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Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon's Party of God
Hezbollah provides a new, grounded analysis of the controversial and misunderstood Lebanese party. Where previous books have focused on aspects of the party’s identity, the military question or its religious discourse, here Joseph Daher presents an alternative perspective, built upon political economy.
Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Lebanon and dozens of interviews, as well as new archival and other primary sources, Daher’s analysis confidently positions Hezbollah within socio-economic and political developments in Lebanon and the Middle East. He emphasises Hezbollah’s historic ties with its main sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran, its media and cultural wings and its relationship with Western economic policies.
Further chapters examine the party’s policies towards workers’ struggles and women’s issues, and its orientation towards the sectarian Lebanese political system. Hezbollah is a well informed and fresh analysis of a topic which remains central to our understanding of one of the world’s most tumultuous and politically unstable regions.
Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Lebanon and dozens of interviews, as well as new archival and other primary sources, Daher’s analysis confidently positions Hezbollah within socio-economic and political developments in Lebanon and the Middle East. He emphasises Hezbollah’s historic ties with its main sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran, its media and cultural wings and its relationship with Western economic policies.
Further chapters examine the party’s policies towards workers’ struggles and women’s issues, and its orientation towards the sectarian Lebanese political system. Hezbollah is a well informed and fresh analysis of a topic which remains central to our understanding of one of the world’s most tumultuous and politically unstable regions.
306 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 2016
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August 27, 2024
هذا الكتاب لا يتحدث عن تاريخ حزب الله العسكري أو عن تضال الحزب ضد الكيان ولكنه أقرب إلى حزب الله داخل لبنان.
قدم الكاتب لنا في البداية تاريخ لبنان منذ سقوط الدولة العثمانية والانتداب الفرنسي، وفكرة الدولة الطائفية، والتي كانت سببًا في كل المشاكل والصراعات التي تحدث للبنان حتى الآن.
ثم توجه إلى حرب لبنان الأهلية، والتي ولد من رحمها حزب الله.
الفصول التالية كانت عن المجتمع اللبناني، وطوائفه، وكيف يتفاعل معهم حزب الله. والبنية الطبقية للمجتمع اللبناني.
وما هي الاسهامات التي يقدمها حزب الله داخل المجتمع اللبناني؟
وفي الفصل الخامس قدم لنا الكتاب صورة لحزب الله وتعاملاته مع الحركة العمالية اللبنانية
أما الفصل السادس فكان عن حزب الله عسكريًا، ما هي أبرز أجهزة حزب الله ودور كل جهاز.
الفصل السابع كان عن حزب ثورات الربيع العربي، ودور حزب الله ورد فعله تجاه تلك الثورات وخصوصًا ثورة سوريا.
الفصل الأخير كان عن انتفاضة تشرين اللبنانية
قدم الكاتب لنا في البداية تاريخ لبنان منذ سقوط الدولة العثمانية والانتداب الفرنسي، وفكرة الدولة الطائفية، والتي كانت سببًا في كل المشاكل والصراعات التي تحدث للبنان حتى الآن.
ثم توجه إلى حرب لبنان الأهلية، والتي ولد من رحمها حزب الله.
الفصول التالية كانت عن المجتمع اللبناني، وطوائفه، وكيف يتفاعل معهم حزب الله. والبنية الطبقية للمجتمع اللبناني.
وما هي الاسهامات التي يقدمها حزب الله داخل المجتمع اللبناني؟
وفي الفصل الخامس قدم لنا الكتاب صورة لحزب الله وتعاملاته مع الحركة العمالية اللبنانية
أما الفصل السادس فكان عن حزب الله عسكريًا، ما هي أبرز أجهزة حزب الله ودور كل جهاز.
الفصل السابع كان عن حزب ثورات الربيع العربي، ودور حزب الله ورد فعله تجاه تلك الثورات وخصوصًا ثورة سوريا.
الفصل الأخير كان عن انتفاضة تشرين اللبنانية
March 15, 2017
In "Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon's Party of God," Joseph Daher dismantles the one-dimensional analyses of Hezbollah that either describe it as an Islamist organization revolving around religious rhetoric, or an anti-imperialist organization furthering resistance against Israel, using Islam as a "third way" to create a non-Western alternative to both capitalism and socialism. Daher argues that Hezbollah must be analyzed in relation to the political economy of Lebanon's sectarian state, its relationship to the Lebanese working class and labor movement, and to the popular uprisings that spread throughout the Middle East in 2011. Through this analysis, Daher reveals the reality that Hezbollah has morphed from a party that challenges the sectarian status quo to one that is entrenched in and benefiting from the Lebanese sectarian system, espousing a rhetoric of defending the oppressed while supporting neoliberal policies that drastically worsen the lives of Lebanese working people.
