Twenty Theses on Politics

by Enrique Dussel, George Ciccariello-Maher (Translation)

First published in Spanish in 2006, Twenty Theses on Politics is a major statement on political philosophy from Enrique Dussel, one of Latin America’s—and the world’s—most important philosophers, and a founder of the philosophy of liberation. Synthesizing a half-century of his pioneering work in moral and political philosophy, Dussel presents a succinct rationale for the development of political alternatives to the exclusionary, exploitative institutions of neoliberal globalization. In twenty short, provocative theses he lays out the foundational elements for a politics of just and sustainable coexistence. Dussel first constructs a theory of political power and its institutionalization, taking on topics such as the purpose of politics and the fetishization of power. He insists that political projects must criticize or reject as unsustainable all political systems, actions, and institutions whose negative effects are suffered by oppressed or excluded victims. Turning to the deconstruction or transformation of political power, he explains the political principles of liberation and addresses matters such as reform and revolution. Twenty Theses on Politics is inspired by recent political transformations in Latin America. As Dussel writes in Thesis 15, regarding the liberation praxis of social and political movements, “The winds that arrive from the South—from Nestor Kirchner, Tabaré Vásquez, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Evo Morales, Hugo Chávez, Fidel Castro, and so many others—show us that things can be changed. The people must reclaim sovereignty!” Throughout the twenty theses Dussel engages with Latin American thinkers and activists and with radical political projects such as the World Social Forum. He is also in dialogue with the ideas of Marx, Hegel, Habermas, Rawls, and Negri, offering insights into the applications and limits of their thinking in light of recent Latin American political thought and practice.

Genres: Philosophy, Politics, Nonfiction

184 pages, Paperback

First published November 1, 2006

About the author

ENRIQUE DUSSEL nace el 24 de diciembre de 1934, en el pueblo de La Paz, Mendoza, Argentina. Exiliado político desde 1975 en México, hoy ciudadano mexicano, es profesor en el Departamento de Filosofía en la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (UAM, Iztapalapa, ciudad de México), y en el Colegio de Filosofía de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras de la UNAM (Ciudad Universitaria). Licenciado en filosofía (Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza, Argentina), doctor en filosofía por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, doctor en historia en La Sorbonne de Paris y una licencia en teología en Paris y Münster. Ha obtenido doctorados honoris causa en Freiburg (Suiza) y en la Universidad de San Andrés (La Paz, Bolivia). Fundador con otros del movimiento Filosofía de la Liberación. Trabaja especialmente el campo de la Ética y la Filosofía Política.

Reviews

[graceofgod · Rating 4 out of 5]

A fascinating book. While I obviously disagree with some of his positions (the notion that natural law is eurocentric per se, that communism/a classless society is empirically impossible) he nonetheless does not fail at putting forward a coherent decolonial political theory which incorporates aspects of Marxism. indigenous traditions, etc. (and to some extent a Suárezian conception of sovereignty.) All in all, I'd deff recc this book to anyone, really.

[Griffin Duffey · Rating 5 out of 5]

“The need to let suffering speak is a condition of all truth.” (Adorno, Negative Dialectics, 17–18)

I read this book in two sittings, so anything I have to say can only amount to a first impression. Nonetheless, there is so much to chew on from this.

The book is in two parts, the first of which lays out the general schematic of contemporary political order—especially how power (potentia) is delegated from the people (and can *only ever* originate there as such) into institutions (potestas) to be either obedient to the people or self-referential and fetishized. These first ten theses construct a shockingly lucid and succinct distillation of how to even frame the predominate mode of politics (especially ‘representative government’ writ large.) Theses nine and ten were a revelation that would require more time than I’m willing to give at the moment.

The final ten theses begin Dussel’s neither revolutionary nor reformist proscriptions for how to react to such a political situation. Instead, he shoots for what the conservative would call impossible, and for what the anarchist would naively believe is feasible (‘feasible’ is an important word for Dussel, more on this later.) He uses this comparison several times to situation what he suggests: a *transformation* of the political order.

