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Paul Keating: The Big-picture Leader
Paul Keating: the big-picture leader is the definitive biography of Australia's 24th prime minister, and the first that Keating has cooperated with in more than two decades.
Drawing on around 15 hours of new interviews with Keating, coupled with access to his extensive personal files, this book tells the story of a political warrior's rise to power, from the outer suburbs of Sydney through Young Labor and into parliament at just 25 years of age; serving as a minister in the last days of the Whitlam government; his path-breaking term as treasurer in the 1980s; his four-year prime ministership from 1991 to 1996; and his passions and interests since.
Bramston has interviewed more than 100 people who know and worked with Keating, including his family, parliamentary colleagues, advisers, party officials, union leaders, public servants, journalists and former prime ministers. Bramston secured access to Labor Party archives, documents debates in once-secret cabinet papers, reveals caucus minutes for the first time, draws on unpublished diaries, discloses meeting records with US presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, talks to former British prime minister Tony Blair, and shares his discoveries from the personal files of Gough Whitlam, Bill Hayden, Bob Hawke, and John Howard.
Paul Keating saw political leadership as the combination of courage and imagination, a belief that powered his public career and helps explain his extraordinary triumphs and crushing lows. Keating blazed a trail of reform with a vision for Australia's future that still attracts ardent admirers and the staunchest critics. This book chronicles, analyses, and interprets Keating's life, and draws lessons for a Labor Party and a country still reluctant to fully embrace his legacy.
Drawing on around 15 hours of new interviews with Keating, coupled with access to his extensive personal files, this book tells the story of a political warrior's rise to power, from the outer suburbs of Sydney through Young Labor and into parliament at just 25 years of age; serving as a minister in the last days of the Whitlam government; his path-breaking term as treasurer in the 1980s; his four-year prime ministership from 1991 to 1996; and his passions and interests since.
Bramston has interviewed more than 100 people who know and worked with Keating, including his family, parliamentary colleagues, advisers, party officials, union leaders, public servants, journalists and former prime ministers. Bramston secured access to Labor Party archives, documents debates in once-secret cabinet papers, reveals caucus minutes for the first time, draws on unpublished diaries, discloses meeting records with US presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, talks to former British prime minister Tony Blair, and shares his discoveries from the personal files of Gough Whitlam, Bill Hayden, Bob Hawke, and John Howard.
Paul Keating saw political leadership as the combination of courage and imagination, a belief that powered his public career and helps explain his extraordinary triumphs and crushing lows. Keating blazed a trail of reform with a vision for Australia's future that still attracts ardent admirers and the staunchest critics. This book chronicles, analyses, and interprets Keating's life, and draws lessons for a Labor Party and a country still reluctant to fully embrace his legacy.
764 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2016
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Displaying 1 - 21 of 21 reviews
March 30, 2017
‘Leadership is about two things: courage and imagination.’
Paul Keating was Australia’s 24th Prime Minister, and held office from 20 December 1991 to 11 March 1996. He won office (from Bob Hawke) in a Labor Caucus ballot, and lost it (to John Howard) in a federal election. Paul Keating was Treasurer from 1983 to 1991. He was first elected to Parliament in 1969, aged 25.
While a number of books have been written about Paul Keating, according to the book blurb, this is the first biography Paul Keating has co-operated on in more than two decades. Troy Bramston has drawn on around fifteen hours of interviews with Paul Keating, has had access to his personal files, and interviewed many people who know and worked with him. Troy Bramston has also had access to Labor archives and other records. All of this makes for a hefty 786-page book.
There are biographical details, a chronology of Paul Keating’s political life, and snippets of the personal, but the primary focus is on leadership. It’s a book that I, as an admirer of Paul Keating and with a keen interest in Australian political history, had to read.
Some twenty-one years after the end of the Keating government, it’s interesting to read about. The achievements I primarily remember from the Hawke/Keating years were the reform of the financial system and the economy, the floating of the dollar. While those reforms have undoubtedly benefitted Australia, many of us also remember a period of very high mortgage interest rates, of economic recession. But what I see as Paul Keating’s most important achievement was his speech in Redfern in December 1992, at the launch of Australia’s celebration of the 1993 International Year of the World’s Indigenous People. Especially this aspect:
‘ .. the starting point might be to recognise that the problem starts with us non-Aboriginal Australians.’
The passage of the Native Title Bill 1993, on 21 December 1993, is a credit to Paul Keating, Gareth Evans and the others who worked so tirelessly to make it happen.
Paul Keating always had a vision for Australia’s future. He wasn’t always able to deliver on that vision, but he never stopped articulating it. I’d have liked more detail as to how Paul Keating did some of these things, in addition to the detail provided of what he actually did. Surely it wasn’t all intuitive and instinctive? Surely the structures of government were part of the delivery mechanism?
And what about today? Where are the political visionaries today?
‘Leadership is not about being popular, it is about being right and about being strong.’
True. But I think it is also about being effective, about ensuring that the necessary mechanisms are in place so that they can outlast the individual leader.
Whether you like Paul Keating or loathe him, it’s worth reading. I recommend this book to anyone interested in Australian politics, to anyone interested in political leadership.
Jennifer Cameron-Smith
Paul Keating was Australia’s 24th Prime Minister, and held office from 20 December 1991 to 11 March 1996. He won office (from Bob Hawke) in a Labor Caucus ballot, and lost it (to John Howard) in a federal election. Paul Keating was Treasurer from 1983 to 1991. He was first elected to Parliament in 1969, aged 25.
While a number of books have been written about Paul Keating, according to the book blurb, this is the first biography Paul Keating has co-operated on in more than two decades. Troy Bramston has drawn on around fifteen hours of interviews with Paul Keating, has had access to his personal files, and interviewed many people who know and worked with him. Troy Bramston has also had access to Labor archives and other records. All of this makes for a hefty 786-page book.
There are biographical details, a chronology of Paul Keating’s political life, and snippets of the personal, but the primary focus is on leadership. It’s a book that I, as an admirer of Paul Keating and with a keen interest in Australian political history, had to read.
Some twenty-one years after the end of the Keating government, it’s interesting to read about. The achievements I primarily remember from the Hawke/Keating years were the reform of the financial system and the economy, the floating of the dollar. While those reforms have undoubtedly benefitted Australia, many of us also remember a period of very high mortgage interest rates, of economic recession. But what I see as Paul Keating’s most important achievement was his speech in Redfern in December 1992, at the launch of Australia’s celebration of the 1993 International Year of the World’s Indigenous People. Especially this aspect:
‘ .. the starting point might be to recognise that the problem starts with us non-Aboriginal Australians.’
The passage of the Native Title Bill 1993, on 21 December 1993, is a credit to Paul Keating, Gareth Evans and the others who worked so tirelessly to make it happen.
Paul Keating always had a vision for Australia’s future. He wasn’t always able to deliver on that vision, but he never stopped articulating it. I’d have liked more detail as to how Paul Keating did some of these things, in addition to the detail provided of what he actually did. Surely it wasn’t all intuitive and instinctive? Surely the structures of government were part of the delivery mechanism?
And what about today? Where are the political visionaries today?
‘Leadership is not about being popular, it is about being right and about being strong.’
True. But I think it is also about being effective, about ensuring that the necessary mechanisms are in place so that they can outlast the individual leader.
Whether you like Paul Keating or loathe him, it’s worth reading. I recommend this book to anyone interested in Australian politics, to anyone interested in political leadership.
