"Penetrating, detailed, and very readable. . . . A splendid biography." -- Wall Street Journal
Few figures in American history have held as many roles in public life as John Quincy Adams. The son of John Adams, he was a brilliant ambassador and secretary of state, a frustrated president, and a dedicated congressman who staunchly opposed slavery. In John Quincy Adams, scholar and journalist James Traub draws on Adams's diaries, letters, and writings to evoke his numerous achievements-and failures-in office. A man of unwavering moral convictions, Adams is the father of foreign policy "realism" and one of the first proponents of the "activist government." But John Quincy Adams is first and foremost the story of a brilliant, flinty, and unyielding man whose life exemplified admirable political courage.
John Quincy Adams accomplished little as America’s sixth president, but my what a fascinating and consequential life he led. James Traub makes a strong case in his sparkling and dense biography that Adams’ presidency was the low point of his career. JQ is a unique bridge between America’s founding fathers and Abraham Lincoln. He served all five of his predecessors and came to know his next five successors as well as several future presidents, including the first to be impeached, Andrew Johnson. Adams would meet with Lincoln’s future secretary of state, William Seward and Lincoln himself had just joined the House when JQ fell fatally ill at his desk.
I hadn’t planned to include John Quincy in my first pass at U.S. presidents, but McCullough’s depiction of JQ in his magisterial “John Adams” intrigued me. John was so close to his wife and eldest son John Quincy that I just had to read the rest of the story. The Adams Family provides a cautionary parenting tale. Both John and John Quincy would have three sons, but each would only have one son that would meet their high expectations. The pressure of being an Adams was too much for the other four.
John Quincy was not the loving husband that his father was, but in almost every other respect, he was a chip off the old block: Smart, stoic, devoutly Christian, and high-minded. He was a top student at Harvard and loved books more than people. He would read the Bible every morning and attend two or three church services. High mindedness left him with few friends. JQ most reminds me of Woodrow Wilson and Jimmy Carter. All three struggled to work with Congress.
As a columnist for foreignpolicy.com, James Traub is the right person to explore Adams’ brilliant 15-year diplomatic career. Multilingual, JQ’s keen observations of his European hosts and inherent sense of the U.S. national interest made his dispatches to America’s founding presidents invaluable. JQ would help negotiate the War of 1812 peace treaty and be James Monroe’s foreign policy brain. Adams had a clear vision for territorial expansion without sparking another war with Europe.
In many ways, James Traub’s writing reminds me of the late TR biographer Edmund Morris. Traub not only brings his subject to life, but also provides wry observations and incisive assessments of Adams’ words and actions. Like Morris, Traub has a penchant for obscure words. My favorite? Rhodomontade (p. 440, I refuse to look it up). Unlike Morris, there is little to learn in Traub’s footnotes, other than that he understandably relied heavily on JQ’s lifelong journal as his main source. Traub could use Morris’s editor as a dozen glaring typos and minor errors made it into this first edition. The biggest? Traub takes us on one of JQ’s frequent long walks, but from the White House, you do not cross the Potomac River to reach Georgetown (p. 328).
Traub rightfully devotes just 10% of his narrative to Adams’ one-term presidency. JQ was the first to become president without winning the popular vote. Andrew Jackson would get his revenge four years later. With no major accomplishments, the most memorable events were a rare earthquake to hit Washington and Adams’ near-drowning experience in the Potomac River.
John Quincy set a post-presidency standard that will never be equaled. I was vaguely aware that he became a Congressman, but I had no idea that he was the first to take on what he rightfully called America’s “slaveocracy.” He would fight for most of his 17 years in the House to overcome the “gag rule” used to keep him from tabling anti-slavery petitions. Abolitionists considered his approach to be too cautious, but Adams knew plantation owners would not give up their slaves without a fight. In addition to helping win the “Amistad” case before the Supreme Court, one of JQ’s most enduring legacies was shepherding the legislation that created the Smithsonian Institution. I will thank him when I bike to see the Hiroshige exhibit at the recently renamed (no more Sackler!) National Museum of Asian Art.
What comes next? John Quincy and Traub both appear to be equal parts impressed and revolted by Andrew Jackson. Throw in a populism that bears a resemblance to today and that leaves me in no hurry to read about Jackson, but when I do, I’ll give H.W. Brands’ biography a try. In the meantime, I’ll consult C-SPAN’s “The Presidents” to learn about all the disappointing presidents between Adams and Lincoln. JQ considered “Hamlet” to be “the greatest of all works of the human hand” (p. 163). This has inspired me to resume reading Shakespere for the first time since high school.
At a time when most Americans believe they are witnessing the most divisive political campaign they have ever experienced, they need only to turn the clock back to the 1828 presidential campaign when Andrew Jackson, angry because he believed the previous election had been stolen because of a “corrupt bargain” between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay, launched a nasty and personal attack against Adams as early as his inauguration resulting in Jackson’s eventual victory. This political clash is just one component of James Traub’s excellent new biography, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS: MILITANT SPIRIT. Adam’s the son of our second president was a rather enigmatic and recalcitrant figure who seemed to always answer to principle, not political expediency. His diplomatic career consisted of ministerial posts in the Netherlands, Prussia, Russia, England, as well as serving as Secretary of State. His political offices included the Massachusetts State Senate, the U.S. House of Representatives, and the Presidency. Adams’ life is a compendium of late 18th and 19th century events where he usually was a focal point in any important situation. This amazing career is skillfully portrayed by Traub as he dissects his subjects’ life and concludes that despite numerous achievements and failures, he never wavered from the moral convictions instilled in him by his parents, John and Abigail Adams.
The success of Traub’s effort lies in mining the 15,000 pages of Adams’ journal that he kept over his entire life. The fact that the journal has been digitized allows the author easy access and assisted in creating a window into his subject’s mind that is fascinating. Traub explores every aspect of Adams’ life, especially his close relationship with both of his parents. The reader can eavesdrop on conversations between the father and son where we see why Adams’ became the man he did. Not quite a reincarnation of his father, but strikingly similar. Many of the letters and conversations between mother and son are also available and we are exposed to the rigid moral principles and advice that Abigail offered. The type of father Adams’ became later in life is directly related to his own upbringing as he pursued the same method of childrearing as his parents. As far as his relationship with his wife Louisa it does not measure up to the closeness between John and Abigail Adams. He was a distant husband and Louisa and John Quincy spent many years apart.
At a very young age he “followed a set of standards, moral, and intellectual, to which people should be held, and he found much of the world wanting,” particularly women. The pressure on Adams because of his parents was immense and this led to feelings of guilt and depressive episodes. Many times he felt conflicted as he passed back and forth between aspiration and resignation. Traub has the knack of interweaving Adams’ private life with his career in an interesting fashion. We get a glimpse of all aspects of Adams be it in the family, years of diplomacy overseas, and his political career. Traub’s careful devotion to detail creates an accurate portrayal of life on the family farm in Quincy, MA, Washington, DC, or the many countries that he served as a diplomat.
Adams was a much more pragmatic politician for his time and tried to stay away from rigid ideologues. For example, he refused to join the Federalists in their attacks on Thomas Jefferson, a man he admired, and supported the purchase of Louisiana because for Adams, unlike today, country came first, not political partisanship. Adams even supported Jefferson’s Embargo Acts (1807) when the New England region that he represented opposed it. As Traub states “he would become an honorable outcast like his father.”
Traub does a masterful job explaining how Louisa endured her domineering husband. The author’s narrative reflects a great deal of empathy toward Louisa as she tries to live apart from her sons for long periods of time while her husband was posted overseas. This in conjunction to the many disappointments the couple endured, from separation, countless miscarriages, and the death of their daughter Louisa, and their two sons John and George, but as their marriage endured John Quincy and Louisa would grow somewhat closer.
