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Julius Nyerere
With vision, hard-nosed judgment, and biting humor, Julius Nyerere confronted the challenges of nation building in modern Africa. Constructing Tanzania out of a controversial Cold War union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Nyerere emerged as one of independent Africa’s most influential leaders. He pursued his own brand of African socialism, called Ujamaa, with unquestioned integrity, and saw it profoundly influence movements to end white minority rule in Southern Africa. Yet his efforts to build a peaceful nation created a police state, economic crisis, and a war with Idi Amin’s Uganda. Eventually—unlike most of his contemporaries—Nyerere retired voluntarily from power, paving the way for peaceful electoral transitions in Tanzania that continue today. Based on multinational archival research, extensive reading, and interviews with Nyerere’s family and colleagues, as well as some who suffered under his rule, Paul Bjerk provides an incisive and accessible biography of this African leader of global importance. Recognizing Nyerere’s commitment to participatory government and social equality while also confronting his authoritarian turns and policy failures, Bjerk offers a portrait of principled leadership under the difficult circumstances of postcolonial Africa.
168 pages, Paperback
Published May 30, 2017
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April 3, 2019
Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie armed me with caution when reading narratives about African History, being told by non-African writers. Oftentimes when looking for books by African writers on African history, I seldom am lucky. Nevertheless, an account of African history by a non-African writer is still better than nothing.
Humble Beginnings
It was interesting to learn that Nyerere was fortunate to receive free British education since his father was elected chief to serve under British indirect rule system - where tribes were divided as political units. The argumentative nature of his people, the Zanaki, and the fact that Nyerere played a board game requiring plenty of forethought - clearly helped shape the man we came to know.
The serendipitious meeting with Father Richard Walsh, a progressive-minded missionary, is worth mentioning. His views encouraged Nyerere’s own egalitarian ideals. Likewise, James Irenge, Nyerere’s primary school teacher, deserves a mention for his help in propelling his political career. Along these lines, another worthy mention is Joan Wicken, a democratic socialist who met Nyerere in Edinburgh, and became his loyal aide, critic and speechwriter for about 30 years.
Start of his political career
The birth of TANU (a political group) on July 7th was a momentous turn of events for Nyerere. Not only was is it responsible for Tanzania’s independence and liberation movement in South Africa - but also annexation of the Island of Zanzibar from Cold War intrigue; forming Tanzania as we know it. It was composed of a good blend of Tanzanian individuals who were sophisticated enough to engage with European thought and culture at the time.
One of the biggest highlights is the merger of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in April 1964. Apparently, the decision was made rather hastily, without public consultation or referendum, due to the pressures from superpowers fighting the cold war. This decision was destined to be troublesome, as clearly evident today.
It was commendable that Nyerere learned from the Mau Mau rebellion and chose a less violent path to the independence movement.
I sympathize with some of Nyerere’s actions to ensure suppression of divisive politics that were rampant in other African countries. But with the benefit of hindsight, I’m not sure tactics such as the Preventive Detention Act were the right way to go about it. On this note, his refusal of legislation which would have limited Tanzania citizenship to only people of African descent was brilliant foresight. He had already seen how racial bias had led to adverse effects in Germany, South Africa, Congo and Rwanda.
Unbeknownst to me was that Nyerere’s Ujamaa theory was inspired by a book by a fellow Tanzanian, Petro Itosi Marealle. Nyerere went further ahead with Ujamaa by shaping it into an ideological equivalent of his nonaligned foreign policy. Looking back, some of the things done in the name of Ujamaa, could have been done differently: taking control of foreign businesses, surveilling political leaders and forcing scattered villagers into larger settlements under more direct control.
The Arusha Declaration, the 1970s
Nyerere’s Arusha Declaration Speech was another significant milestone - stipulating his vision for a socialist state modeled on the one built by Chairman Mao. Some dissidents of this vision, particularly Oscar Kambona ended up being charged with treason and fleeing the country. Although Nyerere’s ostensible goal was to eliminate corruption from the party and government, the effect of these aggressive tactics was to entrench authoritarian habits and squelch debate about the dangers of socialist policies.
While the declaration was packed with the best intent, it led to disasters on key areas:
> The Economy - mostly due to nationalization of banks, industries and retail trade
> Food shortage - mostly due to unrealistic registration of 13 million people into 7 thousand villages, significantly disrupting farm production
> Lowered quality of education - a hasty policy of Universal Primary Education stretched the government’s capacity. Alternately, the policy also allowed Tanzania to be the only African country boasting a near universal literacy by 1980.