Jennifer Cameron-Smith
December 5, 2017
Wow.... this is one exceedingly massive book! For a book called 'the big picture leader', Bramston really revels in the small details of such a large life.
I'll admit I sometimes found the detail a stretch, and that the book knocked my average reading time down a fair bit, but every time I picked it up again there were lots of interesting discussions, reflections and anecdotes to keep me engaged and wanting more.
One of the most impressive things about the book is that Bramston wrote it in eight months! The amount of research and care that has gone into it is really second to none. In the acknowledgements Bramston makes sure to call out the huge team that helped him produce such a significant historical account.
I appreciated the frankness of Keating that came across on the page. Knowing he is intensely private made reading the book feel like I was getting a special glimpse into one of Australia's truly great leaders and left me feeling energised and contemplating how I can employ some of his great leadership traits in my own life.
Great book - very heavy on detail and spends a lot of time setting the scene - it's not for everyone but I feel all the more enriched for having read it!
I'll admit I sometimes found the detail a stretch, and that the book knocked my average reading time down a fair bit, but every time I picked it up again there were lots of interesting discussions, reflections and anecdotes to keep me engaged and wanting more.
One of the most impressive things about the book is that Bramston wrote it in eight months! The amount of research and care that has gone into it is really second to none. In the acknowledgements Bramston makes sure to call out the huge team that helped him produce such a significant historical account.
I appreciated the frankness of Keating that came across on the page. Knowing he is intensely private made reading the book feel like I was getting a special glimpse into one of Australia's truly great leaders and left me feeling energised and contemplating how I can employ some of his great leadership traits in my own life.
Great book - very heavy on detail and spends a lot of time setting the scene - it's not for everyone but I feel all the more enriched for having read it!
November 3, 2024
In the 1980s and 90s no Country in the world went through as many changes to the fabric of their society; economically, politically, socially and culturally as Australia did. And we have Paul Keating and the Labor Party of 1983-1996 to thank for that.
This book really gives an incredible insight into Paul Keating’s life. From his humble origins in Bankstown, becoming the youngest man elected to parliament at 25, his mentorship under Labor greats such as
Jack Lang, Rex Connor and Gough Whitlam, his momentous stint as the greatest treasurer this nation had ever seen, and his tumultuous premiership, which oversaw some of the greatest achievements that this country had ever seen. The book even spills over to his advocacy for issues that still concern him to this day. This is a man who truly dedicated his life to public service and always had Australia’s best interests at heart.
Even though he dropped out of school at 15, he still managed to be the smartest guy in all the House of Representatives and it just went to show that the Labor Party, specifically the Right Faction of NSW Labor in the 60s and 70s fostered an environment of winners and high achievers. Bob Carr, Neville Wran, Graeme Richardson, Gareth Evans and especially Paul Keating.
I really do not believe that there is any Prime Minister and Political figure in Australia that still to this day inspires such awe and response that Keating does, and for all the right reasons.
He was the Treasurer that presided and led the charge in the largest period of economic reform and growth in this nations history. He saw what was going on in the US and the UK with their right wing parties, how they were becoming a lot more laissez faire, less reliant on Tariffs and put deregulation at the forefront. While this did lead to an economic boom, in many cases within these countries, the working classes were left behind.
Keating understood that economic freedom was the way of the future and insisted that Australia follow suit much to the chagrin of traditional Australian Labor doctrine. But he saw this as an opportunity not only to bring Australia to the forefront of first world economic powers but also to use the capital gained from this new economic order to help the working class. During the Keating government Medicare became enshrined, as the Libs killed Whitlam’s universal health care system straight after the constitutional crisis of 1975. HECs debt, compulsory superannuation, moving away from governmental wage fixing to an EBA system under the Accord, which remains to be the greatest and most productive interaction between Unions and business in this nations history. Not only economically as well, but deep social changes to our society under his premiership he took the Mabo high court decision head on and passed the Native Title act, the most important land rights reform for aboriginals in this nations history and an early step towards reconciling this countries relationship with its first peoples. He did this all the while being lambasted for it and taking a considerable hit in the polls for taking these decisions. He took up the crusade for an Australian Republic, saying that ‘no respectable country can take themselves seriously when they have the flag of another nation in their flag and when their head state is another countries head of state’. And completely revitalised Australian relationships with Asia, as the fastest growing area in the world and being a part of the Asian economic area that we must get along with those nations and form strong bonds. He willed the APEC leaders meeting into existence and laid the foundations for an Asian-Pacific community that allowed dialogue and discussion from China, US, Japan, Indonesia and South Korea, sadly these dialogues have gone by the way side and Australia’s involvement have become antiquated within them due to a certain government that followed Keating’s labor, not naming names.
Keating’s key idea of the labor party that I believe that he tried to foster and I think many modern labor parties have failed to grasp was the fact that Labor should be the natural party of governance in Australia, and the way to do that is to ensure the business communities participation in the reform process, and thus most of middle class Australia will go with you. It is in that distinction that the Hawke-Keating Labor party based its success upon and it proved itself with 13 years in office. Since Keating’s loss in 96 Labor have been in power 8 of the last 28 years. Reversing the fortunes of that Labor party completely. This could be due to the fact that this labor party did depart from long held party doctrine.
And I believe that we still have much to learn from this government and it is sad that the modern Labor party have distanced themselves from his vision of labour.
But I’m sure if it was just the policies many of us wouldn’t care, as politics tends to be a dry topic for most but Keating was a true theatric, a master of parliamentary debate. Able to run circles around Liberal leaders and shadow treasurers and also detailed in this book and not shown on television was his command of the Labor caucus room, with many friends of Keating’s catching his ire and silver tongue on many occasions. Keating would often send his Labor colleagues into hysterics and causing the LNP Opposition to cry in outrage while also causing the various speakers a bit of a headache.
He understood that within the parliament and using question time as a vehicle he could psychologically destroy opponents by knowing more than them as he spent hours preparing for question time, often with a little folder he kept with key statistics and little phrases he used to run by his staff, the iconic stuff that those who are students of his verbal wit will always be branded in our minds;
“A shiver looking for a spine to run up.”
“It’s like being flogged with a warm lettuce.”
“I want to do you slowly.”
And one of my personal favourites,
“If he’s here to outshine the leader of the national party, he only has to be on his feet and dressed to do that.”
It was this wit that led to a demoralised and frankly lacklustre opposition and on many occasions while he might’ve been unpopular at the time, Keating was responsible for many of the election wins of the labor party due to this psychological advantage and his ability to make the opposition look completely incompetent.
He was a rare figure within politics, who who put his country above all else and I think one of the few Australians in his time and certainly since, that truly saw Australia for what it could be. A republic on its own, in the Asia pacific area, looking towards south east Asia for strong economic and military ties. One where the economy is competitive and allows for those who are willing to create businesses and make jobs, but also ensuring that the working class aren’t trod upon. One where our art defines what it is to be Australian, where we are proud of the 60,000 year history of our aboriginal people who continue to contribute to our society. A world where Australia, especially within our geo-political and economic area, is a rational actor in a world split by American and Chinese interests, that we are the ones bringing them to the table to talk.
