2.028 million) is unlikely to be based entirely on hate. Jackson notes how the Klan made donations to various charities during its very brief 1920s revival. Jackson pities the klansmen. His conclusion is that the average klansman was a lower middle class, protestant, white male whose world was rapidly changing. Desperate for any anchor, they readily joined the Klan only to become more disillusioned and abandon support. The rank and file member was "non-union, blue collar employee of large businesses and factories. Miserably paid, they rarely boasted of as much as a high school education and more commonly possessed only a grammar or free school background. Their religious lyalty was to conservative, non-ritualistic Protestant denominations such as the Baptist, Methodist, or Christian churches (p. 241)."
Race is a complex issue. Writing in the 1960s, Jackson had a much easier time commenting on race. In several instances, he recorded donations benefiting black charities. He concludes that in only some cities was apprehension of blacks a driving factor in memberships. True, everywhere, racial superiority was considered to be an understood and accepted idea. But his point is that recruiters, or kleagles, rarely had to emphasize, or even chose to comment on white vs. black racial relations. Much more common in the 1920s was religion. A profound fear of Catholics was a much more successful recruitment tool. "...Aware of the Red Scare and reports of petting parties, wild dancing, and other indications of a revolution in morals....Sensing traditional values, religion, and way of life of an older America were in danger, [he] donated ten dollars to a hypocritical secret society in a vague attempt to halt the forces of time (p. 242)."
Jackson argues that misguided and desperate klansmen became disillusioned with the Invisible Empire once they realized the Klan could not deliver on its promises. The Klan could not prevent immigrants from changing the population. "It could neither restore the Bible to primacy in the public schools, nor restrict the activities of the Catholic Church, nor return the Negro to rural docility, nor stop neighborhood transition (p. 254)." Except that is not true. In 1924 the United States imposed the infamous immigration quotas. Many states passed additional laws to enforce Prohibition. Jim Crow oppressed black voters in the South. Jackson's case studies show that when klansmen won elections, they advanced klan agendas. In Portland, OR, which was a Klan hotspot, they succeeded in outlawing parochial schools. In several places, the Klan was very successful in pushing its social agenda. Even if unsuccessful in local elections, the size of their voting base was enough to push rival politicians into adopting more conservative or xenophobic positions. A more common theme to explain the decline of the klan is corruption and in-fighting.
William Simmons revived the organization around 1919. The country was beginning an economic depression. A new law against liquor strongly pitted immigrant communities against established protestant communities. Millions of returning soldiers led to further economic stress and an upsurge in crime. Simmons partnered with two advertisers in a recruitment drive. The advertisers won a sweetheart deal by gaining a percentage of initiation fees from each recruit. Until the syndicated column by the New York World in September 1921 documented the vigilante aspect of the nascent Klan, recruitment was slow. Readers of the column eagerly signed up with the Klan to fight the future. Once the Klan became established there was a coup. Simmons was removed and Hiram Wesley Evans took over. The ugly drawn-out dispute between Evans and Simmons shook the Klan. Many branches split with the Klan, either as a direct result of the national split in the organization, or through the autocratic style of the organization that funneled all wealth and power to the national level. In several instances, corruption at the local level meant that local Klan leaders embezzled funds and ran away. The in-fighting was seemingly consistent in every city Jackson considered for this book.
Although Jackson pities the average 1920s klansman and documents some good deeds by the Klan, he does appear to delight in ridiculing the Klan. These barbs, found throughout the book, provide some humor to the seemingly repetitive story of in-fighting. Jackson discovered a census-like document of membership based in Knoxville. This source appears to be the basis of his arguments on membership at a national level. It is an intriguing source. However, he seemingly uses it as much for giggles as for source material. He delights in stating how many klansmen did not know their own religious denomination. At least one, wrote "Jentile." Other preachers could not identify their church or location. Apparently, many Klansmen claimed to be preachers to avoid paying dues. In recounting the "naturalization of klansmen" in Denver, CO, he quoted the Imperial Wizard (Evans) addressing the crowd that they had joined "the most wonderful movement the world has ever seen (p. 230)."
Overall, it is an interesting read. It is more so considering the polarization of America in the 2010s. Just as the country underwent radical transformation in the 1920s, the American of the 2010s is also undergoing radical change. People desperately want stability. The klansmen of the 1920s found a way to monetize that desire. Jackson describes a Klan that grew in many large cities. He does not discuss dogma, so it is difficult to understand the motivations of the klansmen. Jackson does document instances of beneficence by local klan chapters; but these are outweighed by the secretive aspects of the society. Ultimately, Jackson concludes that any activity that requires anonymity by a mask probably is not in the public's best interest.
December 7, 2017
Mention the Ku Klux Klan to most people and images of backwoods midnight cross-burnings in some out-of-the-way southern county spring to mind. Kenneth T. Jackson's look at the Klan as a national, urban organization with thousands of members in northern and western states goes far in bringing the real Ku Klux Klan into perspective. While today's Klan is a small group on the fringe, the Klan of the 1920s boasted hundreds of thousands of members and was as common in many American communities as Elk's lodges and Rotary clubs. Virulently anti-immigration and anti-Catholic while touting "%100 Americanism" the Klan was a familiar sight in cities such as Newark, New Jersey and Denver, Colorado. It was hugely influential in the manipulation of and sometimes outright control of both Democratic and Republican politics in northern and western states, especially in cities. Chicago boasted the largest Klan membership of any city in the nation, and Klans were even to be found in New York City and Portland, Oregon. Before going into decline in the late 1920s, the Klan had achieved a national following and was quite different in character from the original Klan of the Reconstruction era. Jackson's book is enlightening in both dispelling the image of the Ku Klux Klan as solely a southern and rural organization and highlighting it as gaining most of its power in large American cities nationwide.