Daher analyzes the ways in which Hezbollah attained hegemony over the Shi'a population of Lebanon, a sect which, as he mentions briefly in his conclusion, "comprised the largest numbers of nationalist and progressive parties that were leading social struggles" before the Lebanese Civil War. But after the civil war, demographic changes and economic liberalization pushed forward by the Ta'if agreement increased the sectarian mapping of the country, a new, wealthier Shi'a bourgeoisie emerged in Lebanon, and Hezbollah, created during the war to act as a pillar of resistance against Israel, began to reflect the interests of the minority Shi'a elite. Since the civil war, each Lebanese government has ushered in neoliberal reforms which cut into the living standards of Lebanese citizens, weakening unions, slashing rent control and threatening to dramatically increase sectarian segregation yet again. Hezbollah has repeatedly refused to stand against these harmful neoliberal measures, proving its rhetorical support for the poor members of society to be disingenuous. At the same time, it has created a hegemonic quasi-state using both coercion and consent, and punishing outliers in their regions--those who digress religiously, selling alcohol in their stores or wearing clothing that does not adhere to their strict standards, as well as anyone who plans a protest or even resists Israeli aggression outside of their own apparatus, and of course severely punishing anyone who protests or speaks against their hegemony. Hezbollah also worked to strategically weaken the Lebanese labor movement, creating a base in cross-sectarian trade unions (namely the CGTL) and shifting their focus to sectarian rather than universal working-class demands, calling for the end of strikes and even crushing them, blaming protestors and calling them provocateurs or agents of Israel. Daher gives an excellent and refreshing overview of the importance of the labor movement in the Lebanese Civil War and against neoliberalism in the 2000s, up to the general abandonment of the CGTL in the attempt to build a truly cross-sectarian and independent labor movement in the country. Finally, Daher examines Hezbollah's highly organized military apparatus, and the organization's changing rhetoric and role in relation to the Arab revolutions that erupted in 2011. Hezbollah's discourse changed from a defense of people's uprising and a rhetoric of combatting Israel to one of protecting Lebanon, the Lebanese state and its Shi'a population. After briefly expressing support of the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia, and Bahrain, Hezbollah reversed its position on the Arab uprisings when the Syrian revolution began to fully emerge. It chose to prioritize its allies, Assad and Iran, rather than support the Syrian masses, and sent thousands of Lebanese Shi'a to assist in the Syrian regime's butchery, including in the destruction of Aleppo. Although earlier in the uprising some Shi'a expressed upset and disagreement with Hezbollah sending their sons to die fighting for Assad, not against Israel, Hezbollah crushed opposition to its decisions using increased religious rhetoric and symbolism, insisting on the need to protect Shi'a from Sunni Jihadists, and of course repressing those who protested against them. Hezbollah's increasing hegemony may seem impenetrable. A cross-sectarian left joined with an independent labor movement must grow to create an alternative for Shi'a who currently have none other than Hezbollah to look to for services, protection, and the like....