Traub delves into all aspects of Adams’ diplomatic career. His most important postings dealt with negotiations to end the War of 1812, as minister to England, and his work in St. Petersburg as he established a close and friendly relationship with Alexander I which proved very important during the period of Napoleon’s defeat and the establishment of the Holy Alliance. Adams’ stint as Secretary of State is covered completely and the chapter devoted to negotiations with the British and concerns over the rise of Republics in the former Spanish colonies that led to the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 is one of Traub’s best.
Adams’ journal contains copious details of negotiations, social observations, and acute analysis. Adams’ mindset, particularly as it related to the intellectual underpinnings of his foreign policy is incisive. What emerges is a man whose belief system is somewhere between a realist and an idealist who spent his entire career trying to enhance American prestige and territory while avoiding what he considered reckless adventures, i.e.; recognition of Spanish Republics, whether to invade Cuba, the seizure of West Florida among others. The intellectual core of Adams’ belief system rested on “the crucial distinction he made between freedom as a donation or grant from a sovereign and freedom as an act of mutual acknowledgement among equals. This was America’s gift to mankind—a gift [that Adams] hoped to spread across the globe.”
Traub correctly points out that Adams’ was not a politician and would not seek office and do the necessary lobbying and cajoling to gain support for his own candidacy, and after assuming the presidency, to gain support for his legislative goals, particularly that of internal improvement and creating an infrastructure linking the expanding country. The machinations involving the 1824 and 1828 presidential elections, his relationship with men like Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Andrew Jackson, and especially his term as president can best summed up by the British historian George Dangerfield, here was “a rather conspicuous example of a great man in the wrong place, at the wrong time with the right motives and a tragic inability to make himself understood.”
Adams’ later career is presented in a clear and concise manner as he enters the House of Representatives, the only president to do so. For Adams the issue of slavery was paramount and he saw the problem of states’ rights over tariffs as nothing more than a cover for the “peculiar institution.” In the 1840s Adams found himself in the midst of many heated debates dealing with slavery. At times he refused to label himself as an abolitionist, and would argue before the Supreme Court representing the men who had seized the slave ship, Amistad. Further, he would become a thorn in the side of states’ rights supporters of slavery in the House of Representatives by repeatedly arguing against the “gag rule,” introducing petitions against slavery, and defending himself as attempts to censure him for his opposition to the “slavocracy” were introduced. Adams would become a man without a party as he would support no faction in the House and found a unique role for himself, “the solitary vote of conscience.”
John Quincy Adams was the last link to the founding generation which in part makes his life so important. In addition, he is also the last link between the creation of the United States and its near destruction by Civil War. In a sense Traub argues that Adams’ time in the oval office was an unsuccessful interlude in a remarkable career that saw principle over expediency as the guiding light of one of the most remarkable figures in American history. For Adams, no matter what the situation, Washington’s message in his Farewell Address to remain neutral abroad, achieve unity at home, and create the consolidation of the continent were his guiding principles and Traub does an excellent job explaining how his subject went about trying to achieve them.
James Traub’s “John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit” was published in 2016, about three years after I read four other biographies of the sixth president. Traub is a journalist and author who has written for The New Yorker, New York Times Magazine, The New York Post and Saturday Review. He is currently a Non-Resident Fellow at New York University.
Most readers will find this widely admired 537-page biography well-organized, engaging and uncommonly thoughtful. Traub’s writing is refreshingly straightforward with just enough erudition and depth to appeal to scholars – but without discouraging a wider audience. And while it does not quite rank among the most colorful or poetic of the presidential biographies I’ve read, it is not far off the mark.
The author clearly admires his subject and he takes advantage of Adams’s intrinsically fascinating life to write an excellent biography comprised of nearly equal parts history and character study. Traub proves both an attentive observer and a discriminating analyst; during the book’s thirty-nine chapters he manages to discern, decipher and articulately describe the dour but brilliant Mr. Adams.
Among the biography’s many virtues are its introduction (where every word seems exquisitely chosen for maximum impact), its introduction of John and Abigail Adams (who seem so interesting the reader may be tempted to set this book aside to read about JQA’s parents), its observations concerning the evolution of early American politics and political parties, and its consistently nuanced consideration of John Quincy Adams’s attitude toward slavery. And coverage of the presidential campaign of 1824 – which carried Adams to the White House – is riveting.
But while Traub successfully penetrates his subject’s opaque exterior, nowhere is a full portrait of JQA laid bare for easy digestion. Instead, the reader is left to stitch together the various elements of Adams’s personality. This is not a particularly difficult task, but even the book’s closing chapter fails to provide a sweeping review of Adams or a thorough assessment of his legacy.
It is generally believed (with significant merit) that Adams’s presidency was the least successful period of his life. Similarly, Traub’s coverage of the Adams presidency is the least interesting section of this otherwise impressive biography. Chronologically overlapping chapters, the lack of an overarching presidency-related thesis, dense (but thoughtful) political discussions and terse coverage of the election of 1828 leave these chapters comparatively unfulfilling.
This biography is comprehensive but it is far from exhaustive. Notably missing is coverage of episodes which are relatively unimportant to Adams’s diplomatic or political careers, but which readers would find extremely interesting. (One could almost form the basis for a Candice Millard tale of adventure and hardship.) And because Adams’s life was so career-focused, his personal relationships are covered with less intensity than many readers will prefer. Finally, there are a small number of conspicuous typos which should not have survived the editing process.
Overall, James Traub’s biography of John Quincy Adams is an extremely meritorious addition to the universe of books focused on this fascinating political figure. With an easy style, penetrating insight and a talent for dissecting his difficult but distinguished subject, Traub provides readers with a biography which, if not quite the final word on this subject, almost certainly sets a new bar for future biographers of the 6th president.
John Quincy Adams has become pretty popular in recent years, with at least three major biographies published. But each has its own perspective of the man, as stated in its title or subtitle. William J. Cooper's book, titled "The Lost Founding Father," considers Adams to be of an earlier era; Fred Kaplan's book, subtitled "American Visionary," takes the opposite tack and considers him to be ahead of his time.
James Traub's book rightfully considers him to be both. Adams was a living link from one era to the next - he was both an heir to the Founders whose ideals he defended, and a forward-looking leader with modern ideas about America's place in the world, the role of government and the inhumane institution of slavery that he predicted would only be ended through disunion or war.
Traub is an excellent writer who presents the story of a man you don't have to love in order to respect. JQA's father John Adams could be curmudgeonly and abrasive, but he was a loving husband and father and maintained several close friendships, most notably his on-again, off-again, on-again friendship with Thomas Jefferson. JQA was like John Adams without the charm. As a politician, he charted his own course and didn't owe anything to anyone; as a husband and father, he was demanding, insufferable and inscrutable.
Traub comprehensively and engagingly charts Adams's career, thoroughly analyzing his successes and failures along the way. As a diplomat and ultimately Secretary of State, Traub describes how Adams articulated ideas that still resonate today, from his warnings against going "abroad in search of monsters to destroy," to his hand in the creation of the Monroe Doctrine. The 1824 election's resolution in the House, and the mud-slinging 1828 election that followed, are particularly well-covered. Adams's disappointing tenure as president is attributed both to the virulence of the opposition, and Adams's own obstinacy and inability to "sell" his proposals. And the narrative really shines during Adams's notable last act as a Congressman, where Adams's provocations against his pro-slavery colleagues, his spirited defense against attempts to silence him, and his participation in the famous Amistad case are all dramatically described.
Traub also weaves in a lot of anecdotes about Adams's personal life, from his interests outside of politics, to his personal relationships, particularly with his long-suffering wife Louisa. She exists largely in the background of many JQA books, suffering through more than a dozen difficult pregnancies and generally being miserable. But Traub brings her to life, allowing us to see things from her perspective, married to a man for whom career and country came first.
