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264 pages, Paperback
First published October 19, 2017
Agnieszka Kościańska...examined sex education and the treatment of sexual dysfunctions in Poland before and after communism and found that, despite the influence of the Catholic Church, progressive sex education was widely available in schools and abortion remained legal. (Note: For an examination of the Polish socialist state's fraught relationship with the Catholic Church, see Class Struggle in Socialist Poland: With Comparisons to Yugoslavia)
Kościańska contrasted the biomedical and physiological understanding of sexuality in the United States with the more holistic view supported by communist sexologists...She argued that American researchers William Masters and Virginia Johnson focused exclusively on physical aspects, claiming that good sex was the result of proper stimulation for both men and women, who moved through a four-stage sexual response cycle. This view, based on laboratory experiments, came to dominate the international field of sexology and led to the medicalization of sexuality, ultimately benefiting the U.S. pharmaceutical industry, which developed drugs targeting physiological problems.
In Poland , by contrast, sexologists complemented their medical knowledge with psychology, history, and philosophy. They viewed human sexuality as embedded in the wider context of human interactions. Polish sexologists explored individual desires for love, intimacy, and meaning, and listened carefully to the dreams and frustrations of their patients. The communist government paid salaries and provided research budgets, a stark contrast with the prevalence of private and corporate funding in the West.
the East German sexual revolution reflected popular frustrations with state policies. As East Germans grew more pessimistic about their political and economic situation, they embraced nudism and sensual enjoyments as a salve for their existential woes. The regime responded by decriminalizing homosexuality, encouraging premarital coitus, and destigmatizing single motherhood as a way to placate the restless population.
Patriarchy remained strong in Bulgarian families, proving that the centralized authority of a communist state was not as all-powerful as many in the West imagine it.(again, I'd recommend Balkan Cyberia: Cold War Computing, Bulgarian Modernization, and the Information Age behind the Iron Curtain for more on this, as well as the relevant sections on Elena Lagadinova in Ghodsee's Red Valkyries: The Revolutionary Women of Eastern Europe).
Working through the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the CIA sponsored major international exhibitions of American painting and published reviews in influential art magazines, promoting the American aesthetic as part of an ideological strategy to win the Cold War. Unbeknownst to certain artists, the CIA served as a secret patron, ensuring that their works came to dominate the art world in Europe. Tom Braden, the first head of the CIA's International Organizations Division, served as the executive secretary of the Museum of Modern Art in 1949.
IGNATIEFF: In 1934, millions of people are dying in the Soviet experiment. If you had known that, would it have made a difference to you at that time? To your commitment? To being a Communist?
HOBSBAWM: ...Probably not.
IGNATIEFF: Why?
HOBSBAWM: Because in a period in which, as you might imagine, mass murder and mass suffering are absolutely universal, the chance of a new world being born in great suffering would still have been worth backing...The sacrifices were enormous; they were excessive by almost any standard and excessively great. But I'm looking back at it now and I'm saying that because it turns out that the Soviet Union was not the beginning of the world revolution. Had it been, I'm not sure.
IGNATIEFF: What that comes down to is saying that had the radiant tomorrow actually been created, the loss of fifteen, twenty million people might have been justified?
HOBSBAWM: Yes.
From Alex Massle, Eric Hobsbawm and the Fatal Appeal of Revolution, October 2012.As markets plunged [in the 2008 financial crisis] and the Eurozone economies teetered on the edge of collapse, the European Parliament passed the resolution establishing the European Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Stalinism and Nazism. As neoliberal capitalism faltered, European leaders...gravitated toward an intellectual paradigm that linked leftist politics with the worst crimes of Stalinism and equated those crimes with the Final Solution. Not surprisingly, the renewed focus on the victims of communism allowed Eastern European governments to exonerate or rehabilitate known fascists, a process that led directly to the 2015 Ukrainian laws [and more recent Czech laws?] making it a crime to criticize any national figure who fought for Ukrainian independence, even if these men collaborated in the slaughter of Poles or Jews.
4.
Despite its strengths, Ghodsee's analysis suffers from its liberal idealism:Both communism and democracy must be understood as political systems embedded in particular historical contexts, but which can be detached from those contexts to offer different ideals to guide us toward alternative futures...Political theories must be allowed to exist as ideal types even after the have become tainted by the histories of their failed applications
(Emphasis added)Isn't detaching the democratic ideal from the horrors and abuses of global neoliberalism the same intellectual project as detaching the communist ideal from the crimes of past communist regimes?
Short answer: No. One obscures the exclusivity of supposed democracy (Democracy or Bonapartism: Two Centuries of War on Democracy) in the liberal West, conceding its claims to the descriptor "democratic". It has all the ideological baggage of the term "democratic socialism". The other places historical political experiments in the grit of real practice, refusing to moralize while admitting excesses (see above Hobsbawm interview). In lieu of this, a more constructive approach would be to take political experiments as they were/are, made "not in conditions of their choosing"...and understand what that reveals not about the 'tainting' of 'purity', but about the exigencies of practical implementation.
Ghodsee makes beautiful overtures to the need for a soberly balanced assessment of actually existing socialism, and---to her credit---admits to past naivete about the post-Cold War promises of then triumphant liberalism. This would be even more laudable if she followed through and stuck to the same balance when looking at less romantic figures who led the exercise of state power.