Daher analyzes the ways in which Hezbollah attained hegemony over the Shi'a population of Lebanon, a sect which, as he mentions briefly in his conclusion, "comprised the largest numbers of nationalist and progressive parties that were leading social struggles" before the Lebanese Civil War. But after the civil war, demographic changes and economic liberalization pushed forward by the Ta'if agreement increased the sectarian mapping of the country, a new, wealthier Shi'a bourgeoisie emerged in Lebanon, and Hezbollah, created during the war to act as a pillar of resistance against Israel, began to reflect the interests of the minority Shi'a elite. Since the civil war, each Lebanese government has ushered in neoliberal reforms which cut into the living standards of Lebanese citizens, weakening unions, slashing rent control and threatening to dramatically increase sectarian segregation yet again. Hezbollah has repeatedly refused to stand against these harmful neoliberal measures, proving its rhetorical support for the poor members of society to be disingenuous. At the same time, it has created a hegemonic quasi-state using both coercion and consent, and punishing outliers in their regions--those who digress religiously, selling alcohol in their stores or wearing clothing that does not adhere to their strict standards, as well as anyone who plans a protest or even resists Israeli aggression outside of their own apparatus, and of course severely punishing anyone who protests or speaks against their hegemony. Hezbollah also worked to strategically weaken the Lebanese labor movement, creating a base in cross-sectarian trade unions (namely the CGTL) and shifting their focus to sectarian rather than universal working-class demands, calling for the end of strikes and even crushing them, blaming protestors and calling them provocateurs or agents of Israel. Daher gives an excellent and refreshing overview of the importance of the labor movement in the Lebanese Civil War and against neoliberalism in the 2000s, up to the general abandonment of the CGTL in the attempt to build a truly cross-sectarian and independent labor movement in the country. Finally, Daher examines Hezbollah's highly organized military apparatus, and the organization's changing rhetoric and role in relation to the Arab revolutions that erupted in 2011. Hezbollah's discourse changed from a defense of people's uprising and a rhetoric of combatting Israel to one of protecting Lebanon, the Lebanese state and its Shi'a population. After briefly expressing support of the uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia, and Bahrain, Hezbollah reversed its position on the Arab uprisings when the Syrian revolution began to fully emerge. It chose to prioritize its allies, Assad and Iran, rather than support the Syrian masses, and sent thousands of Lebanese Shi'a to assist in the Syrian regime's butchery, including in the destruction of Aleppo. Although earlier in the uprising some Shi'a expressed upset and disagreement with Hezbollah sending their sons to die fighting for Assad, not against Israel, Hezbollah crushed opposition to its decisions using increased religious rhetoric and symbolism, insisting on the need to protect Shi'a from Sunni Jihadists, and of course repressing those who protested against them. Hezbollah's increasing hegemony may seem impenetrable. A cross-sectarian left joined with an independent labor movement must grow to create an alternative for Shi'a who currently have none other than Hezbollah to look to for services, protection, and the like....
December 14, 2024
Such a good book. Whilst its scope is predominately focused on Hezbollah, it establishes and goes over key events which relate to the dynamics present in Lebanon today and which Hezbollah are impact on and are influenced by the party. (I.e. sectarianism, economic backwardsness, Israel etc.)
Furthermore the book provides an excellent analysis of Hezbollah in the way that it exists in Lebanon, from its formation and direct organisational links to the Iranian and Syrian ruling classes from its inception. To the massive patronage system that exists to exert its hegemony over the Shia population, and its military apparatus. The book also details how all of these are not seperate from one another but interact with each other as one cohesive whole, which Daher argues is missing from much contemporary analysis of Hezbollah.
The book also details how Lebanon has changed during and following the Civil War with the formation of Hezbollah, the Taif agreement and the changing class makeup up of Lebanon. It also goes over how Hezbollah is changed by this, particularly with respects 1. The implementation of neoliberalism, but also (and related to) the emergence of a developing Shia bourgeoisie and the changing class composition of the Hezbollah.
The book also goes over Hezbollah’s relation to class struggle in Lebanon and the role it has played in them. As well as the role Hezbollah has played in mass uprising in the region the Arab Spring) (very bad)
Great book would recommend.
Furthermore the book provides an excellent analysis of Hezbollah in the way that it exists in Lebanon, from its formation and direct organisational links to the Iranian and Syrian ruling classes from its inception. To the massive patronage system that exists to exert its hegemony over the Shia population, and its military apparatus. The book also details how all of these are not seperate from one another but interact with each other as one cohesive whole, which Daher argues is missing from much contemporary analysis of Hezbollah.
The book also details how Lebanon has changed during and following the Civil War with the formation of Hezbollah, the Taif agreement and the changing class makeup up of Lebanon. It also goes over how Hezbollah is changed by this, particularly with respects 1. The implementation of neoliberalism, but also (and related to) the emergence of a developing Shia bourgeoisie and the changing class composition of the Hezbollah.
The book also goes over Hezbollah’s relation to class struggle in Lebanon and the role it has played in them. As well as the role Hezbollah has played in mass uprising in the region the Arab Spring) (very bad)
Great book would recommend.
March 15, 2023
Good read to demystify Hezbollah and its apologists, but a bit descriptive and "chronological" in its structure.