This transformation doesn’t seem to involve a disruption of fundamental prevailing system of politics, give or take a few new terms (hyperpotentia, symmetrical participation, political postulates, analogical hegemon, etc.) This already suggests a degree of feasibility, given that the cycle of political power is carried over into a transformed political schema. However, theses 1-10 nevertheless remain criticized in the construction of the potestas (institutions and strategic action cf. pg. 7) and how to sustain their obedience to the potentia.

As Dussel makes clear, the institutions are oriented around the principles of liberation, which are always determined by those peoples who are excluded from, or can only participate asymmetrically in, the prevailing potestas.

This is all fleshed out via principles of liberation, formal and material processes of protection, determination, and (most importantly) participation, with the ultimate postulate (not utopia!) being the dissolution of the State due to shared responsibility of and for all citizens. (He weirdly goes on to suggest a virtual state where universal participation takes place, but uh, I think I’m going to ignore that.) But yeah, I guess that’s the best nutshell summary I can give.

**********

I was about one more Graeber-esque book from being a full blown anarchist, and this stalled that. Not to say this actually, in the end, couldn’t be constitutive towards a anarchistic orientation (it’s not hard to see how that, in fact, could be the case) but the feasibility of real, authentic social change towards prioritization of the poor probably does look like what Dussel has synthesized from actual, real, historical Latin American developments which he cites throughout. Accepting the flow of power as a given (via intersubjectivity, which I actually found to be perhaps my favorite section of the book) and as productive for organizing legitimate political activity isn’t a bad place to start (probably?) though he does seem to brush off a variety of situations as empirically impossible (classless society, some revolutionary change, direct democracy (????) etc.) which I would resist.

Anywho, the one thing I believe to be True is that the perspectives of those who experience harm—those that are closest to the pain—ought to be believed, validated, and should be given the *most* agency, and Dussel has given me a system for scaling that commitment.

[Ezequiel · Rating 4 out of 5]

Explicación de cómo funciona el poder, muy pesado de leer en mi opinión. Me desagrada profundamente que el autor quiera reivindicar el mesianismo, reivindicar el modelo de héroe y del poder obendiencial. A la vez es profundamente contradictorio en el último capítulo dónde propone una democracia participativa en la que se difumine al máximo las diferencias entre representante y representado, es no querer asumirse como anarquista.

Aparte de estos desacuerdos es una buena explicación del arte de lo posible(La polaca).

[John Madera]

Ultimately an unconvincing defense of statism, albeit one realized and administered through what Dussel calls "obediential" power: "the delegated exercise of the power of all authority that fulfills the political justice claim," a power derived from "the people," a kind of unified consciousness acting toward collective liberation. Considering his admiration of the Zapatistas, Dussel's claim that a classless society is "empirically impossible"—a defeatist phrase Dussel employs many times in the text—is sadly ironic.

[Elliot · Rating 5 out of 5]

In his work, Twenty Theses on Politics, Argentinian-Mexican philosopher Enrique Dussel creates a new theory of democratic politics birthed out of the Latin American political spring. Out of these political movements, Dussel calls for a complete “theoretical, practical, and ethical renewal” of Leftist politics rooted in “obediential power.” In short, Dussel is taking up Schmitt’s challenge (Crisis of PD) to offer new arguments for representative democracy rather that appeal to tradition or practical expediency. Dussel’s work in Twenty Theses is rigorous and wide-ranging, moving from the positive-normative political principles of the prevailing system to the negative-critical political principles of a system interpellated by the victim.

Initially read with Ethan and and Neal- summer of 2020. Read again for Barreto's independent study on Dussel.

[Sachin K · Rating 4 out of 5]

I think I'd need to read this again at a later date just to make sure I understand the theories really well.

[M Govea · Rating 4 out of 5]

En un mundo saturado de discursos vacíos y teorías vacías, se agradece esto. Me dificultó mucho, pero amo la lógica.

[OSCAR · Rating 3 out of 5]

En pocas palabras este trabajo es la proyección esquemática del pensamiento político postmoderno. Las víctimas, en la discusión de su dolor, son las que toman la batuta de la labor crítica de la Historia. Si bien las víctimas pueden ser explotadas, ya no es relevante su lugar respecto de la cadena de producción o su casta. La tranversalidad de varios movimientos hace que lo único que tengan que expresar sean sus gemidos.