That Traub is not a historian and has never even written a history book before, makes this work all the more remarkable. His writing is jargon-free, he seamlessly and successfully works in allusions to later events and modern references in an effort to put past events into context, and he anticipates questions the reader might have - Why should we read about John Quincy Adams? Would Henry Clay have been more successful than JQA as president? So who really wrote the Monroe Doctrine? - and then sets out to answer them.
Few biographies of unsuccessful one-term presidents make for captivating reading. But there's something fascinating about John Quincy Adams, as indicated by the sheer number of recent biographies written about him. And Traub, in my estimation, may well have written the best of them all.
I strive to avoid hyperbole in reviews, but wow! This biography is awesome! For the past several months, I've been making my way through presidential biographies in order, and I've read some excellent books, but James Traub's new (2016) bio of John Quincy Adams is my favorite so far. Traub is an excellent writer who really seems to capture not just the events, but also the character and personality of JQA. In many ways, JQA was like his father- brilliant, erudite, talented, and hard-working, but also hot-tempered at times and often harsh with people. Pressured by his family background, JQA was incredibly driven, yet found himself in an era that didn't seem to need an uncompromising, self-sacrificing politician as badly as colonial America had. Thus, Adams never seemed to quite accomplish as much as he would have liked politically. It was only in the later years of his life, as a member of the House of Representatives, that Adams truly found a place where he belonged. He fought for the right of petition and against the influence of slavery as a solitary crusader for many years, an unbending man in a never-ending struggle. While, as a president, Adams may have not been particularly successful, few politicians have ever been as admirable as JQA when you take his life as a whole. It's a shame that most of JQA's actions have been forgotten in the pages of history. If you like biographies or American history, by all means read this book. It will be well worth your time!
The subtitle of James Traub's biography, "John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit" (2016) captures a great deal of Adams' independence, strongly held positions, and stance for moral virtue. These characteristics are also highlighted by Traub's frequently-repeated characterization of JQA (1767 --1848) as a "party of one". JQA took several important, controversial positions which separated him from the Federalist Party of his early career. Throughout his long political life, JQA would be independent in his judgment, tending to avoid the compromise, pragmatism, and coalition-building which already were hallmarks of American politics. Adams was an anachronism in his own time.
The author of several books on New York City and on current events. Traub turned to JQA when his wife urged him to 'find a good dead person to write about", JQA has been the subject of several recent biographies, as has his wife Louisa; but the choice still was valuable. Traub shows why JQA is worth studying. He writes:
"WHY WRITE -- OR READ-- ABOUT THIS MAN, ARCHAIC EVEN IN HIS own time? Adams and his contemporaries studied history as a record of eternal truths and above all of moral truths ..... With our own sense of history as a narrative of progress, if a very uneven one, we are more skeptical that the past can speak to us directly about our own experience, or even that moral truths are fixed..... Writing about John Quincy Adams is a way of recovering something vital in American experience, all the more so because it has been obscured by time...... Leadership, for him, meant indifference to party affiliation and, as John F. Kennedy observed, freedom from the preferences of his own voters."
Traub concludes his opening discussion of JQA's importance: " Adams, in short, represents a defunct evolutionary line in American political life. It is easier for us to recognize his faults than his virtues. But we need his virtues. We need to hear Adams' voice. So much of the joy of writing this book, for me, was listening to, and then evoking, that voice, scouringly, truthful, unforgiving even of himself. To know Adams is not to love him. It is, however, to admire him greatly."
Traub's thorough biography covers both Adams' strengths and weaknesses as a "militant spirit" or "party of one", showing how these traits developed and persisted through a life of accomplishment. The book develops Adams' difficult character in both his personal and his public life. Traub emphasizes the expectations placed on JQA from his youngest years by his father, President John Adams, and his mother Abigail. JQA was born to drive himself to succeed, to moral rectitude, and to fear of failure. His two brothers could not withstand the pressure and came to early, unfortunate deaths. JQA succeeded at great emotional cost. In his early 20's JQA fell in love in a relationship that ended unhappily. Several years later, on a diplomatic mission in London, he met and married Louisa Johnson, the daughter of an American expatriate. JQA was frequently distant and harsh and the marriage, while lasting, was difficult. Traub's book amply explores JQA's personal life, his relationship with his parents and brothers, his marriage, and his own troubled relationship with his children.
The book covers Adams' long and eventful public career, emphasizing Adams' attempt to balance his overwhelming ambition and his equally powerful sense of integrity and independence. Adams served a single term as the sixth president (1825 -- 1829). Although he had a vision for a strong central government promoting the American economy and American culture, he found himself unable to work with Congress. His presidency was unsuccessful. Before he became president, Adams had a long career as a diplomat, Senator, and as Secretary of State. In the latter position, he expanded the borders of the United States and, together with President Monroe, was responsible for the Monroe Doctrine in foreign affairs. After his presidency, Adams served in the House of Representatives for 17 years, the only president to serve in Congress after his term in office. Adams became famous for his opposition to slavery and for his opposition to the "gag" rule under which petitions opposing slavery were not allowed to be presented to Congress. During this time, Adams also participated in the defense of African slaves on board a Spanish vessel, the "Amistad". Adams role in this defense has become rightly celebrated. In his courageous support for freedom and criticism of the "slavocracy" Adams showed his independence. He declined to join the Abolitionist movement for fear of civil war but opted instead for a more gradual attempt to rid the nation of slavery. Traub covers Adams' public life, its many accomplishments, and its disappointments, even-handedly, sympathetically and thoroughly.
Traub has written an inspiring, accessible study of a figure I have long admired. His book helped me understand what I find valuable in JQA. It is an excellent choice for readers wanting to learn about JQA and the America of his era. For readers wanting more, Fred Kaplan's biography "John Quincy Adams: American Visionary" explores Adams' thought, writing, and intellectual life in greater depth. Although Traub's book is well-documented. and researched, a bibliography and a mention of other scholarly studies of JQA would have been welcome additions.
John Quincy Adams is an interesting character. He received an education that puts everybody else to shame, witnessed world affairs first hand, and was moral and principled to a fault. Smart, worldly, honest…he seems like the exact guy you would want to be president. Yet when he got the opportunity, he accomplished little of his ambitious agenda because he refused to play the game of politics (i.e. rewarding friends, making compromises, cutting deals, etc).
However, outside the presidency, this commitment to principle also made him a visionary Secretary of State and one of the few independent thinkers in Congress willing to buck his own party if it was in the best interest of the country. His status as a party-of-one also gave him the freedom to take tough stands and speak as the nation’s conscience on issues like slavery.
Sadly, this book also makes clear the costs he paid personally for his solemn reserve. His marriage was always of secondary importance to his national service. Consequently he appears downright cruel to his wife and merciless when his sons cannot live up to his unreasonable expectations (2 of his 3 sons died ignominiously).
Overall, a really good book. 4 stars.
What follows are my notes on the book:
He saw the Battle of Bunker Hill at age 8…an emotional moment that made clear his life belonged to his country and the cause of American liberty regardless of sacrifice or suffering.
He was raised on a farm in Braintree with his mom from ages 7-11 under the hardships of war. He was highly educated, opinionated, and severe like his Puritan ancestors. In 1778, he crossed the Atlantic at age 10. A harrowing journey through storms and British warships. He’d spend ages 11-16 in Europe. He adopted his father’s hunger for knowledge and rapidly learned French.
He studied the classics as well as Latin and Greek. He was never unconditionally loved; every letter from mom or dad held him to the highest and strictest of standards. At age 12, he served as aide & translator in St. Petersburg. After signing the Treaty of Paris, they traveled to London. Viewing the debates in parliament and listening to his father’s views helped solidify a sympathy for an aristocratic elite to govern the common people. He returned to attend Harvard. Young John was not playful or accepting of anything less than his high moral and intellectual standards. He could be severe, especially towards women. He enjoyed school and being around peers after years in foreign lands.
