I'm going to jot down a few quotes here as I run across them...
"The 535 members of the U.S. Congress--the people who write the tax laws--have given themselves various tax break and deductions that other Americans don't get. This is probably a natural tendency among people who write the law. As it happens, though, some countries have found ways to combat this predictable effort by legislators to reduce their own tax bills. Slovakia, for example, has a rule that members of the national legislature and the prime minister's cabinet always have to pay 5% more in tax than any other Slovakian with the same income." (10)
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"A standard way to measure national tax burdens is to calculate a country's total tax revenues - national, state, and local - as a percentage of gross domestic product (the sum of all the wealth produced in the country in a year). This statistic, called the "overall tax burden," is measured annually by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which is sort of a United Nations but with membership limited only to the richest countries. For many years now, the OECD's calculation of overall tax burden has shown that total tax revenues in the United States are much lower than in most other advanced countries." (13-14)
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"When it comes to designing a country's tax system, the World Bank, the IMF, and the OECD all preach the same sermon, relying on the same fundamental principle. This rule is not particularly complicated; it is easy to understand, although not always easy to implement. In fact, it's so simple that the economists generally reduce the essential formula for good taxation to a four-letter world: 'BBLR.'
"That stands for 'broad base, low rates.'
"BBLR means that if the tax base-that is, the total amount of income, or sales, or property that can be taxed-is kept as large as possible, then the tax rate-that is, the percentage that people have to give to the government-can be kept low. Virtually all economists and tax experts agree that this is the best way to run a tax regime." (52)
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"The best way, though, to avoid the unfairness, the abuses, and the revenue loss from the charitable deduction is to get rid of this deduction altogether. Austria, Finland, Ireland, Italy, Sweden, and Switzerland all have flourishing charity sectors, even after they took away the tax break for contributions; New Zealand, of course, got rid of it in that first base-broadening exercise in the 1980s. None of these countries saw any significant drop in charitable contributions. All over the world, people contribute mainly because of a belief in a particular cause or because of a basic human desire to help others. Getting a tax break is, at most, a minor motivation. The tax deduction for charitable contributions cheapens the charitable impulse by implying that you and I wouldn't give a dime to charity unless we got a little financial gain on the side." (86-87)
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"While this deduction is promoted by realtors and mortgage bankers as a boon to home buyers, it is just as likely to make a home purchase more difficult. All studies (except those funded by the real estate industry) find that a mortgage interest deduction raises the price of a house. When the OECD investigated the impact of the mortgage interest deduction in wealthy countries where it is still in place, it concluded that 'new purchasers...are not necessarily the beneficiaries of these tax provisions,' because the interest deduction forces them to pay an increased price. Whatever benefit a buyer might get from the tax break is just about completely offset by the higher price of the house. So the deduction doesn't do what it is supposed to do--make it easier for people to buy a home." (89)
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"...Australia, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, Israel, Japan, the Netherlands, and New Zealand, for example, have no deduction for mortgage interest at all. Yet eliminating the deduction seems to have no impact on home ownership. In all the industrialized democracies, the rate of home ownership is just about the same. Roughly 65% of families own their home in countries that have the mortgage interest deduction, and about 65% of families own their home in countries that do not." (90)
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" 'What I learned at Chicago is a basic truth about taxes: rich people will try to of course avoid paying,' [Radim] Bohacek [an economist at the premier Czech college, Charles University, and a member of the Czech Academy of Sciences who studied economics at the University of Chicago] told me. ' The more you raise the rates, the more incentive rich people have to hire accountants and strategize. Then they can duck just out. What you want is a broad-based tax without exemptions or loopholes--because one you have special exemptions or deductions, people who can afford lawyers will take of course advantage of them.' " (109)
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"Does the flat tax work? Yes, a flat-rate income tax regime can work, under certain conditions. The flat tax works in a country that is a former Communist state, with no investment capital and low wage rates, which needs to build a capitalist economy from a base of approximately zero. The flat tax works if people are willing to pay a 20% sales tax on every thing they buy, to make up for lower revenue. The flat tax works if employers are willing to pay 34%, or more, in Social Security taxes for every employee they hire. The flat tax works in a country where almost everyone has the same amount of wealth so there's no need for the distributive effect of graduated rates. And if all these conditions are met, the flat-rate tax will probably work as long as the economy is on a path of steady growth.
"For countries that don't meet these requirements, it probably makes more sense--in terms of fiscal health as well as fairness--to adopt progressive rates, in which the wealthy pay a higher percentage of their income in tax than middle- or low-income people pay." (114)
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"...developments in the private sector, [Professor Thomas] Piketty [author of Capital in the Twenty-First Century] says, are not the only cause of the burgeoning financial imbalance. A key contributor to inequality, he says, is government policy. When governments decide to bail out big banks while millions lose their homes to foreclosure action by the same banks, the policy exacerbates the problem of inequality. Such policies transfer wealth from middle-class homeowners to upper-bracket bankers and their shareholders--not through private markets, but because of decisions by governments. Similarly, tax policies that give generous breaks to the wealthiest--like that $7,500 giveaway to people who can buy a $105,000 car--exacerbate the trend toward concentration of wealth in a lucky few. When the national tax code says that money earned from trading securities will be taxed at a much lower rate than money earned from working at a job, the tax law itself is adding to inequality. That is not surprising, Piketty says, because the government officials who approve corporate bailouts and write tax laws are often beholden to the financial elites for political contributions.
"But the major reason for growing inequality, Piketty argues, is that rich people today make most of their money not from wages but from capital investments--stocks, bonds, commodity trades, real estate, patents, and so on. And earnings from capital (that is, from financial transactions) are growing faster than earnings from labor (that is, from working at a job). That is, you can make some money cooking hamburgers or serving hamburgers, but you won't make as much as a guy who buys and sells the stock in a hamburger chain.