February 12, 2020
This book looks at the history of Lebanon, with its many religious sects, and Hizballah's place in it, with a concentration on political economy. The author examines the development of the middle class in the different sects, and how that impacted Lebanese politics. I thought the title was a bit of a misnomer, since the book deals with politics as well as economics and the Sunni and Christian populations of Lebanon as well as the Shia. But, the author's approach is to show how Hizballah was instrumental in the development of a Shia middle class. Some of the writing in the book, particularly in the earlier chapters, is somewhat stilted, but the book is full of useful information and the writing style becomes more compelling as it goes along.
March 17, 2025
A phenomenal read with a fantastic multi-spacial analysis of Hezbollah from its formation up until around 2016.
There are two specific sections I found the most enlightening when it came to proving the author’s thesis. The first is the chapter on Hezbollah’s [often antagonistic] relationship with the Lebanese Labor movement. The way the group was able to (along with other sectarian political parties) undermine the organizational structure of the country’s largest labor union, and even break strikes from time to time, helped to cement the counter-revolutionary aspects of modern day Hezbollah.
As well the section of Hezbollah’s relationship with Assad during the Syrian Civil War and the tensions that brought up helped further my own understanding of the region and conflict immensely. While I knew about the growing contentious nature of Hamas and the Syrian regime, it was fascinating to learn that while rhetorically still in support of Palestinian liberation movements, the battlegrounds of Syria saw Hezbollah and Hamas fighters literally on opposite sides of a firefight.
Interestingly Nasrallah’s reasoning for supporting the Assad regime seems to may hold some more credibility than I would have assumed a few months ago as recent events have shown the revenge violence against Shia Muslims and Alawites increase dramatically. As well, learning that upwards of 90% of the Shia population in Lebanon supported Assad seems to show how difficult pragmatically it would be for the group to have broken that line as they claim to be the Shia population’s sole political and military representative in Lebanon.
In all this was a fantastic materialist approach to the motivations, ideology, and actions of the Hezbollah and I would recommend this to anyone seeking to further complicate their understanding of the conflicts and actors in the region.
There are two specific sections I found the most enlightening when it came to proving the author’s thesis. The first is the chapter on Hezbollah’s [often antagonistic] relationship with the Lebanese Labor movement. The way the group was able to (along with other sectarian political parties) undermine the organizational structure of the country’s largest labor union, and even break strikes from time to time, helped to cement the counter-revolutionary aspects of modern day Hezbollah.
As well the section of Hezbollah’s relationship with Assad during the Syrian Civil War and the tensions that brought up helped further my own understanding of the region and conflict immensely. While I knew about the growing contentious nature of Hamas and the Syrian regime, it was fascinating to learn that while rhetorically still in support of Palestinian liberation movements, the battlegrounds of Syria saw Hezbollah and Hamas fighters literally on opposite sides of a firefight.
Interestingly Nasrallah’s reasoning for supporting the Assad regime seems to may hold some more credibility than I would have assumed a few months ago as recent events have shown the revenge violence against Shia Muslims and Alawites increase dramatically. As well, learning that upwards of 90% of the Shia population in Lebanon supported Assad seems to show how difficult pragmatically it would be for the group to have broken that line as they claim to be the Shia population’s sole political and military representative in Lebanon.
In all this was a fantastic materialist approach to the motivations, ideology, and actions of the Hezbollah and I would recommend this to anyone seeking to further complicate their understanding of the conflicts and actors in the region.
October 10, 2022
يبدأ الكتاب بتاريخ موجز عن لبنان الحديث. يعرض الكاتب الإحصاءات الاقتصادية لكل منطقة مثل مستويات الفقر ومعدل البطالة لإعطاء القارئ فكرة عن عدم المساواة حسب الطائفة والمنطقة في لبنان. ثم يمر بخطط الانتعاش الاقتصادي وتأثيرها على المناطق التي تم تطبيقها فيها. وينتقد خطط التعافي الاقتصادي التي يدعمها صندوق النقد الدولي لأنها تفتقر إلى نظام رعاية اجتماعية بالإضافة إلى تعزيز التفاوتات القائمة ، وتجاهل الصناعات التحويلية والزراعية تمامًا. أثبتت خطط الانتعاش الاقتصادي النيوليبرالي أنها غير مستدامة.
بعد هذا التاريخ المختصر، يشرح الكاتب كيف تم تشكيل حزب الله. كان الحرس الثوري الإيراني بالإضافة إلى السفير الإيراني في سوريا من الأعضاء المؤسسين لحزب الله بالإضافة إلى قادة لبنانيين محليين.
