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Anarchism & The Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931
The anarchist movement had a crucial impact upon the Mexican working class between 1860 and 1931. John M. Hart destroys some old myths and brings new information to light as he explores anarchism's effect on the development of the Mexican urban working-class and agrarian movements.
Hart shows how the ideas of European anarchist thinkers took root in Mexico, how they influenced revolutionary tendencies there, and why anarchism was ultimately unsuccessful in producing real social change in Mexico. He explains the role of the working classes during the Mexican Revolution, the conflict between urban revolutionary groups and peasants, and the ensuing confrontation between the new revolutionary elite and the urban working class.
The anarchist tradition traced in this study is extremely complex. It involves various social classes, including intellectuals, artisans, and ordinary workers; changing social conditions; and political and revolutionary events which reshaped ideologies. During the nineteenth century the anarchists could be distinguished from their various working- class socialist and trade unionist counterparts by their singular opposition to government. In the twentieth century the lines became even clearer because of hardening anarchosyndicalist, anarchistcommunist, trade unionist, and Marxist doctrines. In charting the rise and fall of anarchism, Hart gives full credit to the roles of other forms of socialism and Marxism in Mexican working-class history.
Mexican anarchists whose contributions are examined here include nineteenth-century leaders Plotino Rhodakanaty, Santiago Villanueva, Francisco Zalacosta, and José María Gonzales; the twentieth-century revolutionary precursor Ricardo Flores Magón; the Casa del Obrero founders Amadeo Ferrés, Juan Francisco Moncaleano, and Rafael Quintero; and the majority of the Centro Sindicalista Ubertario, leaders of the General Confederation of Workers.
This work is based largely on primary sources, and the bibliography contains a definitive listing of anarchist and radical working-class newspapers for the period.
Hart shows how the ideas of European anarchist thinkers took root in Mexico, how they influenced revolutionary tendencies there, and why anarchism was ultimately unsuccessful in producing real social change in Mexico. He explains the role of the working classes during the Mexican Revolution, the conflict between urban revolutionary groups and peasants, and the ensuing confrontation between the new revolutionary elite and the urban working class.
The anarchist tradition traced in this study is extremely complex. It involves various social classes, including intellectuals, artisans, and ordinary workers; changing social conditions; and political and revolutionary events which reshaped ideologies. During the nineteenth century the anarchists could be distinguished from their various working- class socialist and trade unionist counterparts by their singular opposition to government. In the twentieth century the lines became even clearer because of hardening anarchosyndicalist, anarchistcommunist, trade unionist, and Marxist doctrines. In charting the rise and fall of anarchism, Hart gives full credit to the roles of other forms of socialism and Marxism in Mexican working-class history.
Mexican anarchists whose contributions are examined here include nineteenth-century leaders Plotino Rhodakanaty, Santiago Villanueva, Francisco Zalacosta, and José María Gonzales; the twentieth-century revolutionary precursor Ricardo Flores Magón; the Casa del Obrero founders Amadeo Ferrés, Juan Francisco Moncaleano, and Rafael Quintero; and the majority of the Centro Sindicalista Ubertario, leaders of the General Confederation of Workers.
This work is based largely on primary sources, and the bibliography contains a definitive listing of anarchist and radical working-class newspapers for the period.
260 pages, Kindle Edition
Published May 23, 2014
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May 19, 2021
True to its title, this book is a specific and detailed account of the anarchist organizing in the working class in Mexico, especially central Mexico, from the beginning of capitalist relations, through the porfiriato and into the time of the revolution. Detail and great scholarship as well as animated writing makes it a moving and enjoyable read, more like an adventure story than a dry chronology.
The story begins with the development of capitalist relations in Mexico and the arrival of anarchists from Spain. As private ownership began to produce more wealth and more work than subsistence, communal, feudal or mercantile production, craftspeople (beginning with tailors and then typesetters, then stonecutters) and factory workers all wanted a good life. In the primeval mire of economic relations of the time, it was not clear or fixed what the functions of the state, of religion, of workers' organizations (guilds, trades unions, government-allied organizations) would become, and as anarchist ideologues arrived from Spain, their utopian ideas-which were not unified or singular--quickly captured the imaginations of many ordinary working people. Anarchist ideas made huge progress and as more and more people left agricultural life, tens of thousands of workers organized and studied in anarchism.
One way to think about the anarchist tradition is to look at four sides: the critique, the ideal, the strategy and the objective activities. Anarchists tend to agree on the critique: the problems of society come from domination. Centralization, capitalism, state organization of laws with coercive power, misogyny, organized institutionalized religion, bureaucracy and party politics all cause and result from domination.
Anarchists also agree about the major points of the ideal society: anarchy means no classes, no gendered power relations, no military or economic coercion; in short anarchy is a society which has absolute equality for all members and is arranged in such a way as to maintain that equality and prevent hierarchies and domination from developing, decisions are freely made by those affected by the decisions.
