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352 pages, Paperback
First published May 1, 2011
I have recently spent a delightful month in France. What is it about this country that stands it in contrast to the hard, winner takes all capitalism of the Anglosphere?(Britain and the US.) Reading this book certainly provides some of the answers to that question and in a way that is a very enjoyable read as well. It is one of the excellent “Brief History” series of book of which contains approximately 70 titles. It packs a lot of information into its 300 tightly written pages.
The books follows the evolution of France from a loose collection of feudal fiefdoms to a centralised state ruled by an absolute monarch in the form of Louis XIV the “Sun King”. To quote the Author:
“At a fundament level, he [Louis] did indeed believe that a king derived his authority directly from God. So ‘kings are absolute rulers who can naturally dispose of all property, secular or ecclesiastical’ and the ruled are bound to absolute obedience. Since he is answerable to God for the discharge of his role he is not entitled to divest himself of his sacred responsible by passing it to another. Louis was his own Prime Minister. What Louis did with the blessing of prominent Catholic theologian Bishop Bossuet was to take Christian monarchy with its divine right of kings as far as it could go.”
Needless to say the corruption and nepotism of this hereditary based system of privilege was not admired by the growing numbers of middle class bourgeoise created by the rapidly industrialising society. This ultimately resulted in the republican revolution of 1789. I liked the author’s colourful description of Talleyrand, Nepoleon’s foreign minister as example of the corruption that had developed in French aristocracy of the ‘Ancien Regime’ prior to revolution.
“He may seem today to have been corrupt an old camembert, but in taking bribes for his services he was following a custom of the time and his attitudes owe much to his background. An aristocrat who lost his rights as the oldest son because of a club foot and had to make do, though an atheist, with being made bishop of Autun at the age of thirty five, which entailed the inconvenience of a three-day visit to the place.”
Needless to say, the Catholic church which acted like to cheer leader for the aristocracy were given their marching orders by the republicans of the 1789 revolution. This author believes was a mistake, as the republicans should have made an effort to ally themselves to the village priests who were also deeply offended by the behaviour of the church hierarchy. This would have prevented nearly 150 years of subsequent conflict between the French Catholic Church and the republicans. One person to find the middle ground was Napoleon. When he came to power and he set about transforming the country, the authors writes:
“He made a concordat with the Pope which brought the church back into the national community under State supervision. And in appointing bishops he insisted they should actually believe in God.”
For the next 130 years after the revolution, the country swung between the extremes of hard left secular communism and hard right dictatorships. The right wing reached its nadir with the Vichy government who ruled in association with the German NAZI party and the French Catholic Church during Work War II. To quote the author, Petain, the leader of the Vichy government had more power than the Sun King, Louis XIV and during his reign:
“He was busily unscrambling the 1789 Revolution in order to establish the ‘new moral order’ of his ‘National Revolution’. The republic’s motto ‘Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite’ was now replaced by the Croix de Feu’s trio of ‘Travail, Famille, Patrie’ or Work, Family and Fatherland, in that redemptive order. ‘Travail’ implied healthy agricultural toil. The right to strike was abolished as were trade unions to discourage any idea of class struggle. ‘Famille’, accordingly, implied the traditional peasant unit, now strengthened by family allowances, restrictions to divorce, the criminalisation of abortion and an insistence that a woman’s place was in the home. All this was further reinforced by the scrapping of free secondary education and State teacher training colleges, and the granting afresh to religious bodies of the right to teach and of subsidies to Catholic schools which inevitably involved rewriting school textbooks to remove any republican bias. As for ‘Patrie’, since it was necessary to ‘give France back to the French’, that meant taking steps to exclude gypsies, communists, Freemasons and, above all Jews.”
The reaction to the appalling behaviour of the elites of the Vichy government caused the church to finally abdicate its claim to a role in government and the demands for privileges to an elite ruling class faded into the background.
Since the dark days of the Vichy government and World War II, France has transformed itself. The author points out that “France is a republic which is indivisible, secular, democratic and social” as defined in the preamble of the constitution of the current and fifth republic. The French “are not subjects but citizens having equal right and responsibilities”. This means “they are defined as members of a collectivist society”. This collective heritage developed over 150 years of struggle is what the author defines as the ‘French Exception’ which stands their society in contrast to many other nations and particularly the hard individualistic capitalist Anglosphere nations that they take delight in deriding.
This is a very well written book and I recommend it to any one who is interested in understanding why the French feel they are exceptional. If you visit French for any period of time you will come to agree that they are not deluded. The concluding chapters of the book discusses whether this situation will persist or they will be swamped by the forces of globalisation. I share the author’s hope that the French people can resist these forces.