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576 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1979
Silverstein … had been looking for a suitable name for a payload for the Saturn rockets. … One day, while consulting a book on mythology, Silverstein found what he wanted. He later said, “I thought the image of the god Apollo riding his chariot across the sun gave the best representation of the grand scale of the proposed program.” … When no one objected, the chariot driver Apollo … became the name of the proposed circumlunar spaceships.
The Senate and the House of Representatives responded to Kennedy’s challenge by increasing funds … At this juncture, the Americans had chalked up 15 minutes and 22 seconds of manned space flight experience. The Russians had clocked 108 minutes.
There was a vague feeling … that direct ascent would eventually be the answer, but no one had worked out the tradeoffs in much detail. Subsequently, as Apollo planning progressed, the question of how to fly to the moon and back loomed ever larger. In the end, the choice of mode was perhaps the single greatest technical decision of the entire Apollo program. … The United States was just on the threshold of manned space flight, and orbital flights around the earth were in themselves mind-boggling. A program to land men on the moon, 400,000 kilometers away, and bring them safely home was nearly too stupendous for serious contemplation.
The Rosen Committee concluded that rendezvous (preferably a single operational maneuver) could be performed in either earth or lunar orbit, but the latter had the advantages of a single Saturn launch from the earth, using the C-4 or C-5, and a smaller, specially designed landing craft. A missed rendezvous, however, would prove fatal in lunar orbit.
Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, California, suggested a link-up of vehicles on the moon itself. A number of unmanned payloads—a vehicle designed to return to earth and one or more tankers—would land on the lunar surface at a preselected site. Using automatic devices, the return vehicle could then be refueled and checked out by ground control before the crew left the earth. After the manned spacecraft arrived on the moon, the crew would transfer to the fully fueled return vehicle for the trip home.
Another approach was the proposal to send a spacecraft on a one-way trip to the moon. In this concept, the astronaut would be deliberately stranded on the lunar surface and resupplied by rockets shot at him for, conceivably, several years until the space agency developed the capability to bring him back! … While he waited for NASA to find a way to bring him back, they said, the astronaut could perform valuable scientific work. Cord and Seale, in a classic understatement, acknowledged that this would be a very hazardous mission, but they argued that “it would be cheaper, faster, and perhaps the only way to beat Russia.” There is no evidence that Apollo planners ever took this idea seriously.
Most of the early criticism of the lunar rendezvous scheme stemmed from a concern for overall mission safety. … In lunar orbit, where the crew would be days away from home, a missed rendezvous spelled death for the astronauts and raised the specter of an orbital coffin circling the moon, perhaps forever.
Holmes and Shea, in addition to deciding on the best approach, were still determined to settle for nothing short of unanimity. They scheduled yet another series of meetings at each center, “in which we asked them to summarize their studies and draw conclusions” so everyone would feel like a real part of the technical decision process.
The mysterious nature of the moon’s surface received much attention … Although a model of the lunar surface drawn from the best available data was used for these engineering studies, Gilruth’s men realized that there were varying views among scientists about the lunar surface characteristics, especially the depth of the dust layer.
Deputy Administrator Hugh Dryden termed the Apollo program “the largest, most complex research and development effort ever undertaken.”
Shea asked Max Faget … to pick experts in the engineering shops to act as subsystem managers. … When changes in one unit became necessary, other systems had to be considered, and any conflicts resolved, before alterations could be made. The subsystem manager concept was therefore an excellent device for restraining engineers eternally eyeing good hardware for chances to make it better.
The seating arrangement in the lunar module was perhaps the most radical departure from tradition in tailoring the cockpit. It soon became apparent that seats would be heavy, as well as restrictive for the bulky space suits. Bar stools and metal cagelike structures were also considered and discarded. Then an idea dawned. Why have seats in the lander at all? Its flight would be brief, and the g loads moderate (one g during powered flight and about five on landing). Since human legs were good shock absorbers, why not let the crew fly the lunar module standing up?
Gilruth had stated that one fundamental requirement for mission success was employing “the kind of people who will not permit it to fail.” The basic reliability philosophy, he said, was “that every manned spacecraft that leaves the earth … shall represent the best that dedicated and inspired men can create. We cannot ask for more; we dare not settle for less.”
The introduction into Earth’s biosphere of destructive alien organisms could be a disaster of enormous significance to mankind. We can conceive of no more tragically ironic consequence of our search for extraterrestrial life.
“We’re in a risky business,” Grissom himself had said in an interview several weeks before the fire, “and we hope if anything happens to us, it will not delay the program. The conquest of space is worth the risk of life.”
On 23 April 1967 the Soviet Union announced the launching of Vladimir M. Komarov aboard a new spacecraft. Soyuz I appeared to be functioning normally at first. On its second day of flight, however, the craft began to tumble, and Komarov had to use more attitude fuel than he wanted to get the ship under control. He tried to land during his 17th circuit but could not get the proper orientation for retrofire. Komarov succeeded in reentering on the 18th revolution, but his parachute shroud lines entangled. The cosmonaut was killed on impact. So both Soyuz I and Apollo 1 put their programs through traumatic reassessments. No one found any consolation in a “rebalanced” space race. In fact, Webb took the occasion to emphasize the need for international cooperation by asking: “Could the lives already lost have been saved if we had known each other’s hopes, aspirations and plans? Or could they have been saved if full cooperation had been the order of the day?”
When the five engines in the first stage of the Saturn V ignited, there was a man-made earthquake and shockwave. As someone later remarked, the question was not whether the Saturn V had risen, but whether Florida had sunk.
Although [Phillips] still did not agree that both pilots should get out, he conceded that more data would be gained from the interaction of two men with the lunar surface. Phillips added that the psychological effect on a crewman of landing on the moon and then being forbidden to step out on the surface must be considered.
The agency’s top administrators … were dubious of suggestions that landing men on Mars should be the next step. Deputy Administrator Hugh Dryden said … “I don’t think you’ll ever get another commitment out of the nation like [Apollo]. You just can’t guarantee to make a national commitment that will extend over 8 or 10 years.”
NASA might have wanted to aim for a planetary voyage, but the agency consensus was that it was best to amortize a significant percentage of Apollo’s costs in near-earth orbital operations.