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112 pages, Hardcover
First published May 22, 2017
t was surprising enough when strangely dressed religious leaders took over the government of such a large country as Iran. But now, these bin Ladenists!? The tactics they’ve used are bloodthirsty, sadistic. They shamelessly show their pleasure when their enemies are killed. They touch their victims, they look at their faces. They film the killings! These are all things that we would never do—well, except on very rare occasions, like the time when we killed bin Laden himself. And the reasons they give for their anger seem odd, because their language is religious. A rather large number of people in the West could understand—and many could respect, and quite a few could even deeply admire—the Marxist rebels in Southeast Asia or Latin America who fought so bravely against the ruthless dictators and elites installed in power by the United States. Those who rebel today under the bin Ladenist flag are much, much harder to sympathize with.
But we need to remember that the Western powers, with their enormous fleets of airplanes and ships, have over the decades and centuries forced into a degrading subjugation virtually all the lands where Islam is practiced and immense Islamic empires once ruled. Places whose political, economic, and intellectual influence had once reached across the globe have been forced to submit to the military might of foreign conquerors, and dignified people have been compelled to stand by helplessly as their lands were demeaningly carved into pieces and given new names by alien overlords. And we should accept the fact that, even though Osama bin Laden happened to have been rich, the bin Ladenist movement is a movement of the poor. Almost all of his followers, and the followers of his followers, have been very poor and very unlucky people, just like the followers of the Marxist revolutionaries, and the movement would not exist at all if it didn’t express the desperation of these particular people. Some of the members and supporters of the bin Ladenist movement are middle-class or upper-class individuals, just as there have always been middle-class and upper-class participants in virtually all movements of the poor, because there have always been certain members of the privileged classes who, for whatever reason (in Osama bin Laden’s case, perhaps partly because his family was recently poor), have sympathized with, and identified with, very poor people.
To eat bad food when you know that others eat good food, to not have food, to be responsible for children and not be able to feed them well, to be sick and know that other people can see a doctor, but you and your family have no doctor you can see, to live surrounded by dirt, to live in ugly rooms in ugly buildings, to know that you can easily be robbed of everything you have, to live in fear of being beaten up, to live in fear of being raped, to live in fear that you or your loved ones could be hurt or killed by people whose authority you cannot challenge—well, yes, poverty is a filthy condition. And when desperate people cry out and risk their lives to say that their condition is awful, they’re basically never wrong. They may be wrong about what caused their condition, they may be wrong about what will cure their condition, but people who do terrible things because they’re in a state of desperation about the circumstances they live in are not deluded. The boy at the party in the hotel ballroom thought his problem was that there was another boy who was flirting with his date. That wasn’t his problem. His problem was bad schools, bad health, bad prenatal care, bad childhood nutrition, danger, terror, daily harassment, condescension expressed by authorities who underestimated his intelligence, the fact that in the building he lived in, the garbage was collected on an irregular schedule, the elevator was broken, the light bulbs in the hallways and the stairwells were broken. The boy’s action, the murder, was a form of speech; he was trying to say something.