خلال السنوات التالية ، بدأ حزب الله في توسيع نطاق أنشطته ، من مجرد حماية للجنوب إلى منظمة توفر نظام كامل من الخدمات الأمنية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية.
يوفر حزب الله الآن خدمات الشرطة والجيش والاستخبارات وشبكة اتصالات ومستشفيات ومدارس ومساكن ومراكز تجارية وبرنامج دعم غذائي ونظام رعاية وشبكة إعلامية كاملة وكشافة للأطفال ومساجد وحتى عقيدة شيعية إيرانية.
الأيديولوجية الأصولية الشيعية لحزب الله هي قوة رجعية تحد من حقوق المرأة وتقضي على حقوق مجتمع الميم (لم يناقش الكتاب حقوق مجتمع الميم ، لكنه ضمني من موقفهم من حقوق المرأة) والحقوق الاقتصادية بشكل عام لأن حزب الله يؤيد و يشارك في تكوين السياسات النيوليبرالية للحكومة.
تمكن حزب الله في النهاية من الاندماج في النظام السياسي الطائفي القائم وأصبح جزءًا مهمًا منه ، بالإضافة إلى كونه منسوجًا بإحكام في النسيج الاجتماعي اللبناني الشيعي.
بعد هذا التاريخ المختصر، يشرح الكاتب كيف تم تشكيل حزب الله. كان الحرس الثوري الإيراني بالإضافة إلى السفير الإيراني في سوريا من الأعضاء المؤسسين لحزب الله بالإضافة إلى قادة لبنانيين محليين.
خلال السنوات التالية ، بدأ حزب الله في توسيع نطاق أنشطته ، من مجرد حماية للجنوب إلى منظمة توفر نظام كامل من الخدمات الأمنية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية.
يوفر حزب الله الآن خدمات الشرطة والجيش والاستخبارات وشبكة اتصالات ومستشفيات ومدارس ومساكن ومراكز تجارية وبرنامج دعم غذائي ونظام رعاية وشبكة إعلامية كاملة وكشافة للأطفال ومساجد وحتى عقيدة شيعية إيرانية.
الأيديولوجية الأصولية الشيعية لحزب الله هي قوة رجعية تحد من حقوق المرأة وتقضي على حقوق مجتمع الميم (لم يناقش الكتاب حقوق مجتمع الميم ، لكنه ضمني من موقفهم من حقوق المرأة) والحقوق الاقتصادية بشكل عام لأن حزب الله يؤيد و يشارك في تكوين السياسات النيوليبرالية للحكومة.
تمكن حزب الله في النهاية من الاندماج في النظام السياسي الطائفي القائم وأصبح جزءًا مهمًا منه ، بالإضافة إلى كونه منسوجًا بإحكام في النسيج الاجتماعي اللبناني الشيعي.
September 27, 2025
Joseph Daher’s Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God is an excellent and deeply researched book that goes well beyond its title. Rather than focusing solely on Hezbollah’s political economy, it offers a comprehensive analysis of Lebanon’s political and economic structures, the party’s historical development, and the regional context shaping its rise. Daher provides rare insights into Hezbollah’s integration into Shi’a and Lebanese society, its role in the state, and its cultural, social, economic, and ideological dimensions—including gender, media, and internal hierarchy. While some sources used are notably biased or unreliable, slightly weakening the overall rigor, the book remains a critical, credible, and essential read for anyone interested in understanding Hezbollah’s trajectory in the pre–October 7 period.
August 3, 2020
A comprehensive materialist approach to the Hezbollah's development. With an academic style, Daher defends a very clear statement: Hezbollah's political actions are understood better if analyzed as part of the neoliberal environment in which they operate. The Hezbollah has become part and defender of this economic and sectarian political system. Daher sees a contradiction between their 'support for the oppressed' rhetoric and their orientation towards supporting the Shia bourgeoisie and Lebanese Neoliberalism.
The book develops and defends this argument, first, with a historical analysis of the party, the country and the society to later touch upon different parcels of this economic reality, such as Labour movements, the military and the Arab Uprisings.
The book develops and defends this argument, first, with a historical analysis of the party, the country and the society to later touch upon different parcels of this economic reality, such as Labour movements, the military and the Arab Uprisings.