November 8, 2024
Started this a few months ago and put it down for a while, but seemed like an apt time to finish it given recent events.
I think what people ultimately want from books about the (second) KKK, and what I wanted too, is a declaration on their relevance to whatever political situation they find themselves in. Either that's a firm, reassuring promise that the Klan is too far removed from today's zeitgeist to be familiar, or it's an ominous warning that we could slip into fascist vigilantism at any moment. The truth, per Jackson, seems entirely ambiguous.
The central premise here is that modern Americans tend to underrate the potency of the urban Klan, consigning all hooded activities to the domain of poor rural farmers. The picture presented here makes it readily apparent that the Klan was large and hugely influential in the city, and moreover that its constituents were a coalition of small businessmen and city officials rather than blue-collar workers. That feels relevant to current events. As Jackson reminds us, the face of racism is neither unrecognizable nor foreign, and ascribing it only to those easily deemed lesser is remarkably ignorant. Additionally, the Klan did not overtly traffic in racist violence and belligerent language the way that its successor did. These elements existed, but largely it was composed of people who viewed themselves as ordinary citizens whose economic livelihood and traditional way of life had been threatened by the introduction of foreign elements. This also feels relevant. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s was an alliance of inadequate men, largely unsuccessful lower-class white-collars, so terrified of change and of losing their livelihoods that they needed to look anywhere else for a group of people to blame. Wholly familiar.
Many other aspects of the Klan, however, feel less relevant. The overt scapegoating of Catholics is not so easily transferable to Muslims or Mexicans or transgender people. The inherently insular membership requirements of "one hundred percent American" (white, male, Protestant, native-born) do not reflect the broad coalitions of reactionaries that now appear across the country. The fear of being exposed as a Klansman has no adequate contemporary. The elaborate secrecy, rituals, and odd lexicon adapted by the Klan now reads as cringeworthy rather than exciting.
Ultimately, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930 is a worthwhile read on the activities of the organization and of its origins and failings. It is adequately relevant to modern prejudice movements insofar as it covers how inadequacy begets hatred and how the pursuit of a sense of community trumps morality. It lacks enough interesting stories and anecdotes to prevent it from faltering at times, and by the end of the book the pattern of Klan activity is stale (large start, money issues, conflicts with the national chapter, exposure by local authorities or newspaper, schisms, failure). Nonetheless, it firmly challenges the idea that Klansmen were an unusually powerful cabal of poor, uneducated whites that solely terrorized the South. They were middle-class, they infiltrated every level of society, they spoke of adherence to the law, and they could be found in every corner of the country, large or small.
I think what people ultimately want from books about the (second) KKK, and what I wanted too, is a declaration on their relevance to whatever political situation they find themselves in. Either that's a firm, reassuring promise that the Klan is too far removed from today's zeitgeist to be familiar, or it's an ominous warning that we could slip into fascist vigilantism at any moment. The truth, per Jackson, seems entirely ambiguous.
The central premise here is that modern Americans tend to underrate the potency of the urban Klan, consigning all hooded activities to the domain of poor rural farmers. The picture presented here makes it readily apparent that the Klan was large and hugely influential in the city, and moreover that its constituents were a coalition of small businessmen and city officials rather than blue-collar workers. That feels relevant to current events. As Jackson reminds us, the face of racism is neither unrecognizable nor foreign, and ascribing it only to those easily deemed lesser is remarkably ignorant. Additionally, the Klan did not overtly traffic in racist violence and belligerent language the way that its successor did. These elements existed, but largely it was composed of people who viewed themselves as ordinary citizens whose economic livelihood and traditional way of life had been threatened by the introduction of foreign elements. This also feels relevant. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s was an alliance of inadequate men, largely unsuccessful lower-class white-collars, so terrified of change and of losing their livelihoods that they needed to look anywhere else for a group of people to blame. Wholly familiar.
Many other aspects of the Klan, however, feel less relevant. The overt scapegoating of Catholics is not so easily transferable to Muslims or Mexicans or transgender people. The inherently insular membership requirements of "one hundred percent American" (white, male, Protestant, native-born) do not reflect the broad coalitions of reactionaries that now appear across the country. The fear of being exposed as a Klansman has no adequate contemporary. The elaborate secrecy, rituals, and odd lexicon adapted by the Klan now reads as cringeworthy rather than exciting.
Ultimately, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930 is a worthwhile read on the activities of the organization and of its origins and failings. It is adequately relevant to modern prejudice movements insofar as it covers how inadequacy begets hatred and how the pursuit of a sense of community trumps morality. It lacks enough interesting stories and anecdotes to prevent it from faltering at times, and by the end of the book the pattern of Klan activity is stale (large start, money issues, conflicts with the national chapter, exposure by local authorities or newspaper, schisms, failure). Nonetheless, it firmly challenges the idea that Klansmen were an unusually powerful cabal of poor, uneducated whites that solely terrorized the South. They were middle-class, they infiltrated every level of society, they spoke of adherence to the law, and they could be found in every corner of the country, large or small.
January 5, 2021
Very good book for those seeking a baseline understanding of the Second KKK.
November 1, 2016
the information was insightful but unsettling. I agree with the last line of the book for sure. "...the klan mentality remains." it's unfortunate but true.
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