Nyerere summed up his 1970s situation nicely in one his speeches: “Tanzania has tried to keep a balance between it’s urgent need to increase the amount of wealth, and it’s conviction that the purpose of wealth is man, who must not be destroyed in the process of creation.” However, villagization had clearly upset this balance.
Iddi Amin and the war with Uganda
At a time when anti-Asian sentiment was bubbling in Uganda, Nyerere also agreed to a law nationalizing all buildings worth more than one hundred thousand shillings in order to eliminate “landlordism” - which translated to an attack on the Indian commercial community. Naturally, the Indians felt bitter and betrayed by a leader who they had trusted but who now seemed to be acting like an Idi Amin in disguise.
Facing the threat of a mutiny within his army, Amin created a distraction by claiming that Tanzania was preparing an invasion in the south.The occupation of the Kagera Salient by Ugandan forces marked the start of war.
Even after the Tanzanian victory, Ugandan’ post war politics remained chaotic. In order to appease the Ugandan public, Nyerere pushed aside his friend Milton Obote and allowed some Ugandan exiles to elect their own candidates. After two failed attempts, Obote returned and took over the country through a military junta. Following years of civil war, Yoweri Museveni eventually came out on top in 1986.
The war in Uganda was estimated to have cost Tanzania USD 500 million, and it dealt a deathblow to the Tanzanian economy. After the war, an extreme scarcity of consumer goods meant that hoarding and smuggling became common among people of every social class.
Post Ugandan War, Nyerere’s Presidency
People remember this period as a time when adults wore burlap sacks and village children had no clothing at all. Edwin Mtei, the then minister of finance is noted for his intention to strike a deal with the IMF to remedy the economy. He was willing to lose his job to give hard advice. Some contend that Nyerere mostly got bad advice from his advisors as most of them feared him. The proposed neoliberal reforms would clearly undermine the state-controlled economy that Tanzania had tried to build. After realizing he had reached an impasse with the president, Mtei resigned.
Unfortunately, Nyerere’s attempts to battle IMF prescriptions through constriction of imports and coerced export production only exacerbated government coercion. Anybody maintaining a large stock of foreign currency or imported products could be accused of hoarding and detained under the Economic Crimes and Sabotage Act. In practice, the enforcement of this law was often a vehicle for personal vendetta and political control. Officials at all levels saw no recourse other than maintaining some wealth in the form of imported goods.
The process, by economic pragmatists, to sideline Nyerere’s stubborn insistence on a state controlled economy was only completed after he stepped down from presidency.
Start of a crisis, 1978-90 and the birth of CCM
The effect of a stagnant economy and crushing fiscal burden trickled down to every countryman, particularly the civil servants and party officials. Initially, these two groups had resorted to private businesses and rental properties to augment their income, but when this front was also cast as illegal, corruption and theft consequently skyrocketed.
Surrounded by the prestige and protections of the presidency, Nyerere failed to understand the moral dilemmas that people faced in the then current economic circumstances. Ujamaa became unsustainable but Nyerere had invested too much to admit its failure.
The elder statesman
Nyerere along with several other African leaders espoused the ideology of pan-Africanism. Among other things, the idea emphasized that the borders between African countries were recent and the presence of Africans in the Americas was the result of the slave trade. Pan-Africanism argued that the interest of all people of African descent were best served by uniting their efforts and erasing the divisions that racist European institutions had imposed.
It was interesting to learn of Seif Sharif Hamad’s involvement in exposing Aboud Jumbe’s intention of pushing for a three-government system. This eventually led to Nyerere pushing for Jumbe’s unconditional resignation. Hamad’s political affiliations have taken a different route since then.
During the 1985 presidential elections, a noteworthy tidbit, is that Nyerere supported his then young ambassador to the United Nations - Salim Ahmed Salim. Who was rejected by those who saw him merely as a Zanzibari Arab. Eventually, the party voted for Ali Hassan Mwinyi - who was greatly criticized by Nyerere. Mwinyi retaliated by dismissing several of Nyerere’s favorites from his cabinet and later he pushed strongly for economic liberalization.
Learning from the communist fall in China, Russia and Eastern Europe - Nyerere was instrumental in pushing for a multiparty system at an opportune time.