He sided with the forces of order against Shay’s Rebellion. He apprenticed for 2 years under a lawyer. During this period, he experienced depression (a combination of leaving Harvard, the drudgery of the law, the heavy expectations levied on him, lovesickness, and feelings that he would never live up to his father’s greatness). He couldn’t marry the woman he loved since he wasn’t yet established.
Adams threw in with the Federalists and defended Washington’s neutrality during the French Revolution. Washington appointed him minister to The Hague. Over the next 7 years, he would be America’s most important observer of European affairs at a critical time in history. He arrived just as France occupied Holland, turning it into a client state called the Batavian Republic.
While officially neutral, most Americans focused on the UK while Adams raised alarms over Napoleon’s conquest of Europe. His father took great pride in President Washington’s admiration of his son’s diplomatic intelligence. His letters helped inform Washington’s foreign policy and farewell address.
His engagement to Louisa Johnson would be long as he improved his finances. His appointment as minister to Portugal and decision not to take her almost led to a rupture. His New England rectitude and moralizing made him suspicious of his affluent fiancé and this is reflected in his letters.
His father, now president, changed his assignment to Prussia. He accepted only because it was not a plum assignment and was likely to be more difficult. Shortly after his wedding, Louisa‘s parents fled the country heavily indebted. The newly married Adams was mortified. After 4 miscarriages, Louisa gave birth to a son George. Adams recalled his son to avoid the embarrassment of Jefferson doing it.
The state legislature nominated Adams as US senator. He was iconoclastic and one of the few senators who did not vote along strictly party lines. He refused to barter votes, join coalitions, or sacrifice points of principle for larger victories. He dined often with Jefferson and was an astute observer of his character. He argued against the Louisiana Purchase. As the New England Federalist’s prominence faded under Jefferson, Pickering fomented a movement for New England to secede. Adams opposed this.
He was selected as professor of rhetoric at Harvard, giving his summers a purpose for his vast but aimless reading. When tensions with Britain were high in 1806, Adams sided with Jefferson in the belief that the US must defend its people. Without any personal economic interest in trade, he was charged with drafting laws to block trade and condemn Britain. He was the lone Federalist to vote in favor of non-importation (a move that would lead to ostracism).
War fever gripped the nation as British fired upon and boarding the Chesapeake. New England merchant constituents viewed war as disastrous. Adams attended Republican meetings isolating him from his party. Adams chose country over party and signed Jefferson’s bill to ban British commerce. In defense of his actions, Adams wrote a public letter defending Jefferson’s embargo as the best alternative to war (or worse national disunion and subjugation to Great Britain). He was now unwelcome in his own hometown.
When the MA legislature voted for his successor a full year early, Adams resigned. President Madison appointed him minister to Russia. His decision to leave the older boys behind crushed Louisa. He could not afford life of a minister in extravagant St Petersburg. He achieved several diplomatic coups (encouraging Alexander’s break with Napoleon’s continental system). Madison appointed him to the Supreme Court but he declined. Two weeks before Napoleon invaded Russia, the US declared war on UK. Louisa descended into near madness upon the death of their 1-year old daughter.
Napoleon’s defeat in Russia eliminated the main cause of the war with the US (impressment of sailors). Adams appointed to negotiate the peace in Ghent. The British laid down insulting terms that amounted to total surrender and divided the American delegation of Clay, Gallatin, and Adams. As the negotiations dragged on for months, the UK faced growing problems at home and both sides agreed to end the war.
Adams was appointed ambassador to UK. After Monroe’s election, he selected Adams as his Sec of State (in part to deny it for his rival Clay). Adams marveled over the invention of the steamship. Adams was the first to professionalize the State Department. The big issue was Spanish Florida. The US wanted to buy it from the Spain (then facing revolts across South America). Adams alone in the Cabinet defended Jackson when he captured Pensacola & executed British soldiers as he viewed them as necessary for the defense of the US frontier.
Adams negotiated with his Spanish counterpart Don Luis de Onis. He was ardent expansionist, going so far as to propose sending US ships to the mouth of the Columbia River to defend US claims in Oregon. This continental vision shocked Onis. Talks broke down several times. Adams firmly articulated that Spain must fortify Florida or surrender to the US this territory that they owned in name only. With ruthless vigor, Adams widely circulated the notion that the US was about to recognize Buenos Aires and other Latin American “republics” which would be a fatal blow to Spain’s reputation. King Ferdinand told Onis to settle the dispute on American terms to prevent this. Adams was merciless, denying every face saving concession and Spain capitulated giving Adams everything he wanted.
The decisive Adams was frustrated with Monroe‘s waffling and inability to make a decision without first consulting Jefferson, Madison, or obtaining a consensus in his cabinet. It was an era ripe for intrigue with so many ambitious men about (Adams, Crawford, Clay, and Jackson). Adams defended Jackson’s Florida campaign (out of principle but also because he viewed it as a roundabout attack on himself).
The debate over Missouri brought slavery to the fore and ended the era of good feelings. Adams was outspoken against admitting more slave states and challenged Clay & Calhoun. As Sec of State, Adams wished foreign republics well but did not seek to crush any monsters abroad (a view that formed the foundation of “realist” foreign policy). Adams shaped key US foreign policy, in particular what came to be known as the Monroe Doctrine. The US would tolerate existing territorial ownership by UK, Russia, France, and Spain but would confront the establishment of any new European colonies in the Americas.
Calhoun wanted to support Greek independence explicitly and ally with the UK to keep France and Spain from re-conquering South America. Adams chose to mirror Washington avoid all entangling alliances. Adams convinced Monroe to forge a comprehensive foreign policy that the US would not interfere in European affairs (i.e. Greek independence) and in exchange European powers would stay out of South America. In his annual address Monroe explicitly mentioned the doctrine of non-interference in America...a brash declaration for a country with a small population and nonexistent military. The author concludes that Monroe deserves most of the credit for this doctrine, however the final version undeniably bears the realist views of Adams (with its focus on American interests over ideals).
Adams worked with the UK for 2 years on a treaty that would make slavery tantamount to piracy and therefore illegal on the high seas. Crawford helped scuttle the treaty. He also worked on freedom of navigation in the Pacific Northwest with UK & Russia.
Adams, with his scholarly, impersonal temperament never could have been elected in a later era. It was a four-way race (Jackson, Adams, Clay, Crawford). The key state of NY, the legislature still selected their electors. Van Buren and Thurlow Weed both worked their machinations to shape the outcome. Weed defeated Van Buren and secured the majority of the electors for Adams. With three regional candidates splitting the vote, Jackson was the only candidate with national appeal. The contest would move to the House. While no promises were made, there was an understanding that Clay would have a place in the new administration. Clay swung his 3 states to Adams. Van Buren’s failure to deadlock NY gave Adams the 13 states needed to win on the first ballot in the House.
In his inaugural address he laid out a bold agenda to fund internal improvements. Jackson promoted the Adams-Clay “corrupt bargain.” Adams failed to purge the government of Jackson partisans (unless they were clearly corrupt). His allies were distraught that they would be sacrificed to woo an opposition that couldn’t be swayed. He put forth an ambitious agenda for an activist government, massive public works, a transportation network of roads and canals, a national university, etc. Adams failed to grasp that the country wasn’t ready for such a government.
Adams would navigate the early years of the Monroe doctrine. He was hesitant to send a representative to Simon Bolivar’s Pan-American conference. Ever protective of neutrality, he didn’t want to insert the US between Spain and its former colonies. Clay however, was eager to send someone. Adams relented and agreed to send representatives. The Panama conference would become Adam’s Waterloo. Southern objections to attending a conference alongside free Haiti blacks would only encourage slave revolts at home. Van Buren and Crawford both saw opportunities to attack Adams (either for acting without Congress or for foreign entanglements). To add insult, the House wouldn’t appropriate sufficient funds for the trip damaging Adam’s credibility overseas.