But the thing that amazes me most, more than his brief run in managing a rock and roll band before politics, meeting the Beatles in their only trip to Aus, his incredible relationships with Jack Lang, Bob Hawke and the loyalty he inspired in his staffers. And in more personal way than the policies he passed which have made indelible marks upon my political thinking, was the love he has for his family, which he always to a fault tried to keep as private as possible and the passion he has for art, and the effect art has on us as emotional and passionate individuals, Paul would often invite members of cabinet over to his house to discuss policy and then spend the last hours of day listening to Mahler’s symphonies with them and being bought to tears by the music. He understands that art is the ultimate human expression, it is our mortality, our immortality, our triumph, our weakness. It is what makes us human, and Paul Keating bought this thinking into politics, understanding that lawyers and union bosses aren’t the only people that can make a mark. A little boy from Bankstown who dropped out of school at 15, who remodelled Australia on a diet of historical knowledge, a passion for art and a burning desire to make the country a better place. He in my opinion is our greatest leader, one who inspired Australian citizens to look at what Australia could truly be and made us all the richer in the process. Great leaders are those who leave the country in a better place than they found it and it is apparent Paul Keating has left an indelible mark upon our country and society.
5/5
This book really gives an incredible insight into Paul Keating’s life. From his humble origins in Bankstown, becoming the youngest man elected to parliament at 25, his mentorship under Labor greats such as
Jack Lang, Rex Connor and Gough Whitlam, his momentous stint as the greatest treasurer this nation had ever seen, and his tumultuous premiership, which oversaw some of the greatest achievements that this country had ever seen. The book even spills over to his advocacy for issues that still concern him to this day. This is a man who truly dedicated his life to public service and always had Australia’s best interests at heart.
Even though he dropped out of school at 15, he still managed to be the smartest guy in all the House of Representatives and it just went to show that the Labor Party, specifically the Right Faction of NSW Labor in the 60s and 70s fostered an environment of winners and high achievers. Bob Carr, Neville Wran, Graeme Richardson, Gareth Evans and especially Paul Keating.
I really do not believe that there is any Prime Minister and Political figure in Australia that still to this day inspires such awe and response that Keating does, and for all the right reasons.
He was the Treasurer that presided and led the charge in the largest period of economic reform and growth in this nations history. He saw what was going on in the US and the UK with their right wing parties, how they were becoming a lot more laissez faire, less reliant on Tariffs and put deregulation at the forefront. While this did lead to an economic boom, in many cases within these countries, the working classes were left behind.
Keating understood that economic freedom was the way of the future and insisted that Australia follow suit much to the chagrin of traditional Australian Labor doctrine. But he saw this as an opportunity not only to bring Australia to the forefront of first world economic powers but also to use the capital gained from this new economic order to help the working class. During the Keating government Medicare became enshrined, as the Libs killed Whitlam’s universal health care system straight after the constitutional crisis of 1975. HECs debt, compulsory superannuation, moving away from governmental wage fixing to an EBA system under the Accord, which remains to be the greatest and most productive interaction between Unions and business in this nations history. Not only economically as well, but deep social changes to our society under his premiership he took the Mabo high court decision head on and passed the Native Title act, the most important land rights reform for aboriginals in this nations history and an early step towards reconciling this countries relationship with its first peoples. He did this all the while being lambasted for it and taking a considerable hit in the polls for taking these decisions. He took up the crusade for an Australian Republic, saying that ‘no respectable country can take themselves seriously when they have the flag of another nation in their flag and when their head state is another countries head of state’. And completely revitalised Australian relationships with Asia, as the fastest growing area in the world and being a part of the Asian economic area that we must get along with those nations and form strong bonds. He willed the APEC leaders meeting into existence and laid the foundations for an Asian-Pacific community that allowed dialogue and discussion from China, US, Japan, Indonesia and South Korea, sadly these dialogues have gone by the way side and Australia’s involvement have become antiquated within them due to a certain government that followed Keating’s labor, not naming names.
Keating’s key idea of the labor party that I believe that he tried to foster and I think many modern labor parties have failed to grasp was the fact that Labor should be the natural party of governance in Australia, and the way to do that is to ensure the business communities participation in the reform process, and thus most of middle class Australia will go with you. It is in that distinction that the Hawke-Keating Labor party based its success upon and it proved itself with 13 years in office. Since Keating’s loss in 96 Labor have been in power 8 of the last 28 years. Reversing the fortunes of that Labor party completely. This could be due to the fact that this labor party did depart from long held party doctrine.
And I believe that we still have much to learn from this government and it is sad that the modern Labor party have distanced themselves from his vision of labour.
But I’m sure if it was just the policies many of us wouldn’t care, as politics tends to be a dry topic for most but Keating was a true theatric, a master of parliamentary debate. Able to run circles around Liberal leaders and shadow treasurers and also detailed in this book and not shown on television was his command of the Labor caucus room, with many friends of Keating’s catching his ire and silver tongue on many occasions. Keating would often send his Labor colleagues into hysterics and causing the LNP Opposition to cry in outrage while also causing the various speakers a bit of a headache.
He understood that within the parliament and using question time as a vehicle he could psychologically destroy opponents by knowing more than them as he spent hours preparing for question time, often with a little folder he kept with key statistics and little phrases he used to run by his staff, the iconic stuff that those who are students of his verbal wit will always be branded in our minds;
“A shiver looking for a spine to run up.”
“It’s like being flogged with a warm lettuce.”
“I want to do you slowly.”
And one of my personal favourites,
“If he’s here to outshine the leader of the national party, he only has to be on his feet and dressed to do that.”
It was this wit that led to a demoralised and frankly lacklustre opposition and on many occasions while he might’ve been unpopular at the time, Keating was responsible for many of the election wins of the labor party due to this psychological advantage and his ability to make the opposition look completely incompetent.
He was a rare figure within politics, who who put his country above all else and I think one of the few Australians in his time and certainly since, that truly saw Australia for what it could be. A republic on its own, in the Asia pacific area, looking towards south east Asia for strong economic and military ties. One where the economy is competitive and allows for those who are willing to create businesses and make jobs, but also ensuring that the working class aren’t trod upon. One where our art defines what it is to be Australian, where we are proud of the 60,000 year history of our aboriginal people who continue to contribute to our society. A world where Australia, especially within our geo-political and economic area, is a rational actor in a world split by American and Chinese interests, that we are the ones bringing them to the table to talk.
But the thing that amazes me most, more than his brief run in managing a rock and roll band before politics, meeting the Beatles in their only trip to Aus, his incredible relationships with Jack Lang, Bob Hawke and the loyalty he inspired in his staffers. And in more personal way than the policies he passed which have made indelible marks upon my political thinking, was the love he has for his family, which he always to a fault tried to keep as private as possible and the passion he has for art, and the effect art has on us as emotional and passionate individuals, Paul would often invite members of cabinet over to his house to discuss policy and then spend the last hours of day listening to Mahler’s symphonies with them and being bought to tears by the music. He understands that art is the ultimate human expression, it is our mortality, our immortality, our triumph, our weakness. It is what makes us human, and Paul Keating bought this thinking into politics, understanding that lawyers and union bosses aren’t the only people that can make a mark. A little boy from Bankstown who dropped out of school at 15, who remodelled Australia on a diet of historical knowledge, a passion for art and a burning desire to make the country a better place. He in my opinion is our greatest leader, one who inspired Australian citizens to look at what Australia could truly be and made us all the richer in the process. Great leaders are those who leave the country in a better place than they found it and it is apparent Paul Keating has left an indelible mark upon our country and society.
5/5
Read
May 14, 2018Indispensable as an insight into Paul Keating's remarkable life and achievements, Bramston has interviewed everyone, produced fresh revelations and told a gripping story.