The 1995 elections marked the start of tumultuous elections in Zanzibar. Nyerere made a veiled acknowledgement of electoral fraud and suggested for a unity government between Salmin Amour [CCM] and Seif Hamad [CUF]. However, his party didn’t heed his advice and this marked the start of continued tensions in Zanzibar.
Nyerere influence in African politics played a major role in helping resolve situations in Congo, Burundi, Rwanda and South Africa. Although oftentimes his efforts met great resistance from Western Powers.
A woman’s role and family
The tradeoff for Nyerere being married to his country and ideals first was stress for his seven children, who against expectations, went to government schools and Nyerere had insisted that they be treated no different from other students.
Nyerere’s wife, Maria, despite her dissatisfaction with a man who was more a father to the nation than his own children - still managed to appear ever gracious and ever modest, both in private and in public. Raising their children to her husband’s austere values. Her sense of propriety was an invaluable asset in Nyerere’s effort to set an example of socialist integrity.
Conclusion
To receive a country’s leadership reins at a time when Africa was politically discombobulated should have been an uphill battle for many. Colonial boundaries, interwoven ethnic and religious traditions, and undemocratic political institutions represented conflicting historical contexts that independence simply could not erase.
I commend the author for his seemingly fair account of Nyerere’s life. History that governs your parents heritage is a treasure trove of information, and I recommend this book mostly to my fellow Tanzanians.
Memorable Quotes:
While those who suffered from his economic policies and political repression may cast him in the role of a Third World strongman, any honest account must also acknowledge his humility, his restraint, and his real commitment to a better life for the people of his country.
“The wind of change is blowing through this continent, and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.” - Harold Macmillan
“I did feel it was important, that Julius Nyerere, who is a liberation fighter, and Martin Luther King, who espoused nonviolent means to freedom, blend their spirits together.” - Coretta Scott King
“The source of peace in Tanzania is not that the Arusha Declaration has done away with poverty even a little bit. It has given you all in this hall, capitalists and socialists alike, an opportunity to build a country which holds out a future of hope to the many.” - Julius Nyerere
Humble Beginnings
It was interesting to learn that Nyerere was fortunate to receive free British education since his father was elected chief to serve under British indirect rule system - where tribes were divided as political units. The argumentative nature of his people, the Zanaki, and the fact that Nyerere played a board game requiring plenty of forethought - clearly helped shape the man we came to know.
The serendipitious meeting with Father Richard Walsh, a progressive-minded missionary, is worth mentioning. His views encouraged Nyerere’s own egalitarian ideals. Likewise, James Irenge, Nyerere’s primary school teacher, deserves a mention for his help in propelling his political career. Along these lines, another worthy mention is Joan Wicken, a democratic socialist who met Nyerere in Edinburgh, and became his loyal aide, critic and speechwriter for about 30 years.
Start of his political career
The birth of TANU (a political group) on July 7th was a momentous turn of events for Nyerere. Not only was is it responsible for Tanzania’s independence and liberation movement in South Africa - but also annexation of the Island of Zanzibar from Cold War intrigue; forming Tanzania as we know it. It was composed of a good blend of Tanzanian individuals who were sophisticated enough to engage with European thought and culture at the time.
One of the biggest highlights is the merger of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in April 1964. Apparently, the decision was made rather hastily, without public consultation or referendum, due to the pressures from superpowers fighting the cold war. This decision was destined to be troublesome, as clearly evident today.
It was commendable that Nyerere learned from the Mau Mau rebellion and chose a less violent path to the independence movement.
I sympathize with some of Nyerere’s actions to ensure suppression of divisive politics that were rampant in other African countries. But with the benefit of hindsight, I’m not sure tactics such as the Preventive Detention Act were the right way to go about it. On this note, his refusal of legislation which would have limited Tanzania citizenship to only people of African descent was brilliant foresight. He had already seen how racial bias had led to adverse effects in Germany, South Africa, Congo and Rwanda.
Unbeknownst to me was that Nyerere’s Ujamaa theory was inspired by a book by a fellow Tanzanian, Petro Itosi Marealle. Nyerere went further ahead with Ujamaa by shaping it into an ideological equivalent of his nonaligned foreign policy. Looking back, some of the things done in the name of Ujamaa, could have been done differently: taking control of foreign businesses, surveilling political leaders and forcing scattered villagers into larger settlements under more direct control.