Adams signed the Tariff of Abominations that exacerbated sectional strife and fueled Jackson’s campaign. The campaign of 1828 was vicious. The author argues Adams was not party to the libel and slanders published against Jackson. Adams was not embarrassed by Jackson’s landslide victory, but felt abandoned and misunderstood by his country. He did not stay for the inauguration, believing Jackson’s anger over Rachel’s death would make him unwelcome.
His son George committed suicide after his mistress gave birth. This was a huge blow and drew John and Louisa together after years of cold distance. He also grew closer to his third son Charles. Unlike prior presidents who retired to their estates, Adams remained in Washington. He was persona non grata in Boston after his letters revealed Federalists plots to succeed in 1812.
Adams reveled in the peccadillos of the Jackson ministration (like the Eaton affair). His friends nominated him and he won a seat in the House (the only president ever to do so). He became a celebrity among the beleaguered opposition. Adams loved his time in the House, never missing a debate.
His first act in Congress was to present petitions to abolish the slave trade in DC. Adams acted on principle and would not go against legislation simply because it advanced the interest of the ruling party. Once again he was a party of one. For the rest of his life he remained suspicious of Jackson (including the false belief that Jackson supported nullification).
Clay and Calhoun worked out a deal to lower tariffs for protectionism in exchange for SC repealing nullification. The compromise postpone the Civil War for a generation. Adams opposed the compromise as it rewarded SC for throwing a tantrum. He could afford to be so doctrinally pure because he was only a bit player in the whole affair w/no real power.
He successfully defended the Africans who had rebelled and captured the slave ship Amistad. He was briefly swept up in anti-masonry fervor. He survived a train wreck that killed many.
He viewed Jackson’s war over the Bank of the US as a ploy to move federal funds into the hands of Jackson cronies. His son John died, leaving a mountain of debt and a wife and three children to his care.
He opposed the gag rule on discussing slavery and was against annexation or aid to the young Texas Republic after their independence and defeat at the Alamo.
He continued to keep the abolitionists at arm’s length. But in Congress continued to challenge slavery and the gag rule.
Viewed Harrison’s death and Tyler’s ascension to the Presidency as an unmitigated disaster. He continued to view him as a usurper and villain beholden to the slave power.
Although an expansionist in Oregon, till his dying day he thought the Mexican American War a national disgrace and a ploy to expand the slaveocracy.
Former New York City Mayor Philip Hone had this to say in his diary on the event of John Quincy Adams’ death: “In many respects the most wonderful man of the age, certainly the greatest in the United States - perfect in knowledge, but deficient in practical results. As a statesman, he was pure and incorruptible, but too irascible to lead men’s judgment. They admired him, and all voices were hushed when he rose to speak, because they were sure of being instructed by the words he was about to utter; but he made no converts to his opinion, and when President his desire to avoid party influence lost him all the favor of all the parties.”
After reading this biography, I’m apt to agree with Philip Hone. I’m left recognizing his greatness, his importance to the generation following the Founding Fathers (and indeed to America in general), but I had a hard time connecting with him as a person here. To use one final quote from the British historian George Dangerfield, he seemed to be “...a great man in the wrong place, at the wrong time, with the right motives and a tragic inability to make himself understood.”
I know my friends here on Goodreads really enjoyed this book and so I don’t want to dissuade anyone from reading it. But I had a hard time with this one and felt like giving up many times with it. Unlike all the Founding Father and president biographies I’d read prior to this, it took me about six months to read it as I would lose interest completely, read other books, and try to come back to finish it out of sheer determination.
There are great aspects of this book. I loved learning about his early life and his positions overseas in diplomacy. I related deeply with his uncertainty and depression when he returned from those world adventures and didn’t know how to reinvent himself here as a young man. I was fascinated reading about his fight late in life against slavery and how incendiary it was at the time.
In trying to put into words what I disliked about it has been less transparent. Is it because the time period we’re now in (in history) is beyond the revolutionary generation and first government and I’m less interested now? I did lose a lot of interest during the section about his time serving under President Monroe, and the section concerning South American independence, etc. but perhaps that is because Adams features so heavily in the Monroe biography that I had just read that it felt like a repeat. Or perhaps it was that the book felt like it could’ve been a lot shorter. There's a taxing section for example about tariffs where the author has an account from what this newspaper had to say about it, and then another newspaper, and then another, etc. It just felt like a lot of it could be edited down with a summarized and concise point. It also felt, at times, like the author may be relying too heavily on his diary, giving the book too many details about his personal life, which could bog down the pacing.
But perhaps another aspect is this aforementioned feeling of not being able to relate with him on a human level for much of it. When I read the McCullough biography on his father John Adams, for example, despite his flaws, I remember finishing it and just sitting with the book for a moment, feeling like a friend had passed. I didn’t really feel that here. Is that due to the author’s writing, or due to less of an ability to connect with John Quincy? One feels conflicted in wanting to emulate him at times and at others, wanting to act in a different manner.
I would say though, if you’re very interested in John Quincy Adams, presidential biographies, early American history, etc. that you will find here a complete and thorough telling of his life and accomplishments. You’ll find on display his full range of mistakes and flaws as well. And you’ll learn about that less discussed time period in American history between the revolutionary generation and the eventual Civil War.
John Quincy Adams is one of my favorite historic figures. His presidency was the low point of his career and cannot be viewed in any other term than as a failure.
Prior to being elected President, he was arguably the most important Secretary of State the US ever had. He was the lone non-slave owner in the Monroe Cabinet. JQA was a man of ultimate principles. While he didn't fully enunciate his abolitionist ideas, he did advocate his views to the Cabinet. He felt that as a Cabinet member, his job was to present his views forcefully in private, but to support the president in public. During this period, he developed an unusual friendship with Secretary of War John C Calhoun---one of the Great Triumverate and most vocal voices of slavery.
My favorite part of the book was when Monroe's presidency was coming to an end. John C Calhoun didn't believe he had the support needed to become president, but paved a path to become the Vice President. He was the only person to run as Vice President on both of the major presidential party tickets!
But the intriguing part of the book was when Traub talked about the shennanigans that occurred during that presidential election. Most books focus on the period after the November election, when it was apparent that the House of Representatives was going to determine whether Jackson, Clay, or Crawford would become president. Henry Clay, the Speaker of the House, had finished fourth in that race and would play a key role in what the House did.
Many people have speculated that had Clay made it to the final three, he might have swayed the House to elect him instead of either Jackson or Adams. The House would elect Adams and Clay would be tainted with selling out to be appointed Adams Secretary of State.
If this is the story you are familiar with, wait until you learn the rest of the story! The real intrigue did not occur after the November election, but in the NY Assembly. The machinations of Tamminy Hall's Thurgood Weed and Martin Van Buren changed the way I see that election. I could ruin the fun, but trust me, this worth tackling!
The last third of the book was ok. While I think most people would enjoy it, it was hard not to compare this section to the book Arguing about Slavery: The Great Battle in the United States Congress. Arguing about Slavery is a book that is dedicated principally to JQA's exploits in Congress. As such it covers the exploits in much greater detail than Militant Spirit. The stories that are summarized in the later, are covered in detail in the former. As such, I was familiar with the stories and knew some of the details/humor that was missing in JQA.
I’ve always been intrigued by John Quincy Adams, the last president with direct ties to the Founders and the only ex-president to serve in the House of Representatives. It turns out, his presidency was perhaps the lowest point of his almost 50-year diplomatic and political career.
As a young man, Adams served as minister to several countries and was instrumental in forming the Treaty of Ghent upon the ending of the War of 1812. As Secretary of State, he assisted in the development of the Monroe Doctrine and negotiated Florida away from Spain as well as parts of the Southwest. He was considered the premier expert on foreign policy and his ideas about neutrality not only helped to shape Washington’s Farewell Address but influenced U.S. foreign policy for years to come. Peace abroad and expansion at home were his consistent, unwavering goals.