April 17, 2024
Definitely informative, and complicates simplistic understandings of Hezbollah. Lots of interesting stuff in here about the development of the Shi'a bourgeoisie in Lebanon, and Hezbollah alongside it (and partially causing that development). Very useful for its analysis of Hezbollah as a political party in government instead of just a militia or social movement. All this said, it was sometimes difficult to read, and I found myself having to go back and reread pages after catching myself unfocusedly skimming.
April 17, 2023
كتاب مهم، يتناول ظاهرة حزب الله بعمق يتجاوز المعارف السطحية السائدة التي يقدمها كلٌ من الحزب وخصومه! ظاهرة حزب الله كمنظمة دينية في قلب الطائفية اللبنانية كشريك في تأبيدها، ويضع الكفاح ضد الصهيونية ورقة مناورة تكتيكية يحتجب خلفها جوهر دور الحزب مع بقية الطبقة السياسية اللبنانية في تأبيد أزمة لبنان!
August 31, 2020
I respect the author's approach in analyzing the defining what the party was and is today.
November 24, 2023
things were learned, much appreciated
April 30, 2025
A comprehensive Marxist analysis of Hezbollah, outlining a materialist and class-based understanding of the movement's success and failures.
May 14, 2023
كتاب مهم للغاية واللي فتح ليا أنا شخصيا مدخل مهم للغاية لفهم الحالة اللبنانية سياسيا والأهم اقتصاديا وفهم بدايات الأزمة الاقتصادية اللي طحنت تحتها الشعب بالكامل بسبب سياسيات أهل السياسة بشكل عام وعلاقة حزب الله بشكل خاص.. في المقالة تحليل لمواقف حزب الله مع قاعدته الشعبية الرئيسية وكيف يستخدم الحزب أدواته الإعلامية والعسكرية في فرض أفكاره وسيطرته وموقفه المتغيّر من ثورات الربيع العربي.
هتلاقوا مقدمة المقالة تاليا وبعدها لينك المقالة على إضاءات - ida2at، أتمنى ليكم قراءة ممتعة، مع شكر خاص لدكتور محمود هدهود على الفرصة ودار صفصافة للنشر وترجمة ممتازة من Alaa Brick-Hnaide.
المدخل: تأسَّس حزب الله سنة 1985 من رحم الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية والاجتياح الإسرائيلي الذي كانت مقاومته هدفًا رئيسًا للحزب، وفي الأوساط الشعبية كان ينظر لحزب الله على أنه المقاومة العربية الوحيدة ضد إسرائيل.
وبسبب قوته العسكرية والتنظيمية وتأثيره السياسي والطائفي الواسع في الشرق الأوسط ولبنان/سوريا/إيران بشكل خاص، يأتي كتاب الاقتصاد السياسي لحزب الله، للأكاديمي السوري الأصل جوزيف طاهر، والصادر عن دار صفصافة للنشر ليحاول فهم ذلك التنظيم بشكل مختلف عن منطلقات العقيدة والدين؛ وإنما بأدوات العلوم الاجتماعية التي تدرس حزب الله كمكوِّن سياسي فعّال في تشكُّل البنية الحالية السياسية والاقتصادية للدولة اللبنانية وكيف يؤثِّر وجوده واقتصاده طائفيًا وطبقيًا في تشكيل المعادلة السياسية اللبنانية.
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https://www.ida2at.com/political-econ...
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المدخل: تأسَّس حزب الله سنة 1985 من رحم الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية والاجتياح الإسرائيلي الذي كانت مقاومته هدفًا رئيسًا للحزب، وفي الأوساط الشعبية كان ينظر لحزب الله على أنه المقاومة العربية الوحيدة ضد إسرائيل.
وبسبب قوته العسكرية والتنظيمية وتأثيره السياسي والطائفي الواسع في الشرق الأوسط ولبنان/سوريا/إيران بشكل خاص، يأتي كتاب الاقتصاد السياسي لحزب الله، للأكاديمي السوري الأصل جوزيف طاهر، والصادر عن دار صفصافة للنشر ليحاول فهم ذلك التنظيم بشكل مختلف عن منطلقات العقيدة والدين؛ وإنما بأدوات العلوم الاجتماعية التي تدرس حزب الله كمكوِّن سياسي فعّال في تشكُّل البنية الحالية السياسية والاقتصادية للدولة اللبنانية وكيف يؤثِّر وجوده واقتصاده طائفيًا وطبقيًا في تشكيل المعادلة السياسية اللبنانية.
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https://www.ida2at.com/political-econ...
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December 4, 2017324.25692 D129 2016
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