The Arusha Declaration, the 1970s
Nyerere’s Arusha Declaration Speech was another significant milestone - stipulating his vision for a socialist state modeled on the one built by Chairman Mao. Some dissidents of this vision, particularly Oscar Kambona ended up being charged with treason and fleeing the country. Although Nyerere’s ostensible goal was to eliminate corruption from the party and government, the effect of these aggressive tactics was to entrench authoritarian habits and squelch debate about the dangers of socialist policies.
While the declaration was packed with the best intent, it led to disasters on key areas:
> The Economy - mostly due to nationalization of banks, industries and retail trade
> Food shortage - mostly due to unrealistic registration of 13 million people into 7 thousand villages, significantly disrupting farm production
> Lowered quality of education - a hasty policy of Universal Primary Education stretched the government’s capacity. Alternately, the policy also allowed Tanzania to be the only African country boasting a near universal literacy by 1980.
Nyerere summed up his 1970s situation nicely in one his speeches: “Tanzania has tried to keep a balance between it’s urgent need to increase the amount of wealth, and it’s conviction that the purpose of wealth is man, who must not be destroyed in the process of creation.” However, villagization had clearly upset this balance.
Iddi Amin and the war with Uganda
At a time when anti-Asian sentiment was bubbling in Uganda, Nyerere also agreed to a law nationalizing all buildings worth more than one hundred thousand shillings in order to eliminate “landlordism” - which translated to an attack on the Indian commercial community. Naturally, the Indians felt bitter and betrayed by a leader who they had trusted but who now seemed to be acting like an Idi Amin in disguise.
Facing the threat of a mutiny within his army, Amin created a distraction by claiming that Tanzania was preparing an invasion in the south.The occupation of the Kagera Salient by Ugandan forces marked the start of war.
Even after the Tanzanian victory, Ugandan’ post war politics remained chaotic. In order to appease the Ugandan public, Nyerere pushed aside his friend Milton Obote and allowed some Ugandan exiles to elect their own candidates. After two failed attempts, Obote returned and took over the country through a military junta. Following years of civil war, Yoweri Museveni eventually came out on top in 1986.
The war in Uganda was estimated to have cost Tanzania USD 500 million, and it dealt a deathblow to the Tanzanian economy. After the war, an extreme scarcity of consumer goods meant that hoarding and smuggling became common among people of every social class.
Post Ugandan War, Nyerere’s Presidency
People remember this period as a time when adults wore burlap sacks and village children had no clothing at all. Edwin Mtei, the then minister of finance is noted for his intention to strike a deal with the IMF to remedy the economy. He was willing to lose his job to give hard advice. Some contend that Nyerere mostly got bad advice from his advisors as most of them feared him. The proposed neoliberal reforms would clearly undermine the state-controlled economy that Tanzania had tried to build. After realizing he had reached an impasse with the president, Mtei resigned.
Unfortunately, Nyerere’s attempts to battle IMF prescriptions through constriction of imports and coerced export production only exacerbated government coercion. Anybody maintaining a large stock of foreign currency or imported products could be accused of hoarding and detained under the Economic Crimes and Sabotage Act. In practice, the enforcement of this law was often a vehicle for personal vendetta and political control. Officials at all levels saw no recourse other than maintaining some wealth in the form of imported goods.
The process, by economic pragmatists, to sideline Nyerere’s stubborn insistence on a state controlled economy was only completed after he stepped down from presidency.
Start of a crisis, 1978-90 and the birth of CCM
The effect of a stagnant economy and crushing fiscal burden trickled down to every countryman, particularly the civil servants and party officials. Initially, these two groups had resorted to private businesses and rental properties to augment their income, but when this front was also cast as illegal, corruption and theft consequently skyrocketed.
Surrounded by the prestige and protections of the presidency, Nyerere failed to understand the moral dilemmas that people faced in the then current economic circumstances. Ujamaa became unsustainable but Nyerere had invested too much to admit its failure.
The elder statesman
Nyerere along with several other African leaders espoused the ideology of pan-Africanism. Among other things, the idea emphasized that the borders between African countries were recent and the presence of Africans in the Americas was the result of the slave trade. Pan-Africanism argued that the interest of all people of African descent were best served by uniting their efforts and erasing the divisions that racist European institutions had imposed.