Paul Kelly
Troy Bramston’s sweeping new biography of the former Prime Minister and Treasurer, Paul Keating: The Big Picture Leader, captures the essence of the young man from Bankstown who rose to be Australia’s most driven reforming policymaker. In crafting this authoritative biography, Bramston again cements his reputation as a first class Australian political historian. This book is definitive.
Stephen Loosley, The Spectator Australia
Warm [and] massively researched … This consistently compelling biography demonstrates Paul Keating was a leader like no one else.
Peter Craven, The Age
[Bramston's] achievement is to provide a fresh account of Keating’s career … The result is a work that renders homage to Keating and to his ideas about leadership, power, and the nation.
James Curran, Weekend Australian
[A] welcome contribution that utilises recent history and a biographical frame to consider the meaning of leadership.
Daily Review
Paul Kelly
Troy Bramston’s sweeping new biography of the former Prime Minister and Treasurer, Paul Keating: The Big Picture Leader, captures the essence of the young man from Bankstown who rose to be Australia’s most driven reforming policymaker. In crafting this authoritative biography, Bramston again cements his reputation as a first class Australian political historian. This book is definitive.
Stephen Loosley, The Spectator Australia
Warm [and] massively researched … This consistently compelling biography demonstrates Paul Keating was a leader like no one else.
Peter Craven, The Age
[Bramston's] achievement is to provide a fresh account of Keating’s career … The result is a work that renders homage to Keating and to his ideas about leadership, power, and the nation.
James Curran, Weekend Australian
[A] welcome contribution that utilises recent history and a biographical frame to consider the meaning of leadership.
Daily Review
March 7, 2023
I think the author has misread the tone of the times.
April 18, 2023
Labor historian Troy Bramston's 2016 political biography of former PM Paul Keating (subtitled 'The Big Picture Leader') is a testament to the charismatic appeal of its subject's determinedly disciplined personality and substantive achievements: the book never fails to hold the reader's engrossed attention despite spreading its account of Keating's political career at a tad over 800 pages.
The length is understandable. Keating's career was visionary and spectacularly successful: as federal Labor Treasurer from 1983 to 1991 he exploited the serendipitous fact that he was not of the traditional party of business and commerce to engineer an extraordinary transformation of the Australian economy.
Under his stewardship, a nation that was over-reliant on substantial, internationally saleable natural resources, and on heavily protected manufacturing industries, became a liberalised market economy capable of trading in goods and services competitively with the rest of the world.
A comparable achievement may not have been possible for politicians of the non-Labor side, who were mostly constrained by close contact with interests vested in the old order.
Keating dedicated his Dec 1991 - March 1996 Prime Ministership to three major national objectives: the development of a self reliant, self respecting independent nation that commanded attention for its economic cooperation and leadership initiatives in Asia and the Pacific; its momentous realignment of land rights for its native people towards a more just recognition of their status and natural claims; and initial moves to reorient its national governance towards a more mature status by replacing the UK monarchy as its head of state with an independent republic and a new national flag without the legacy Union Jack in its corner.
Only the republican initiative failed to leave a lasting imprint, and efforts in that regard became indicative of Keating's Achilles heel: a failure at times to bring people with him, and in that respect slightly less of a natural leader than many of his acolytes wanted to believe.
Bramston's research for the book was obviously detailed and rigorous, aided by cooperation from Keating, and the result, while not quite definitive, is substantive. It establishes a permanent record of the specifics of Keating's many achievements, and the challenges that he overcame.
The reader is left mystified on one account: why, if Keating was such a towering and impressive figure, was he so resoundingly rejected at the 1996 election? The reasons are more complex than Bramston seems willing to admit.
Bramston is obviously a Keating fan, and while the book is not a hagiography, a little more distance between biographer and subject, with more judicious analysis, might have made the book not only a definitive record, but also a definitive judgement.
A common view of the 1996 electoral rout of Keating's government is that the Opposition's proposed GST denied electors their wish to punish him at the 1993 election for the exceptionally high interest and mortgage rates associated with the 1991-92 recession, and that they exercised their baseball bat revenge when unhindered in 1996.
The reasons are probably more nuanced, and go to Keating's personality, performance, and a substantial gulf between his proposed creation of a vigorously modern, more independent, and self-reliant Australia, and the broader, more cautious preference among a majority of the people to retain a possibly prudent commitment to traditional ties with the UK, Europe, and the powerful defence fortification provided by the US alliance.
The personality is interesting. Keating brought a quasi Jesuitical drive and dedication to his career that was not necessarily always crafted to win the proverbial friends. He lacked the natural popular appeal of Prime Minister Hawke, and the latter's extraordinary popularity provided a buffer for Keating's more adventurous economic policies.
The latter were necessary, but imposed sufficient adjustment pain to make their sale difficult. Keating in his economic reform years benefited substantially from Hawke's popularity cushion, to a degree that he seemed never to fully appreciate.
Nevertheless, his single minded political drive was exemplary. Bramston recounts a telling riposte early in Keating's career when Whitlam nemesis and unremitting left winger Jim Cairns sought Keating's support for an anti Vietnam war protest: 'I'm not here to protest, mate,' Keating is alleged to have said, 'I'm here to run the place.'
The performance was devastatingly effective, and attracted support by being genuinely entertaining. Keating's vituperative and linguistically inventive tirades against his opponents in the Parliament engaged his supporters and enraged his opponents.
However, the robust, performative dramatics did not always impress the broader voting public. When the non-engaged voters looked up from the routine of daily life, the confrontational images from the Parliament induced a less responsive perception among those who expect their politicians to be governing responsibly and projecting a respectable image.
He used Question Time not only to enforce a riveting contest of ideas, but also to theatrically destabilise his main opponents and undermine their psychological confidence. In this regard, he was unparalleled, and it is doubtful a comparable performance will recur.
But his 'big picture' objectives most probably led to his almost embarrassing 1996 defeat. The Howard Opposition scored one of the most substantial election victories in Australia's history.
Keating's 1993-1996 term as Prime Minster displayed a single minded focus on a highly self reliant Australia that went beyond what its relatively small population and defence vulnerabilities seemed at the time capable of supporting.
The swing voters in the electorate were mostly that portion of the population focused on cost of living pressures rather than the broader adventure of more directly aligning Australia's generally European culture and strategic interests with the substantial growth of the Asian economies. And the threat of China's more autocratic tendencies had yet to register significantly in international relations.
A substantial gulf opened in the mid 1990s between the bread and butter issues that engaged by necessity the average voter, and the realignment of strategic interests that occupied Prime Minister Keating. He was energised by the strategic challenges. The voters were looking elsewhere.
After a decade of substantial economic reforms and adjustments, coupled with a crippling recession and high interest rates, it was relatively easy for John Howard to sell the message that it was time to take stock, to reduce the momentum of change, and where possible, to enjoy a time when it was OK to be 'relaxed and comfortable.' Keating could afford the big picture vision. The battlers could not.
Keating's assessment of the need to tilt to Australia's longer term strategic interests more towards Asia seemed not to allow for these changes to work their way gradually into people's lives as the country's economic circumstances adjusted over time, rather than being imposed as an urgent priority. In this respect, Keating misread the public view, and leadership will not work when the troops are unwilling to follow.
In hindsight, Keating's assessment of future strategic priorities seems deficient. The recent emergence of a reinvigorated triumphalism in the two principal autocracies of China and Russia, fuelled by a growing sense of American decline, has undercut the presumption 25 years ago that encouraging China and Russia to engage in liberalised global trade arrangements would induce more democratic tendencies in the autocracies, to the benefit of all.