Enrique Dussel logra en un estilo diáfano expresar cómo debe proyectarse el sufrir de las víctimas para constituir el sistema político de nuestra postmoderna era. La ilación de ideas es destacable. Su erudición asombra pero uno no puede dejar de advertir que su insistencia en las víctimas, los marginales, lo coloca en sintonía con el postmodernismo y no con una izquierda marxista de cuño clásico. El libro se puede leer en uno o dos días de lectura intensa. No exige grandes conocimientos en teoría política porque con los ejemplos y las relaciones que enumera quedan claros los argumentos que quiere el autor destacar. Esto último es destacable porque la ampulosidad de muchos filósofos políticos hace que la gente ignore las discusiones hordianas y sea ajena a su producción escrita.

Enrique Dussel con este libro merece nuestro atención: conciso, práctico, sin embargo por estas características el libro se vuelve pernicioso.

[Amy · Rating 3 out of 5]

La organización del estado depende de mi, se ti, de él, de todos los ciudadanos, no de los que están ocupando un cargo político representante, ellos "obedecen" a los requisitos surguientes. Sí algo no esta funcionando en esta democracia es porque no se tiene claro los principios de la verdadera democracia y la funcion de la política. Quien esta dentro de alguna institución no tiene claro para quien trabaja, no le dicen que trabaja para los requisitos de una elité, de una transnacional, los intereses de alguien más. Se tiene confundidos los conceptos de TODO, no se tiene una clara finalidad de cada acción. Se sigue la corriente y las reglas que se han marcado pero nadie cuestiona la veracidad de esas reglas, porque, ellos deben de saber lo que estan haciendo, ellos son los expertos y no tú, tú que vas a saber de política, de economía, de cultura, de ciencia. Tu solo haz lo que te dicen y deja todo en manos de los adultos. De verdad? no puedo creer que nunca me lo haya cuestionado ni verlo de esta manera. En un mundo al revés como vas a ganar si todos hacen las cosas "bien" y tu "mal"?

[Antonio Roa · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excelente libro, personalmente considero que demuestra el alto nivel intelectual de Dussel, quien, a pesar de los radicales cambios de escritura de un párrafo a otro (comprensible, siendo que debe acotar sus ideas lo más posible para lograr un texto así de corto y sintético, pero claro), demuestra en sus tesis 3 dimensiones interconectadas de la política: 1) Una metodología conceptual analítica de comprensión de la política y los diversos campos, instituciones, etc. que lo componen, 2) Una teoría del estado bien esbozada con bases filosóficas desde la ontologia hasta la teoría política clásica del Estado al que se debe aspirar, 3) Una teoría de la acción política desde lo que el llama realismo crítico, basada en la comprensión de materialidad, legitimidad y factibilidad para el cambio.

Las tres dimensiones se comienzan a interconectarse desde la mitad del libro, y las propuestas del autor surgen, aportando perspectivas interesantes, y abriendo en el diálogo político nuevas alternativas.

Es esencial leerlo, comprenderlo y saberlo complementar con la teoría más compleja del Estado, cuya comprensión alcanza la justicia jurisdiccional y su labor institucional.

[Mahvish Ahmad · Rating 4 out of 5]

I actually interviewed him back in 2011, before Lopez Obrador was elected. I read this soon after that. I liked his ideas, they felt tangible, doable. He’s animated by the Zapatistas, but wants to integrate them into statehood. Not sure if it’s possible to fuse the ideas of people who are against the state into the state.

[Miriam · Rating 3 out of 5]

Aunque la manera de escribir que tienen los que entiende de filosofía política tiende a ser enredosa y rebuscada, Dussel tiene la facilidad de exponer sus "Tesis" de manera clara y sencilla. Quizá en algunas ocasiones peca de repetitivo, sus vueltas sirven para que no se suelte el hilo de su argumento.

[Sean Parson · Rating 4 out of 5]

Overall this was a really good book. the first half, while slow, did set up a unique framework and the second half was very good. I am trying to think about how to use this book for my own work. If the entire book was as good as the second half, I would have given this five stars.

[Noemi · Rating 5 out of 5]

Provocative look at power and reconstruction, theories on victim role in empowering new systems, critical examination of all political systems, and intriguing model for reconstruction.

[Drewtzin · Rating 5 out of 5]

Mucho que pensar y reflexionar.