It was interesting to learn of Seif Sharif Hamad’s involvement in exposing Aboud Jumbe’s intention of pushing for a three-government system. This eventually led to Nyerere pushing for Jumbe’s unconditional resignation. Hamad’s political affiliations have taken a different route since then.
During the 1985 presidential elections, a noteworthy tidbit, is that Nyerere supported his then young ambassador to the United Nations - Salim Ahmed Salim. Who was rejected by those who saw him merely as a Zanzibari Arab. Eventually, the party voted for Ali Hassan Mwinyi - who was greatly criticized by Nyerere. Mwinyi retaliated by dismissing several of Nyerere’s favorites from his cabinet and later he pushed strongly for economic liberalization.
Learning from the communist fall in China, Russia and Eastern Europe - Nyerere was instrumental in pushing for a multiparty system at an opportune time.
The 1995 elections marked the start of tumultuous elections in Zanzibar. Nyerere made a veiled acknowledgement of electoral fraud and suggested for a unity government between Salmin Amour [CCM] and Seif Hamad [CUF]. However, his party didn’t heed his advice and this marked the start of continued tensions in Zanzibar.
Nyerere influence in African politics played a major role in helping resolve situations in Congo, Burundi, Rwanda and South Africa. Although oftentimes his efforts met great resistance from Western Powers.
A woman’s role and family
The tradeoff for Nyerere being married to his country and ideals first was stress for his seven children, who against expectations, went to government schools and Nyerere had insisted that they be treated no different from other students.
Nyerere’s wife, Maria, despite her dissatisfaction with a man who was more a father to the nation than his own children - still managed to appear ever gracious and ever modest, both in private and in public. Raising their children to her husband’s austere values. Her sense of propriety was an invaluable asset in Nyerere’s effort to set an example of socialist integrity.
Conclusion
To receive a country’s leadership reins at a time when Africa was politically discombobulated should have been an uphill battle for many. Colonial boundaries, interwoven ethnic and religious traditions, and undemocratic political institutions represented conflicting historical contexts that independence simply could not erase.
I commend the author for his seemingly fair account of Nyerere’s life. History that governs your parents heritage is a treasure trove of information, and I recommend this book mostly to my fellow Tanzanians.
Memorable Quotes:
While those who suffered from his economic policies and political repression may cast him in the role of a Third World strongman, any honest account must also acknowledge his humility, his restraint, and his real commitment to a better life for the people of his country.
“The wind of change is blowing through this continent, and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.” - Harold Macmillan
“I did feel it was important, that Julius Nyerere, who is a liberation fighter, and Martin Luther King, who espoused nonviolent means to freedom, blend their spirits together.” - Coretta Scott King
“The source of peace in Tanzania is not that the Arusha Declaration has done away with poverty even a little bit. It has given you all in this hall, capitalists and socialists alike, an opportunity to build a country which holds out a future of hope to the many.” - Julius Nyerere
February 29, 2020
A very fair, balanced, and nuanced profile on this groundbreaking African leader. Julius Nyerere is one of the founding fathers of Tanzania. He successfully led the divided peoples of his region through a non-violent decolonization break from Britain, and in the process instilled a strong sense of humanist, Afro-centric socialism, as well as a call for Pan African unity. Unfortunately, Nyerere’s obsession with unifying his people led to many anti-democratic excesses that ultimately spoiled his humanist vision. Nonetheless, Nyerere was ahead of his time and a true standard bearer for African leaders in the decolonial period. Great book!
June 29, 2020
4.5 stars. A very informative and concise introduction to both Nyerere and Tanzanian history. Similar to the "Oxford very short histories" series, these "Ohio Short Histories of Africa" offer a great way to get informed on the subject matter quickly. Overall it felt balanced, authoritative and - surprisingly for such a slim volume - packed with original research and references to primary source materials. Likely by virtue of its brevity, there were moments when I felt it didn't really provide a satisfactory understanding of the context of certain events, and some transitions were a bit sudden, but overall I was very happy with it and I learned a lot. I will definitely be reading other books in this series.
January 24, 2019
This book is part of a series from Ohio University that puts out short overviews of famous event and leaders in African history. Growing up in the Tanzania during the 1960s and 1970s, Julius Nyerere became somewhat of a political idol for me, like Paul Wellstone became when I moved to Minnesota. This small book measuring only 4" X 7", with only 148 pages and 6 chapters, helped give me a more nuanced sense of Nyerere's policies and life than I felt as a child growing up in Tanzania. Books like these that give you quick overviews on a topic can be very helpful in understanding key issues in the social sciences. This short book is a good start in understanding this man.