On the contrary, both have preferred to embed old fashioned dictatorship. Angela Merkel thought buying Russian gas would liberalise that nation. Instead, it empowered opportunistic blackmail in pursuit of territorial ambitions. And Keating's recent pronouncements on China suggest he continues to share the former German Chancellor's naïvety.
Bramston records Keating's view that the people got it wrong in 1996, contesting Hawke's opinion that the Australian people invariably 'get it right' at elections. Keating's spectacular moderninisation of the economy in the 1980s arrested Australia's decline. His leadership in that regard was historic. But history has been less kind to his broader vision for Australia's role in world affairs, and the 1996 vote may in part have indicated a general unwillingness to share Keating's broader ambitions.
Bramston records the economic achievements well, but is a little too attached to the Keating charisma to note the flaws in the longer term objectives. Keating's legacy therefore rests much more on his economic reforms as Treasurer than his transformative ambitions as Prime Minister.
The economic legacy has an ironic feature: its failure to enthuse his colleagues. Keating's own party did not embrace the reforms, and abandoned any pretence of belief in their value and efficacy as soon as Keating left politics.
In retrospect, Labor's market oriented reforms in the 1980s were promoted largely by the Party's elite - PM Hawke, Keating himself, their Finance Minister, and possibly one or two others (the industry Minister, and maybe their Communications Minister). The rank and file remained wedded to the narrower interests of the party's union base, which largely funded their operations.
The Party did not support the relatively routine replacement of wholesale tax measures with a broader, more efficient goods and services tax that PM Howard initiated in the late 1990s (similar to the consumption tax promoted unsuccessfully by Keating in the early 1980s). It resisted also the labour market reforms that became a signature Howard advance in the 2010s.
More generally, Labor evolved into very much the middle class party of Whitlamite social security policies that had been its primary driver in the decade after the ideological struggles of the 1950s between classic Marxists and social democrats. Labor also became the natural home in the 2010s of the identitarian politics that dominated Western politics in that decade.
The somewhat Quixotic commitment to transforming traditional energy infrastructure into a smorgasbord of 'renewable' wind and solar power also became a central idée fixe of the party in the belief that climate change will dominate 21st century politics (something they are likely to rethink as the substantial limitations of those technologies become more apparent).
What then is the Keating legacy? A national economy more efficient and effective, but unremarked by his own political kind who remain more interested in social engineering and economic regulation than market economics.
Similarly, Keating's rejection of traditional historical ties with the Anglo-sphere and a desire to establish a Republic remains popular only with a minority subset of the community centred on the universities and the public broadcaster (both of which were attracted and entranced by Keating's interest in large scale 19th century symphonic music).
Bramston has done history a service by presenting a detailed and convincing record of Keating's political life and policy achievements. That record deserves to be remembered and treasured (no pun intended) in much more detail, and with much greater gratitude, than exhibited by his political colleagues.
Keating's place in in history is assured as the politician with the grit and vision to rescue Australia from almost certain economic decline in the 1980s. His broader vision for a more robust and independent national culture remains orphaned.
Keating's historical significance is noteworthy also in the context of the broader comparative history and performance of the US and the Australia. Both are immigrant nations which replaced native cultures with the modernising European heritage.
The US severed its umbilical European cord relatively quickly, and established an uncontested right to be the natural occupant of its land. Australia, much less so, partly motivated by a lingering sense of insecurity in a largely Asian sphere distant and hemispherically obverse from its UK origin.
The Chinese Communist Party sees Australia as a resource rich country with a relatively diffident immigrant culture, and vulnerable to substantial influence in the event of US decline.
Keating had the advantage of Irish forbears, which reduced substantially the impact of British legacy. He had observed and experienced the inexcusable misuse of power and economic squander of the Whitlam years.
He was determined therefore not to repeat the mistakes of the previous Labor administration, and was sufficiently intelligent to recognise the need for substantial economic modernisation in Australia.
Keating matched this with a vision for advancing Australia's integrity, self reliance and promotion of its democratic values and benefits. He was unable to bring the rest of the country with him in that crusade, and developments in the autocracies since his time have undercut the detail of his plans.
But, as Bramston demonstrates so well, his economic legacy is unparalleled. It saved Australia. The inability of his party and his country to respond to his broader vision of national maturity, and to develop and refine it in the context of more recent international developments, is a loss.
The length is understandable. Keating's career was visionary and spectacularly successful: as federal Labor Treasurer from 1983 to 1991 he exploited the serendipitous fact that he was not of the traditional party of business and commerce to engineer an extraordinary transformation of the Australian economy.
Under his stewardship, a nation that was over-reliant on substantial, internationally saleable natural resources, and on heavily protected manufacturing industries, became a liberalised market economy capable of trading in goods and services competitively with the rest of the world.
A comparable achievement may not have been possible for politicians of the non-Labor side, who were mostly constrained by close contact with interests vested in the old order.
Keating dedicated his Dec 1991 - March 1996 Prime Ministership to three major national objectives: the development of a self reliant, self respecting independent nation that commanded attention for its economic cooperation and leadership initiatives in Asia and the Pacific; its momentous realignment of land rights for its native people towards a more just recognition of their status and natural claims; and initial moves to reorient its national governance towards a more mature status by replacing the UK monarchy as its head of state with an independent republic and a new national flag without the legacy Union Jack in its corner.
Only the republican initiative failed to leave a lasting imprint, and efforts in that regard became indicative of Keating's Achilles heel: a failure at times to bring people with him, and in that respect slightly less of a natural leader than many of his acolytes wanted to believe.
Bramston's research for the book was obviously detailed and rigorous, aided by cooperation from Keating, and the result, while not quite definitive, is substantive. It establishes a permanent record of the specifics of Keating's many achievements, and the challenges that he overcame.
The reader is left mystified on one account: why, if Keating was such a towering and impressive figure, was he so resoundingly rejected at the 1996 election? The reasons are more complex than Bramston seems willing to admit.
Bramston is obviously a Keating fan, and while the book is not a hagiography, a little more distance between biographer and subject, with more judicious analysis, might have made the book not only a definitive record, but also a definitive judgement.
A common view of the 1996 electoral rout of Keating's government is that the Opposition's proposed GST denied electors their wish to punish him at the 1993 election for the exceptionally high interest and mortgage rates associated with the 1991-92 recession, and that they exercised their baseball bat revenge when unhindered in 1996.
The reasons are probably more nuanced, and go to Keating's personality, performance, and a substantial gulf between his proposed creation of a vigorously modern, more independent, and self-reliant Australia, and the broader, more cautious preference among a majority of the people to retain a possibly prudent commitment to traditional ties with the UK, Europe, and the powerful defence fortification provided by the US alliance.
The personality is interesting. Keating brought a quasi Jesuitical drive and dedication to his career that was not necessarily always crafted to win the proverbial friends. He lacked the natural popular appeal of Prime Minister Hawke, and the latter's extraordinary popularity provided a buffer for Keating's more adventurous economic policies.
The latter were necessary, but imposed sufficient adjustment pain to make their sale difficult. Keating in his economic reform years benefited substantially from Hawke's popularity cushion, to a degree that he seemed never to fully appreciate.
Nevertheless, his single minded political drive was exemplary. Bramston recounts a telling riposte early in Keating's career when Whitlam nemesis and unremitting left winger Jim Cairns sought Keating's support for an anti Vietnam war protest: 'I'm not here to protest, mate,' Keating is alleged to have said, 'I'm here to run the place.'