When it comes to strategies, there are many traditions and ideas. This book chiefly looks at anarchist syndicalism, which is the idea that workers organize by activity and relation to other economic acivities, initially while working in the capitalist context. Once the workers are thoroughly organized, economic activity would be coordinated by the workers' organizations. Tailors need to coordinate with the workers who work in the shops (who know what people want and need), with the workers who design clothes, with the workers who manufacture cloth, with the workers who produce shears, needles, thread, sewing machines, etc. The workers who manufacture cloth would make arrangements with the workers who produce cotton, wool, linen, etc. and the workers who produce dyes, looms, etc. Every aspect of production that is organized by capitalists in capitalism would be organized by workers in anarchist syndicalism.
During the process of organization, strikes are organized and coordinated to improve working conditions for the workers, to build the strength of the workers' organizations, and to promote organizing. Once all workers are organized, a general strike would simply stop the capitalists and then the workers' power would take over. Ideally this is completely bloodless, since all the workers are organized and capitalists, state and military are helpless, dependent as they are on the new economic system for all their needs.
Looking t the fourth area, the objective activities, what is most significant in this book is how powerful the anarchist workers' organizations actually became in 19th century Mexico. With tens of thousands of workers organized across related industries, they were indeed able to make irresistible strikes with many successes. They could and did shut down entire cities. But there were two heartbreaking problems: suppression and infighting. Capitalists sometimes (and it's important to note that it was NOT always) were able to call on the military power of the state to kill workers. And the workers sometimes allied themselves with politicians and various organizations which promised to (and sometimes DID) support the workers causes. But by the time the Mexico City anarchist syndicalists organized themselves into military units to fight against Zapata's agrarians (themselves deeply influenced by Ricardo Flores Magon's anarchist ideas) and Villa's northern rebels, it is clear that the practice was not creating a peaceful anarchist utopia, but caught in a complex and unclear political conflict.
It's heartbreaking to read.
The story begins with the development of capitalist relations in Mexico and the arrival of anarchists from Spain. As private ownership began to produce more wealth and more work than subsistence, communal, feudal or mercantile production, craftspeople (beginning with tailors and then typesetters, then stonecutters) and factory workers all wanted a good life. In the primeval mire of economic relations of the time, it was not clear or fixed what the functions of the state, of religion, of workers' organizations (guilds, trades unions, government-allied organizations) would become, and as anarchist ideologues arrived from Spain, their utopian ideas-which were not unified or singular--quickly captured the imaginations of many ordinary working people. Anarchist ideas made huge progress and as more and more people left agricultural life, tens of thousands of workers organized and studied in anarchism.
One way to think about the anarchist tradition is to look at four sides: the critique, the ideal, the strategy and the objective activities. Anarchists tend to agree on the critique: the problems of society come from domination. Centralization, capitalism, state organization of laws with coercive power, misogyny, organized institutionalized religion, bureaucracy and party politics all cause and result from domination.
Anarchists also agree about the major points of the ideal society: anarchy means no classes, no gendered power relations, no military or economic coercion; in short anarchy is a society which has absolute equality for all members and is arranged in such a way as to maintain that equality and prevent hierarchies and domination from developing, decisions are freely made by those affected by the decisions.
When it comes to strategies, there are many traditions and ideas. This book chiefly looks at anarchist syndicalism, which is the idea that workers organize by activity and relation to other economic acivities, initially while working in the capitalist context. Once the workers are thoroughly organized, economic activity would be coordinated by the workers' organizations. Tailors need to coordinate with the workers who work in the shops (who know what people want and need), with the workers who design clothes, with the workers who manufacture cloth, with the workers who produce shears, needles, thread, sewing machines, etc. The workers who manufacture cloth would make arrangements with the workers who produce cotton, wool, linen, etc. and the workers who produce dyes, looms, etc. Every aspect of production that is organized by capitalists in capitalism would be organized by workers in anarchist syndicalism.
During the process of organization, strikes are organized and coordinated to improve working conditions for the workers, to build the strength of the workers' organizations, and to promote organizing. Once all workers are organized, a general strike would simply stop the capitalists and then the workers' power would take over. Ideally this is completely bloodless, since all the workers are organized and capitalists, state and military are helpless, dependent as they are on the new economic system for all their needs.
Looking t the fourth area, the objective activities, what is most significant in this book is how powerful the anarchist workers' organizations actually became in 19th century Mexico. With tens of thousands of workers organized across related industries, they were indeed able to make irresistible strikes with many successes. They could and did shut down entire cities. But there were two heartbreaking problems: suppression and infighting. Capitalists sometimes (and it's important to note that it was NOT always) were able to call on the military power of the state to kill workers. And the workers sometimes allied themselves with politicians and various organizations which promised to (and sometimes DID) support the workers causes. But by the time the Mexico City anarchist syndicalists organized themselves into military units to fight against Zapata's agrarians (themselves deeply influenced by Ricardo Flores Magon's anarchist ideas) and Villa's northern rebels, it is clear that the practice was not creating a peaceful anarchist utopia, but caught in a complex and unclear political conflict.
It's heartbreaking to read.
Displaying 1 of 1 review