May 18, 2026
Libro sorprendentemente ligero que habla del líder que llevó a la independencia y formó la República Unida de Tanzania, gobernándola durante 25 años. Muestra los más y los menos de este. Era socialista empedernido y autoritario, reprimiendo a quien le llevara la contraria. Muy implicado en su política ujamaa de pueblos rurales que fue muy poco efectiva económicamente pero sí socialmente y sanitariamente.
No sé, tenía lo suyo, pero considero que a la vez fue una persona que hizo lo que consideraba que había que hacer con la situación que tenia. En el momento de fragilidad que estaba pasando el continente africano, entrando en una fase de independencia en la que los nuevos países debían formar su identidad, los golpes de estado y guerras civiles abundaban. Pero él logra que Tanzania no pase por esto y dentro de lo que cabe tenga "estabilidad" (aunque se metan en una guerra con uganda pero eso es otro tema). Tenía una ley en la que podía encarcelar a la gente sin dar explicaciones. Prohibía la acumulación de riqueza. Una de cal y otra de arena.
Muy buena lectura!!
No sé, tenía lo suyo, pero considero que a la vez fue una persona que hizo lo que consideraba que había que hacer con la situación que tenia. En el momento de fragilidad que estaba pasando el continente africano, entrando en una fase de independencia en la que los nuevos países debían formar su identidad, los golpes de estado y guerras civiles abundaban. Pero él logra que Tanzania no pase por esto y dentro de lo que cabe tenga "estabilidad" (aunque se metan en una guerra con uganda pero eso es otro tema). Tenía una ley en la que podía encarcelar a la gente sin dar explicaciones. Prohibía la acumulación de riqueza. Una de cal y otra de arena.
Muy buena lectura!!
February 13, 2024
Goeie introductie, maar de dingen waar ik eigenlijk benieuwd naar was, kwamen nauwelijks aan bod.
July 23, 2023
Paul Bjerk has done a marvelous job of getting the story of Nyerere into an accessible, concise and clear number of pages, while maintaining the clear sense that he is dealing with a legend, a giant of modern politics. Nyerere, first and longest President of Tanzania, has been one of my political heroes more than 50 years. This was a good and honest book about him, concise and easily read, meticulously researched. Bjerk is brutally honest where he sees Nyerere's failings, even as he honestly celebrates the great man's heart, intellects and accomplishments. If you are at all interested in Africa, I commend this to you.
November 10, 2023
I thought the book did a good job of giving a balanced perspective on the life and career of Julius Nyerere. While I still don’t agree with his socialist policies and think the author doesn’t really contradict my views that Mr Nyerere was pretty naive to believe that his socialist policies could actually work especially after visiting china under Mao, the book does paint him in a better light as a huge player in the Pan African movement. his ability to survive the struggles of being a leader in post-colonial Africa has to be appreciated
April 21, 2025
I'm part of a small group of Pan-Africanists who strongly believe African history should be told only by Africans.
Paul Bjerk points out several themes that characterized Mwalimu's leadership and the difficulties he faced while in power.
Reading this book makes me think that Mwalimu Nyerere had a fantastic ideology, but it wasn't quite right for that time. Tanzania (Tanganyika and Zanzibar) was newly independent from colonial rule and trying to find its footing.
No matter what the author says, I really admire Mwalimu for his humility and his strong support for Pan-Africanism.
Paul Bjerk points out several themes that characterized Mwalimu's leadership and the difficulties he faced while in power.
Reading this book makes me think that Mwalimu Nyerere had a fantastic ideology, but it wasn't quite right for that time. Tanzania (Tanganyika and Zanzibar) was newly independent from colonial rule and trying to find its footing.
No matter what the author says, I really admire Mwalimu for his humility and his strong support for Pan-Africanism.
October 22, 2023
Short, serviceable Biography of Tanzania's first president (read in conjunction with a safari vacation). Nyerere is a decidedly interesting figure who's long leadership allowed both Tanzania and him to avoid many of the problems that bedeviled post-colonial African; this book is too brief and too hagiographic to satisfy anyone truly interested in that, but it's a useful start or someone with zero background (i.e., me).
August 14, 2021
(Huai Yai, Thailand)
November 18, 2021
Informative.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews