This is one of the best books I've ever read. I had never heard of this 22 days, 305 miles, 1966 march through Mississippi. They went to Philadelphia, Mississippi, not once, but twice. MLK, Jr and Stokely Carmichael were both on this march.
"When the federal government offered vital food supplies and provided free services such as health care and preschool education to Mississippi poor, many whites criticized the program as an alarming imposition of federal will on one of its 50 states. such criticism was hypocritical because many whites benefited from federal aid, too. But, whites tended to view their government support, such as a generous crop subsidy program for cotton farmers, as valid even as they dismissed federal handouts for poor people, who were often black" (pp.34-35).
"When people are viewed as others, they stop being seen as fellow human beings and are judged by their differences instead of their commonalities. The differences can become threatening, can become something to be afraid of, something to oppress. Othering breeds a curious loop of fear. One group becomes afraid of another and asserts its superiority by instilling terror in the second group. The fear caused by this terror is so gripping that it's easy to overlook the fear that motivates the attackers. Yet southern whites were full of fears about the people they oppressed. Whites feared they would lose their subservient labor force. Or that they would lose their own jobs if blacks had equal access to work. Or that they would end up having to take orders from blacks. They feared that blacks would advance ahead of whites up the social ladder. Or that African Americans would take revenge on them for past mistreatments. Or black activists were somehow tied to Soviet -style Communism. They feared that if they, as whites , spoke out against segregation, they could be shunned or attacked by other whites. So segregation persisted, as did the cycle of fear." (pp. 40-41)
"Such monuments reinforced a twisted interpretation of the historical record that portrayed the Confederate side of the conflict in noble and flattering terms. Proponents called the account the Lost Cause , and its fiction had morphed into accepted fact in the South and beyond, through generations of countless repetitions with families and schools. The Lost Cause story relived whites of the guilt they might otherwise have felt about past ties to slavery and rebellion. It spun tales of slaves and masters living in harmony and caring about each other, almost as if they were family members. It minimized the injustices of slavery, the way that slave owners divided husband from wife and parent from child, the system of terror and cruelty that drove slaves into forced labor, the sexual exploitation of enslaved women by their masters. The narrative maintained that the slavery hadn't been the basis for the Civil War. Rather than fighting for the right to won slaves, the South had fought for the right of states to disagree with the federal government. Confederate soldiers who had fought valiantly to defend their homelands against invasion. It presented Union generals as cruel conquerors and reconstructions as corrupt occupation by northern carpetbaggers. The Lost Cause proclaimed the inferiority of former slaves and asserted their need for continued supervision under the leadership and controlling care of ruling whites." pp.52-53