"In other words, Piketty says, 'the rich get richer' has become a fundamental law of economics, especially in the United States. Because our Supreme Court has defined donating money as a form of political speech, economic clout in the United States turns quickly into political clout." (122-123)
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"The most comprehensive unbiased study of effective tax rates paid by U.S. firms was issued by the Government Accountabilty Office (GAO) -- essentially, the accounting arm of Congress--in 2013. Looking at profits, and taxes paid, in the years 2008-2010, the GAO said large U.S. companies actually paid 12.6% of their profits in federal tax. Many companies had to pay state and local income taxes, and some paid income tax to foreign countries on their overseas earnings. But even when all those taxes were added up, the effective rate of tax paid by large U.S. corporations was only 16.9%. The GAO said that companies were able to cut their tax bills far below the statutory rate because of 'exemptions, deferrals, tax credits, and other forms of incentives' in the law and because they have successfully transferred much of their profit to foreign countries, as Caterpillar did. Big companies were so successful in the game of tax avoidance that 'nearly 55 percent of all large U.S.-controlled corporations reported no federal tax liability in at least one year between 1998 and 2005,' the GAO found." (147-148)
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"The U.S. corporate income tax is not working. We have a higher corporate tax rate than almost any other country, and we apply it to income earned anywhere in the world. And yet corporate income tax revenues have fallen so sharply that they now make up a fairly small share of the federal government's annual tax revenues. In the 1960s, the corporate tax brought in about 33% of U.S. tax revenues. Today, the same tax provides less than 9% of revenues; that means individual taxpayers have to take up the slack and pay more. Which we do. In the 1960s, the individual income tax and the Social Security tax constituted about 50% of all federal tax revenues; today their share of the nation's total tax burden is more than 80%. Corporate tax revenues are plummeting partly because Congress has larded the corporate income tax with costly preference and giveaways for corporations, and partly because American multinationals have become so successful at shifting income overseas. Hundreds of millions of dollars--money that might have gone to raising wages, or creating new medicines, or building factories--have been paid to tax lawyers for the creation of elaborate evasion schemes. The result is a complicated, unpopular, and stiff corporate income tax that actually doesn't do much taxing." (164-165)
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"Members of Congress love to harangue the IRS bureaucrats about lengthy tax forms and unfair rules and complex instructions--but of course the IRS isn't responsible for the length, the fairness, or the complexity of our tax code. It is Congress that writes the tax laws. It's Congress that adds hundreds of new exemptions, allowances, credits, and calculations to the tax code every year. It was Congress that decided to give the IRS responsibility for managing the health insurance subsidies flowing to millions of Americans under the Affordable Care Act (ObamaCare)--and then cut the agency's staff after assigning it this major new task. It was Congress that assigned to the IRS the management of the earned income tax credit (EITC), which has become one of the nation's largest support programs for low-income Americans. It was Congress that crafted the much-hated alternative minimum tax, which spawned whole new dimensions of complexity, and hours of additional work, for millions of families. And yet congressmen and senators can't seem to resist pointing angry fingers at the IRS, as if somebody else had created the legislative monster that is the U.S. tax code." (209-210)
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"The IRS likes to boast that it is a highly efficient government agency, and this is accurate, in a sense. In fiscal year 2015, the agency spent $11.4 billion and brought in revenues of $3.3 trillion; that is, the service spends just thirty-five cents for every $100 it brings in...But the IRS achieves this noteworthy status by imposing much of the cost of the tax system on taxpayers. In other rich countries...the tax collector shoulders much of the burden that is borne by individual and corporate taxpayers in the United States. The IRS, in contrast, pushes those costs onto us. While the tax agency spends $11.4 billion, American taxpayers end up paying vastly more just to file their annual returns. The Office of the Taxpayer Advocate says American families spend 3.16 billion hours each year getting their taxes done--gathering the data, keeping records, and filling out forms; businesses spend about 2.9 billion hours on the same tasks (a figure that does not include all the time required for the tax-avoidance gymnastics). At an average wage, those six billion hours devoted to filing tax returns represent about $400 billion per year of working time; six billion hours is the equivalent of 3.1 million people working forty hours per week, fifty weeks per year. In terms of time and cost, just paying our taxes has become one of the biggest industries in the United States." (214-215)
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"Almost all economists who've looked at the U.S. tax code, almost every blue-ribbon study commission, almost all presidential candidates who bother to propose a program of tax reform, agree that some version of the value-added tax could increase the fairness and efficiency of our tax system and reduce its mind-boggling complexity. And yet the United States stands alone among the world's rich nations in refusing to implement this common levy."
"It's one of the curious manifestations of the concept of 'American exceptionalism,' the idea that there's no country like the United States of America...The problem comes when U.S. politicians are so determined to be exceptional, to do things our own way, that they refuse to implement a valuable idea that almost every other country on the planet has embraced to its benefit. This makes up exceptional, but not in a way that any other country would choose." (229-230)
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"...our political leaders talk about fixing the tax code all the time. But their proposals involved incremental change to the existing system, and incremental change, over the decades, is what got us into the fine mess we're stuck with today. These approaches to tax reform, including the plans we heard during the 2016 presidential campaign, all suffer from the same problem: they're too timid.
"They all have a rearranging-the-deck-chairs quality at a time when the whole structure is sinking from its own weight. As we've seen in other countries, the way to bring about fundamental change is a dysfunctional tax code is to start over--to rewrite from scratch." (250-251)
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