Following a failed and disappointing one-term presidency, Adams went on to serve seventeen years in the House, where he fought exhaustively against the “slavocracy” and became a hero to the abolitionist movement, successfully defending the Armistad captives in the famous Supreme Court case. Though he abhorred slavery, ironically, Adams was not an abolitionist, seeing all too prophetically that an immediate end to slavery would result in civil war.
Adams was brilliant, driven, uncompromising, and principled almost to a fault. He excelled at oratory and kept a daily diary from the age of 12 that was voluminous and became an invaluable window into the man and his times. As a polymath and lifelong scholar, he loved books perhaps more than people. His lack of personal warmth and strict adherence to principles over party often left him standing alone and made him ineffectual in the typical give and take of political compromise. He was not necessarily a loved figure in the popular sense, but he came to be greatly admired particularly in the last decade or so of his life.
Though densely detailed, this biography is thoroughly readable. It gives a complete and very balanced view of the private and public life of an important figure in America’s early years as a republic.
I have waited for YEARS for a good biography of JQ that wasn't so encyclopedic that I would never be able to finish it. Traub organized this as a historical reflection on JQ, driven by JQ's own (massive massive massive) journals. John Quincy himself was one of the most important characters in American History, and one of the least known. Adams was there with his father to wedge the fledgling nation into a European world, but with its own, non-european, identity. He was there to help forge the squabbling ex-colonies into a united government of indepedent states. The second war with Britain, which many Americans forget, would have ended badly for the new united states without Adam's stubborn negotiations. Adams was there to put down the first secessionist movement, which was in New England in protest to the Louisiana Purchase. Interestingly, as President Adams was not very significant. But after the Presidency he had long service in Congress, building the bridge between our nation's creation and its near dissolution in the civil war. Adams was a bushel of conflicts. He was the eternal child who was always an adult, touring Europe on diplomatic missions as a pre-teen, but still writing naughty poetry to young ladies in his old age. He was a loving son and a cold, often absent, father and husband. He was the child and patriarch of one of America's most revered families, but lost several children to illness and profligacy. He was a firm opponent of slavery who thought that it should not be ended yet. He upheld the right of citizens to petition their government, even if he didn't agree with their petitions, to the point that he fabricated petitions to show up the folly of his opponents. He was a quiet host of some of the biggest parties in Washington. Irascible and beloved. All in all, a character that the reader might find incredible in fiction. John Adams, senior, was my favorite founding father (and McCullough's brilliant biography is an excellent read), throwing a shadow in which John Quincy might have faded into obscurity. And many people today think of John Quincy as "that other Adams". But he was a Gibralter when our country needed one, and a Golden Gate bridge between America as a surprise bit player in history and America as a continental power. I highly recommend this book if you want to shine a little light into that critical time in our country's formation.
What a thrill. And totally unexpected. I knew very little about John Quincy Adams when I started and had modest expectations of the writing having never heard of Traub. By the end, I was won over by both. So much so that I'm compelled to say it's one of the best biographies I have read. (The others being Morris on T. Roosevelt and Manchester on Churchill.)
An extremely well-written biography. Not boring or dry for one second.
I have to admit in John Quincy's earlier years ... I didn't like him all that much. He was highly intelligent & moral - but socially awkward and kind of, well, a wet blanket. But oh how he grew on me. As he got older, I grew to love him. He was loyal to his own beliefs & values - not to any party. This cost him, but I have so much respect for that. Imagine if that still existed today?
I can boldly say that now. I’ve always doubted my maturity, up to this point, well, because of a profound lack of evidence. I’ve never brought the gravitas of a mature mind to pursuits supposedly as significant as my career, finances, taxes, or even personal health. Plus, I giggle. So why am I so convinced now that I’m mature? Because I’ve finished reading this very long book, over 500 pages, which had no pictures.
I admit when I initially happened upon this conclusion - let’s not get cocky: this hypothesis - I was skeptical. After all, I had just finished a drawing of Pinky Dinky Doo and was still digesting a PB&J sandwich. But then my dad, gravitas personified, saw the book, commented on its length, and noted its lack of pictures before proclaiming me to be a better man than he.
One aspect of reading an actual book (as opposed to an e-book) which I enjoy, particularly when I read a tome, is watching the progress of the bookmarks (I use two in each book). There’s a real sense of accomplishment as I watch those markers move from front to back. OK, truth be told I do appreciate when the book has pictures even though most of the time those pictures are usually grouped in one or two collections in the book and those pages are not numbered; they still let me move those bookmarks significantly. And when the pictures aren’t grouped, a picture on a page here and there let me speed through those pages like an Evelyn Wood honor student… and I bask in the mirage. But this book had no pictures at all, not a one. And I persisted, with a most mature air.
Full disclosure, I was very thankful when I progressed from one enumerated “Part” of the book to the next because each new titled Part was embraced by two numbered blank pages.
Go ahead - rip away the apostrophe and space from my bold opening proclamation. Reveal me as I shall remain:
Immature.
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N.B.:“I was not formed to shine in company, nor to be delighted with it.” With that quote from John Quincy Adams (JQA), relayed less than 85 pages into this tome, I knew I was in this man’s corner, no matter what. Therefore, I apologize up front for all the mistakes, bad behaviors, and inconsistencies I will no doubt overlook in the life of JQA thanks to this common bond between us.
What struck me most after reading James Traub’s excellent biography of JQA was the ubiquitous, lifelong unbroken connection between father and son. Traub repeatedly reminds us of this ubiquitous bond. For example, Traub states JQA: was “an honorable outcast, like his father;” or “like his father, he (JQA) believed in durable things that outlasted human folly.” On so many occasions I could almost hear JQA thinking WWDD.*
Surely there are worse things than being forever influenced by a man noted for his integrity and principled living, both qualities JQA unarguably possessed in his own right. However, so often throughout JQA’s life, as Traub makes us see, that paternal influence felt as much a burden as a gift. One often read of JQA struggling to stifle a preference for something - like a bawdy verse which just seemed to pop into his head unbidden - which JA would label a waste of time and energy. Without a doubt JQA hid so much of his personality from the world, causing his son Charles to remark, “He makes enemies by perpetually wearing the iron mask.” I can’t help feeling JQA’s life would have been a little less stressful if only he permitted himself a pinch of frivolous immaturity every now and again, no matter how much it may have disappointed his father.
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One last comment before I sign off (again). There were so many insightful, thought-provoking quotes throughout this book, quotes uttered not only by JQA, but also by other Adams family members. I want to share three of my favorites here because, honestly, doing so will help me remember them weeks and months (and hopefully years) down the road:
Abigail Adams: “A popular tyranny never fails to be followed by the arbitrary government of a single person.”
JQA, on Andrew Jackson: “He is incompetent both by his ignorance and the fury of his passions.”
Henry Adams, describing politics: “the systematic organization of hatreds.”
The United States Ambassador to four countries, State House Representative, State Senator, U.S. Senator, Secretary of State, President, then U.S. Congressman, and ardent abolitionist, John Quincy Adams was a remarkable man. I found this title thorough and enriching. I was sad to have it end. — Crystal
Second best biography I’ve read. The author appreciates his subject—as most do—but still plainly lays his faults without justifying why he had them. I not only have a greater appreciation of John Quincy, but I now have a greater appreciation of his time in history.
If the United States can survive the political rancor of his time, there is plenty of hope it will survive the rancor of our time.
This was a fascinating look at a president that I knew little about. A man that was raised strictly for the purpose of achieving greatness and never truly felt that he did. He spent his entire life in the service of the nation (truly served, not like today's politicians). Adams made a bigger impact as he served in the House of Representatives after his presidency than he ever did as president. He was however, extremely indifferent to the feelings of his wife and kids.
Take an historical figure who journaled every day, whose parents journaled every day, who exchanged letters with historical figures, became President and then a Congressman, dying in office--and you have a LOT of documentation to work with.
Traub does a masterful job of pruning so much first source material into a narrative that connect the reader with the people, and not just the names, dates and places.
The detailed battles of parliamentary procedure, constitutional interpretation, international diplomacy while on the cusp of the industrial revolution--JQA led an amazing life.
Life long learner his hobbies of investigating things like units of measurement, telescopes, gardening and more are fascinating.
Tidbits abound in the book, including his wife Louisa's perilous journey from Russia to France during the Napoleonic wars--by herself with only a servant and a child--that's spectacular.
The first train trip Adams takes ending in a train crash was spectacular. That he was on the trip with Cornelius Vanderbilt and Vanderbilt broke his leg on this trip--that was amazing.
The tenacious battles around the House of Representatives Gag order for petitions and Adam's year after year after year battle on behalf of Free Speech--was thrilling. Even though it was more about Roberts Rules of Order than a true commitment to abolition of slavery, it's a joy to read.
Descriptions of the other Congressmen trying to surround and shout down Adams--and he still maintained control of himself and the room-amazing.
I came away from this book grateful that my parents weren't as demanding as Abigail and John. I appreciate John Quincy Adams much more and feel deeply for his poor wife--oh Louisa . . . what a life you had to lead. Wow.
The Biography felt like it was rambling for first 2/3 even though it was written in chronological order. I understand the diary entries and speeches of the day being written in the style that they spoke, but to also include the style of speech (talking) for other parts of the story made it a bit annoying. As did switching between John Adams (usually meant his Dad), John Quincy and just Adams - didn't feel consistent. As for John Quincy Adams, he was a difficult man as a person, but at least he stuck to this principles and I felt his career at home was more interesting after he was president that during his presidency.
An ultimately sympathetic, but very even-handed, look at a great and forgotten figure of United States history. This biography is beautifully written and fascinating - highly recommended.
John Quincy Adams: Militant Spirit is not only a detailed biography of America’s 6th president, it is also an investigation into how his psyche affected every stage of his life: diplomat, president, congressman. This biography paints a complex portrait of a man formed in the Adam’s household: by his father, the irascible John Adams and his equally demanding mother Abigail. While clearly admiring John Q., Traub offers a nuanced examination of John Q’s foibles: his brilliance, his desire to live up to his parents image, his utter inability to bend, (his often failures as a husband,) and yet how those same personality traits made him, in the end, a hero. The introduction is outstanding as it lays out both his amazing accomplishments as well as his failures (And eventual return to American Politics as a hero.)
Traub illuminates John Q’s complex relationship with his parents, particularly his father, President John Adams. Growing up in the shadow of his accomplished and demanding father (And Abigail was no less demanding!) John Q faced exceedingly high expectations from a young age which he also then drilled into his own children. Both parents instilled into John Q a sense of duty towards his country, and Traub shows how John Q accepted that duty to his country came first: over his marriage, his children or his own health. Like his father, John Q always put principal first, never willing to compromise or bend. While this intransigence was not as problematic while he was a diplomat, it lead to a complete lack of results while he was president, but also to his near greatest triumph: the removal of the gag rule and his triumph over the slaveholders of the South.
One of the central themes of this work is John Q.’s inflexibility (near obstinacy, really.) John Q 's upbringing contributed to his rigidity and his willingness to put principal over practicality, often leading him to be a “party of one.” Because he was raised in a household where adhering to strict principles was valued, Adams developed a rigid and unyielding personality. He believed strongly in his own convictions and was nearly always unwilling to compromise, even in the ruin of his political career. This inflexibility combined with his intellectual prowess and uncompromising nature often isolated JQ from his political colleagues~ Traub makes clear JQ’s very nature made it different for him to build coalitions; it’s seems he was rather unwilling to make alliances. Consequently he chose to be a solitary figure in politics, standing firm (and alone!) on his own principles and clashing with those who did not share his views ~including his long suffering wife Louisa Catherine.
[Aside: I found it hard to read about his relationship with Louisa. John Q. did not seem to take her opinion much into consideration, and they often seemed to be two ships passing in the night. How different his life could have been with joyous marriage like the one between his own parents, although it is not clear that, with his personality, a close union is even possible.]
I felt the best part of the biography was the final section – JQ’s fight against what he called “The Slaveocracy” during his post-presidency years as a Massachusetts congressman. John Q 's time in Congress was marked by his vehement opposition to slavery and his unwavering fight against southern slave owners. His relentless fight against the ‘gag rule’ – which prevented congress from even discussing petitions against slavery, stands out as his most significant political accomplishment. JQ was again a party of one, received death threats but remained committed to free speech while standing against slavery! Twice Southern planters tried to censure him – and both times he intellectually ran circles around them, (You want to stand up and cheer!)
Unfortunately, I screwed up and I’ve lost all my “clips” from my audible so I don’t have any quotes. I’ll now have to buy it in hardback and skim again to find the quotes.
I am going to very generously give this audible version of this fairly lengthy biography five stars. I am far from a expert about the early presidents but I have read a number of biographies about them in recent years. The legend of John Quincy Adams somewhat intrigues me. This particular book covers his life fairly thoroughly from about the age of 11 when he accompanies his father to a diplomatic post in Europe until his death at the age of 81. The author seems to thread a careful balance between glorifying and vilifying the human being who was a diplomat a president and then a member of Congress. I thought I got a fairly honest representation of the man.
I admire part of the legend of JQA as he has presented himself as a person of strong values which he refused to band in a world of politics where compromise is the norm even in his day. I admire his tenacity and determination. But the book does delve a bit into his negative characteristics which makes him a much more interesting character. He was raised by his elite father to be another elite leader. It is interesting that apparently the low point in his life was the four years when he was the president of the United States. He apparently got the office by making a political deal, the kind of activity that he railed against for most of his life.
The story of his life as a diplomat in a a number of European countries is a fascinating look at life in a number of circumstances in that era of the late 1700s and the early 1800s. His experience of diplomacy during that era impacted the rest of his life. His relationship with his wife and how he reared his children as he committed his life to service to his country is treated seemingly openly and honestly. JQA maintained an extensive journal throughout his life and it serves as a inside look At his thoughts that are rarely reflected in his more formal and official writings. It is even suggested that he did not intend his journal to ever be in the public arena. But his son who was given control of the documents released them in a massive 12 volume collection. This book depends extensively on that journal.
His approximately 20 years post presidential are a fascinating look at a man Who was both determined to leave a legacy but not to bend his principles. He worked diligently against slavery but refused to consider himself a supporter of immediate abolition nationally or even in the district of Columbia. He received a good deal of notoriety for his involvement with the Armistad slave ship events And for his continuous presentation of petitions against slavery in the US House of Representatives where he is occasionally historically likened to a representative of the entire country rather than his Massachusetts district.
Although I cannot speak knowledgeably about the total accuracy of the history presented here I do feel that there is evidence that the author tried to be historically accurate rather than taking A positive or negative view of the subject. As is often the case I was assisted in making it through a relatively long book by the fact that I was experiencing it as an audible presentation.
Ranking former Presidents is always a challenging task. Presidential historians tend to consistently place John Quincy Adams (JQA) in the top 3rd. After reading this bio I would move him up. Never has there been a man so prepared for public service. Much of his youth was spent in Europe while his father filled diplomatic posts. Upon returning to the Massachusetts to attend Harvard he established what became a successful legal practice. Then at the age of 27 George Washington appointed him ambassador to the Netherlands. He continued to serve in a variety of diplomatic posts for the next 7 years. The following year at the age of 35 he was elected to the Senate. He split from the Federalists and was denied re-election. Madison then appointed him ambassador to Russia. In 1817 James Madison appointed him Secretary of State. In 1824 he was elected President by the House of Representatives because none of the candidates won a majority of the electoral votes. Post presidency he returned to the House of Representatives.
The author’s observations concerning the evolution of early American politics and political parties, and JQA’s attitude toward slavery were riveting. He was an early opponent to slavery. In the 1830s, slavery emerged as an increasingly polarizing issue in the US. Adams used his new role in Congress to fight it, and he became the most prominent national leader opposing slavery. After one of his reelection victories, he said that he must "bring about a day prophesied when slavery and war shall be banished from the face of the Earth". He wrote in his private journal in 1820.
In 1836, partially in response to Adams's consistent presentation of citizen petitions requesting the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the House of Representatives imposed a "gag rule" that immediately tabled any petitions about slavery. In 1836, Adams began a campaign to ridicule slave owners and the gag rule. He frequently attempted to present anti-slavery petitions, often in ways that provoked strong reactions from Southern representatives. Adams fought actively against the gag rule eventually moving the resolution that led to its repeal in 1844.
In 1841, at the request of Lewis Tappan and Ellis Gray Loring, JQA joined the case of United States v. The Amistad. He took the case to the Supreme Court on behalf of African slaves who had revolted and seized the Spanish ship Amistad. Adams appeared on February 24, 1841. His argument lasted four hours. The Court ruled that the Africans were free, and they returned to their homes. He considered it one of the highlights of his career and life.
Because JQA’s life was so career-focused, his personal relationships are covered with less detail than many readers will prefer. He certainly had personal hardships. His two oldest sons led troubled lives. JQA often attempted to help but both died young. Adams preferred personal quiet time and reading to social engagements. He suffered from depression and often felt inadequate to the tasks before him.
JQA was a vehement critic of the Mexican-American War. On Feb 21, 1848, during a House debate to honor the officers that served in the war, he yelled “no” to the motion and stood to address the issue, but immediately collapsed from a cerebral hemorrhage. He died two days later. His last words were "This is the last of Earth. I am content". Among those present for his death was Abraham Lincoln, then a freshman representative from Illinois.
Quotes:
“The discussion of this Missouri question has betrayed the secret of their souls. In the abstract they admit that slavery is an evil, they disclaim it, and cast it all upon the shoulder of Great Britain. But when probed to the quick upon it, they show at the bottom of their soul's pride and vainglory in their condition of masterdom. They look down upon the simplicity of a Yankee's manners, because he has no habits of overbearing like theirs and cannot treat negroes like dogs. It is among the evils of slavery that it taints the very sources of moral principle. It establishes false estimates of virtue and vice: for what can be more false and heartless than this doctrine which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to depend upon the color of the skin?”
“He would not bend on anything he considered a matter of principle, no matter what the possible cost to his own happiness. And with Adams, practically everything was a matter of principle.”
Plagued by claims his presidency was illegitimate. Blocked by a hostile Congress at every turn. Completely eschewing any party affiliation or call to be "political." And absolutely absent of the charm - or even the willingness - to be the kind of leader that Americans love to love.
John Quincy Adams is regarded as a "meh" president, mainly because he WAS. That probably explains why James Traub's fascinating biography devotes about 10% of its printed space to the four years Adams spent in the White House.
And then there's the other 90%.
In those pages, this fantastic book tells the story of an incredibly complex man who rises to the challenge of, well... being an Adams. Unless you paid close attention in Social Studies class (and I'm guessing the JQA unit was pretty short, if even part of the curriculum) Traub presents all sorts of "Whoa, I didn't realize THAT" moments. And he does it in a way that avoids fanboyism, unfalteringly points out his subject's shortcomings, and - when necessary and appropriate - even calls Adams an asshole (without, of course, ever using that word).
History buffs and presidential biography fans would likely put a 640-page investment into a "meh" chief executive like John Quincy Adams waaaaaaaay down on their reading list.
This was a terrific book. It was full of interesting stories and, although on the longer side, never became bogged down or slow. If wou want to know all about John Quincy Adams, this is the book to read.
This is a sparkling biography of John Quincy Adams--son of a President and part of an extraordinary family, with effects spreading across a number of generations.
We see the extraordinary story of John Adams' son, taking on adult responsibilities when he was pretty young. Like his father and mother, he adopted a Puritan mentality--hard on himself and judgmental of others. This orientation was part of a process that led to problems with two of his sons (Charles Francis Adams fell into the Adams' more hard-nosed orientation and did well in his life).
John Adams traveled to Paris to work with the French government as the Revolutionary War proceeded. His son went with him. Later, John Quincy was dispatched to Russia with an American envoy and, at a young age, began to amass experiences that would inform him later in life. We follow his story as a student at Harvard, as an aspiring (but not particularly successful) attorney in the Boston area. Although a Federalist and, at one pont, a legislator, he was--as his father--independent and crossed the party. After losing his seat, other opportunities opened up.
On the personal side, we see his courtship of an American young lady living in London (when John Quincy was also in that venue). In the end, they married and had a strong but prickly relationship that lasted several decades. The hardships and frustrations experienced by Louisa while married to Adams is well told. Adams resumed a career as in the foreign service. Upon his return to the U.S., he ended up as Secretary of State under President James Monroe. We follow his trajectory to becoming President, his unsatisfying and largely unsuccessful one terms, his defeat at the hands of Andrew Jackson. Then, an extraordinary aftereffect. He was elected to the House of Representatives--the only President to serve in such a political office after his term ended.
His role in the House was significant--and controversial. The book does a fine job of exploring that.
I have read another really well done biography of Adams--and this does not pale in comparison. An excellent biography on a complex person.
John Quincy Adams had a privileged view of American history. Being the son of a founding father, he was witness to the American Revolution as a young boy. While only ten, he accompanied his father to France on a mission to secure France's financial support for the Revolution. He met Ben Franklin, Thomas Jefferson and other American diplomats. Remarkably, he became great friends with Thomas Jefferson, later his father's nemesis.
Still, Adams rose through diplomatic ranks on his own merits, and was a remarkable diplomat under George Washington and his own father. He was the lawyer and scholar that his father insisted he become, and when others in the Adams family cracked under the pressure John and Abigail put on their children, John Quincy rose to all their expectations.
He became Monroe's Secretary of State, was instrumental in the treaty ending the War of 1812 and played a major role in creating the Monroe Doctrine. He succeeded Monroe as president despite Jackson's popular victory. He was an ineffectual president, due to the fact that he stuck to principle and was unable to compromise. It didn't help that many thought his election was the result of a political trick; moreover, he didn't have the support he needed in Congress.
As he grew older, he took increasing responsibility for his parents, adult children, grandchildren, his siblings and their offspring, at times impoverishing himself.
After serving one term as president, he made a brilliant career for himself in Congress, where he could truly lobby for his beloved Constitution.....and finally...when his career was almost over, he became the anti-slavery champion that his principles demanded.
The book gives us JQA's colorful life and remarkable career, his family life and his remarkable principles. It's 537 pages before the notes, but it's an otherwise quick read.
James Traub lays out the facts, the stories, the election deals, the morals and lets us judge this remarkable man.
This is the second biography of John Quincy Adams that I've read. This first was by Harlow Giles Ungar, and this book is much better, because, while this book doesn't necessarily like Adams (like the Ungar book), it recognises that he did good/effective things too.
So what do I mean that Traub might not like Adams? Well, if this book demonstrates anything, it's that... Adams was a hard man to like. He had fixed views on certain things, and he would push those incessantly. Now in many ways, this was a good thing because he was right on many of the issues, but Winston Churchill once said a fanatic fanatic is one who can't change his mind and won't change the subject, and this could be used to describe Adams. The result is that even his family doesn't like him on occasions.
This book is thorough. You will get a balanced view of Adams, and get to understand how Adams worked,and why he was a great congressman, a good diplomat, but a poor President. If you're looking for a balanced book on a fairminded President, then this book is for you.