The performance was devastatingly effective, and attracted support by being genuinely entertaining. Keating's vituperative and linguistically inventive tirades against his opponents in the Parliament engaged his supporters and enraged his opponents.
However, the robust, performative dramatics did not always impress the broader voting public. When the non-engaged voters looked up from the routine of daily life, the confrontational images from the Parliament induced a less responsive perception among those who expect their politicians to be governing responsibly and projecting a respectable image.
He used Question Time not only to enforce a riveting contest of ideas, but also to theatrically destabilise his main opponents and undermine their psychological confidence. In this regard, he was unparalleled, and it is doubtful a comparable performance will recur.
But his 'big picture' objectives most probably led to his almost embarrassing 1996 defeat. The Howard Opposition scored one of the most substantial election victories in Australia's history.
Keating's 1993-1996 term as Prime Minster displayed a single minded focus on a highly self reliant Australia that went beyond what its relatively small population and defence vulnerabilities seemed at the time capable of supporting.
The swing voters in the electorate were mostly that portion of the population focused on cost of living pressures rather than the broader adventure of more directly aligning Australia's generally European culture and strategic interests with the substantial growth of the Asian economies. And the threat of China's more autocratic tendencies had yet to register significantly in international relations.
A substantial gulf opened in the mid 1990s between the bread and butter issues that engaged by necessity the average voter, and the realignment of strategic interests that occupied Prime Minister Keating. He was energised by the strategic challenges. The voters were looking elsewhere.
After a decade of substantial economic reforms and adjustments, coupled with a crippling recession and high interest rates, it was relatively easy for John Howard to sell the message that it was time to take stock, to reduce the momentum of change, and where possible, to enjoy a time when it was OK to be 'relaxed and comfortable.' Keating could afford the big picture vision. The battlers could not.
Keating's assessment of the need to tilt to Australia's longer term strategic interests more towards Asia seemed not to allow for these changes to work their way gradually into people's lives as the country's economic circumstances adjusted over time, rather than being imposed as an urgent priority. In this respect, Keating misread the public view, and leadership will not work when the troops are unwilling to follow.
In hindsight, Keating's assessment of future strategic priorities seems deficient. The recent emergence of a reinvigorated triumphalism in the two principal autocracies of China and Russia, fuelled by a growing sense of American decline, has undercut the presumption 25 years ago that encouraging China and Russia to engage in liberalised global trade arrangements would induce more democratic tendencies in the autocracies, to the benefit of all.
On the contrary, both have preferred to embed old fashioned dictatorship. Angela Merkel thought buying Russian gas would liberalise that nation. Instead, it empowered opportunistic blackmail in pursuit of territorial ambitions. And Keating's recent pronouncements on China suggest he continues to share the former German Chancellor's naïvety.
Bramston records Keating's view that the people got it wrong in 1996, contesting Hawke's opinion that the Australian people invariably 'get it right' at elections. Keating's spectacular moderninisation of the economy in the 1980s arrested Australia's decline. His leadership in that regard was historic. But history has been less kind to his broader vision for Australia's role in world affairs, and the 1996 vote may in part have indicated a general unwillingness to share Keating's broader ambitions.
Bramston records the economic achievements well, but is a little too attached to the Keating charisma to note the flaws in the longer term objectives. Keating's legacy therefore rests much more on his economic reforms as Treasurer than his transformative ambitions as Prime Minister.
The economic legacy has an ironic feature: its failure to enthuse his colleagues. Keating's own party did not embrace the reforms, and abandoned any pretence of belief in their value and efficacy as soon as Keating left politics.
In retrospect, Labor's market oriented reforms in the 1980s were promoted largely by the Party's elite - PM Hawke, Keating himself, their Finance Minister, and possibly one or two others (the industry Minister, and maybe their Communications Minister). The rank and file remained wedded to the narrower interests of the party's union base, which largely funded their operations.
The Party did not support the relatively routine replacement of wholesale tax measures with a broader, more efficient goods and services tax that PM Howard initiated in the late 1990s (similar to the consumption tax promoted unsuccessfully by Keating in the early 1980s). It resisted also the labour market reforms that became a signature Howard advance in the 2010s.
More generally, Labor evolved into very much the middle class party of Whitlamite social security policies that had been its primary driver in the decade after the ideological struggles of the 1950s between classic Marxists and social democrats. Labor also became the natural home in the 2010s of the identitarian politics that dominated Western politics in that decade.
The somewhat Quixotic commitment to transforming traditional energy infrastructure into a smorgasbord of 'renewable' wind and solar power also became a central idée fixe of the party in the belief that climate change will dominate 21st century politics (something they are likely to rethink as the substantial limitations of those technologies become more apparent).
What then is the Keating legacy? A national economy more efficient and effective, but unremarked by his own political kind who remain more interested in social engineering and economic regulation than market economics.
Similarly, Keating's rejection of traditional historical ties with the Anglo-sphere and a desire to establish a Republic remains popular only with a minority subset of the community centred on the universities and the public broadcaster (both of which were attracted and entranced by Keating's interest in large scale 19th century symphonic music).
Bramston has done history a service by presenting a detailed and convincing record of Keating's political life and policy achievements. That record deserves to be remembered and treasured (no pun intended) in much more detail, and with much greater gratitude, than exhibited by his political colleagues.
Keating's place in in history is assured as the politician with the grit and vision to rescue Australia from almost certain economic decline in the 1980s. His broader vision for a more robust and independent national culture remains orphaned.
Keating's historical significance is noteworthy also in the context of the broader comparative history and performance of the US and the Australia. Both are immigrant nations which replaced native cultures with the modernising European heritage.
The US severed its umbilical European cord relatively quickly, and established an uncontested right to be the natural occupant of its land. Australia, much less so, partly motivated by a lingering sense of insecurity in a largely Asian sphere distant and hemispherically obverse from its UK origin.
The Chinese Communist Party sees Australia as a resource rich country with a relatively diffident immigrant culture, and vulnerable to substantial influence in the event of US decline.
Keating had the advantage of Irish forbears, which reduced substantially the impact of British legacy. He had observed and experienced the inexcusable misuse of power and economic squander of the Whitlam years.
He was determined therefore not to repeat the mistakes of the previous Labor administration, and was sufficiently intelligent to recognise the need for substantial economic modernisation in Australia.
Keating matched this with a vision for advancing Australia's integrity, self reliance and promotion of its democratic values and benefits. He was unable to bring the rest of the country with him in that crusade, and developments in the autocracies since his time have undercut the detail of his plans.
But, as Bramston demonstrates so well, his economic legacy is unparalleled. It saved Australia. The inability of his party and his country to respond to his broader vision of national maturity, and to develop and refine it in the context of more recent international developments, is a loss.
February 5, 2017
Covers well warn ground that has been more comprehensively and better explored by so many other greater authors.
Principally, the book lacks originality of any kind. The Treasurer chapters too closely adhere to the Paul Kelly paradigm of thought, read any of Kelly's four books on post 1975 Australian politics, and you'll receive 90% of the same arguments, only paraphrased. The Prime Ministerial section seems to be written on autopilot, and struggles to delve beyond the superficial, again drawing the same conclusions as Kelly's works.
The only thing going for the book are the new interviews, and the fact that PJK decided erroneously to co-operate with Bramston, and not the far superior work, authored by David Day (which PJK heavily criticised, and has subsequently been pulped due to a court settlement).
It's getting three stars solely based on the new material provided by PJK, and the fact that anything about him is interesting (despite numerous attempts by Bramston to make it read otherwise). No credit belongs to any work done by Bramston, a third rate historian/journalist who deserves to be called 'Captain Obvious' until the end of time.
Principally, the book lacks originality of any kind. The Treasurer chapters too closely adhere to the Paul Kelly paradigm of thought, read any of Kelly's four books on post 1975 Australian politics, and you'll receive 90% of the same arguments, only paraphrased. The Prime Ministerial section seems to be written on autopilot, and struggles to delve beyond the superficial, again drawing the same conclusions as Kelly's works.
The only thing going for the book are the new interviews, and the fact that PJK decided erroneously to co-operate with Bramston, and not the far superior work, authored by David Day (which PJK heavily criticised, and has subsequently been pulped due to a court settlement).
It's getting three stars solely based on the new material provided by PJK, and the fact that anything about him is interesting (despite numerous attempts by Bramston to make it read otherwise). No credit belongs to any work done by Bramston, a third rate historian/journalist who deserves to be called 'Captain Obvious' until the end of time.
March 6, 2020
In the 'PRAISE FOR PAUL KEATING: THE BIG PICTURE LEADER' section at the front of this book, Noel Pearson is quoted as saying "Troy Bramston has produced a compelling synthesis worthy of Robert Caro." This is absurd hyperbole. Bramston doesn't dig a tenth as deep as Caro does, and the only real comparison I can see is that both of them very much write like journalists, albeit very different types of journalists. This works as a positive for Caro and a negative for Bramston. My main issue on this front is that the writing, the prose itself, doesn't have the poetry, lyricism and majestic sweep the perfect Keating bio ought to have.
But don't get me wrong, this is still a pretty great book, and probably the most comprehensive biography of PJK there is. It covers basically everything and covers it all well, and seeing as the great man himself is quoted very liberally - as one would expect and hope - his personality, with all its aggression, compassion, idiosyncrasies and grandeur, is communicated very well. So, yes, all in all, well worth a read, especially to those who are perhaps not as familiar with the tale, but not perfect. Then again, what is?
But don't get me wrong, this is still a pretty great book, and probably the most comprehensive biography of PJK there is. It covers basically everything and covers it all well, and seeing as the great man himself is quoted very liberally - as one would expect and hope - his personality, with all its aggression, compassion, idiosyncrasies and grandeur, is communicated very well. So, yes, all in all, well worth a read, especially to those who are perhaps not as familiar with the tale, but not perfect. Then again, what is?
June 17, 2023
Bramstom uphold his reputation as a thorough and meticulous biographer that encapsulates the character of the subject. Troy traverses Keating's journey to become a parliamentary, then the Treasurer and ultimately the Prime Minister. From the journey, Troy is able to reveal the character and sensibilities of Keating as well his leadership and political philosophy and his vision for the nation.
Upon reading the book, Troy's personal leanings are self evident, that is, his a man that espouses the virtues of Labor right. It leads to Troy to often be rather uncritical of Keating, especially around his disregard to the original Labor philosophy. In the 1993 Budget, for instance, Keating pursue fiscal consolidation and reduction in debt. All methods to achieve such were spending cuts, whether that be cuts to optometry or welfare decreases. Indeed, the corporate tax rate was actually decreased from 39% to 33%. Moreover, Troy makes innumerable pot shots at the left of the labor movement such as in page 224 whereby he notes, "The left were siding with the conservative business establishment". I
The wit of Keating is brought to the front by Bramstom. Bramstom extensively draws on parliamentary proceedings, recollections of conversations with Keating and a collection of speeches. At times though the diatribe of Keating can seem disjointed with the purpose of the prose.
Despite the structural concerns of Troys work, the book draws new insights of Keating. In particular, part 1 of the biography elucidates how his resentment for Hawke begins with Hawke being the wonder kid of the Labor party. Keating, in contrast, is expected to prove himself to the party kingmakers.
It is also revealed how Keating never really understood how to effectively manage the cabinet process. Keating spurned the consensus approach to cabinet decision making adopted by Keating. Any debate within the cabinet was to be driven and guided. At one time the governor general swore in a new ministry four times in four months.The change in approach leads to a rather chaotic cabinet not to far from the Whitlam cabinet.
Upon reading the book, Troy's personal leanings are self evident, that is, his a man that espouses the virtues of Labor right. It leads to Troy to often be rather uncritical of Keating, especially around his disregard to the original Labor philosophy. In the 1993 Budget, for instance, Keating pursue fiscal consolidation and reduction in debt. All methods to achieve such were spending cuts, whether that be cuts to optometry or welfare decreases. Indeed, the corporate tax rate was actually decreased from 39% to 33%. Moreover, Troy makes innumerable pot shots at the left of the labor movement such as in page 224 whereby he notes, "The left were siding with the conservative business establishment". I
The wit of Keating is brought to the front by Bramstom. Bramstom extensively draws on parliamentary proceedings, recollections of conversations with Keating and a collection of speeches. At times though the diatribe of Keating can seem disjointed with the purpose of the prose.
Despite the structural concerns of Troys work, the book draws new insights of Keating. In particular, part 1 of the biography elucidates how his resentment for Hawke begins with Hawke being the wonder kid of the Labor party. Keating, in contrast, is expected to prove himself to the party kingmakers.
It is also revealed how Keating never really understood how to effectively manage the cabinet process. Keating spurned the consensus approach to cabinet decision making adopted by Keating. Any debate within the cabinet was to be driven and guided. At one time the governor general swore in a new ministry four times in four months.The change in approach leads to a rather chaotic cabinet not to far from the Whitlam cabinet.
March 26, 2025
I’ve been interested in politics for a long time and wherever I happen to go, I’m always interested to learn as much about the local politics as I can to get a better sense of the place I’m visiting.
In 2018 I moved to Australia from Ireland and lived in the lucky country until 2020. I spent allot of time familiarising myself with the contemporary and stoical politics of that vast country and among a range of fascinating and charismatic characters that have punctuated Australian history, the most colourful, idiosyncratic, fascinating and arguably the most significant to me, was Paul Keating.
There’s so much to admire about Keating, his legendary wit, his qualities as a leader painting a new vision of Australia, his ferocity when it comes to handling his political opponents, his ascent to the top from relatively humble beginnings.
He was mocked by his opponents by the end for being out of touch and elitist but personally I think he is arguably the quintessential Australian, witty, practical, rugged, at ease in the company of everyone regardless of background etc
Troy Bramstons book is thorough and enlightening, with some of the most interesting lesser known Keating moments I’ve learned about the man arising via this text. A few standouts include Keatings brief foray into the music world as a manager, his good natured greeting of John Howard as he returned as leader of the opposition in 1995 (“I knew you’d be back, I’ve had my eye on you”) and perhaps the moment that stuck with me the most, Keatings response to his father Matts sudden death at age 60, an unexpectedly touching and human moment for a man described as aloof and hyper aggressive (“You don’t want to get over it, you want to feel the pain”).
The portrait Bramston paints is of a leader the likes of which we have rarely seen before or since, a pugilist and an art lover, an average guy who became a leader, an unashamed visionary who actually oversaw and realised profound change in his country during his decades of public service.
Australia and the world need more leaders like Keating.
In 2018 I moved to Australia from Ireland and lived in the lucky country until 2020. I spent allot of time familiarising myself with the contemporary and stoical politics of that vast country and among a range of fascinating and charismatic characters that have punctuated Australian history, the most colourful, idiosyncratic, fascinating and arguably the most significant to me, was Paul Keating.
There’s so much to admire about Keating, his legendary wit, his qualities as a leader painting a new vision of Australia, his ferocity when it comes to handling his political opponents, his ascent to the top from relatively humble beginnings.
He was mocked by his opponents by the end for being out of touch and elitist but personally I think he is arguably the quintessential Australian, witty, practical, rugged, at ease in the company of everyone regardless of background etc
Troy Bramstons book is thorough and enlightening, with some of the most interesting lesser known Keating moments I’ve learned about the man arising via this text. A few standouts include Keatings brief foray into the music world as a manager, his good natured greeting of John Howard as he returned as leader of the opposition in 1995 (“I knew you’d be back, I’ve had my eye on you”) and perhaps the moment that stuck with me the most, Keatings response to his father Matts sudden death at age 60, an unexpectedly touching and human moment for a man described as aloof and hyper aggressive (“You don’t want to get over it, you want to feel the pain”).
The portrait Bramston paints is of a leader the likes of which we have rarely seen before or since, a pugilist and an art lover, an average guy who became a leader, an unashamed visionary who actually oversaw and realised profound change in his country during his decades of public service.
Australia and the world need more leaders like Keating.
September 17, 2023
A thoroughly readable and enjoyable book.
Paul Keating floats off the pages along with his wit, reforms and brutality. His years in office are recounted through tens of interviews not only with key players but also with the man himself, with these first hand experiences Bramston, paints a vivid picture of Keating and his times.
My one complaint of this book is that a more substantial volume is need. Keating’s life and 27 years in public life with over 13 years as a top government minister requires an even larger book, a book or books like those of Charles Moore’s biography of Margaret Thatcher would be perfect for the titan that reformed and fundamentally changed Australia for the better.
Keating is a formidable individual will all of his skills on show in this narrative, from his roots in Sydney to his leadership of the Labor Right, from his years as treasurer to his time as Prime Minister, Bramston, follows Keating through his highs and lows.
As the title of the book suggests Keating is a ‘big-picture’ leader, who as his premiership went on saw less of the need for every day politics and focused more upon the larger future of the nation, in many senses this was Keating’s greatest quality and ultimately his greatest weakness. He had climbed the greasy pole by the day to day political activity, it was one of the things he was greatest at, that being explaining policy and his form of parliamentary warfare yet by 93’ he had grown bored and tired of the ‘game’.
Yet Keating deserves to be recognised as a truly modernising and essential politician and prime minister of Australia. His policies during the Hawke government and his direction during his premiership have moulded modern Australia and although I personally disagree with several of his policies (being a Brit), this book has shown how powerful and important he was, in truth Britain needs its own Paul Keating.
Paul Keating floats off the pages along with his wit, reforms and brutality. His years in office are recounted through tens of interviews not only with key players but also with the man himself, with these first hand experiences Bramston, paints a vivid picture of Keating and his times.
My one complaint of this book is that a more substantial volume is need. Keating’s life and 27 years in public life with over 13 years as a top government minister requires an even larger book, a book or books like those of Charles Moore’s biography of Margaret Thatcher would be perfect for the titan that reformed and fundamentally changed Australia for the better.
Keating is a formidable individual will all of his skills on show in this narrative, from his roots in Sydney to his leadership of the Labor Right, from his years as treasurer to his time as Prime Minister, Bramston, follows Keating through his highs and lows.
As the title of the book suggests Keating is a ‘big-picture’ leader, who as his premiership went on saw less of the need for every day politics and focused more upon the larger future of the nation, in many senses this was Keating’s greatest quality and ultimately his greatest weakness. He had climbed the greasy pole by the day to day political activity, it was one of the things he was greatest at, that being explaining policy and his form of parliamentary warfare yet by 93’ he had grown bored and tired of the ‘game’.
Yet Keating deserves to be recognised as a truly modernising and essential politician and prime minister of Australia. His policies during the Hawke government and his direction during his premiership have moulded modern Australia and although I personally disagree with several of his policies (being a Brit), this book has shown how powerful and important he was, in truth Britain needs its own Paul Keating.
February 9, 2023
Enlightening and interesting, in learning in great detail how Paul Keating has been viewed by friends, opponents and fellow Australians.
The author Troy Bramston ensures we see how in tandem with Bob Hawke as Prime Minister, in spite of their great differences in style, they achieved so much in modernising Australia, to make it the economy, it is today, working co-operatively with all the other economies of the Asia Pacific.
Paul Keating when he eventually achieved the dream of his youth in becoming the Prime Minister of Australia lead the way, in pursuing change in several areas, internationally and domestically leading from the front, as he believed great political leaders should do, with an amazing grasp of all the fine detail and always ready to do all the hard spadework necessary to achieve good outcomes.
The only weakness I saw in the book is that in a few places, the author's almost indisputable admiration for Paul Keating, bubbles over the top. Nevertheless the book is worthwhile reading for the politically inclined, encasing great insights!
The author Troy Bramston ensures we see how in tandem with Bob Hawke as Prime Minister, in spite of their great differences in style, they achieved so much in modernising Australia, to make it the economy, it is today, working co-operatively with all the other economies of the Asia Pacific.
Paul Keating when he eventually achieved the dream of his youth in becoming the Prime Minister of Australia lead the way, in pursuing change in several areas, internationally and domestically leading from the front, as he believed great political leaders should do, with an amazing grasp of all the fine detail and always ready to do all the hard spadework necessary to achieve good outcomes.
The only weakness I saw in the book is that in a few places, the author's almost indisputable admiration for Paul Keating, bubbles over the top. Nevertheless the book is worthwhile reading for the politically inclined, encasing great insights!
January 6, 2024
To paraphrase; "Keating was the leader we had to have".
After the smoking ruins of Howard and Fraser, Keating took the Australian economy on and dragged it into the 21st century....even though it was still the eighties.
There are so many people who deserve a right kicking for their failure to follow through on what Keating and Hawke started. Top of the file of failures is Beazley, Ray, Richardson (RWNJ par excellence), Gray. Followed by the flatulence of Latham, the self indulgence of Rudd and Gillard with token appearances from Shorten et al.
Keating bestrode the stage and we would live in a far better country if he had been able to finish his work.
PJ Keating, you were brilliant sir.
After the smoking ruins of Howard and Fraser, Keating took the Australian economy on and dragged it into the 21st century....even though it was still the eighties.
There are so many people who deserve a right kicking for their failure to follow through on what Keating and Hawke started. Top of the file of failures is Beazley, Ray, Richardson (RWNJ par excellence), Gray. Followed by the flatulence of Latham, the self indulgence of Rudd and Gillard with token appearances from Shorten et al.
Keating bestrode the stage and we would live in a far better country if he had been able to finish his work.
PJ Keating, you were brilliant sir.
July 27, 2024
PJK is one of the most enjoyable PMs to read about, but this biography is wide of the mark. Chronologically disorganised, overrun by block quotations, and extensively borrowed from the work of others. Original work, where used, is more about the author’s name-dropping—how many relevant, or tangentially relevant, people with whom he’s spoken, and some scuttlebutt—than elevating the story. Basically, this is a 665 page Oz column. PJK deserves better.
July 25, 2025
An excellent read that gives great insight into Keating and his years in politics.
As someone born the year he lost to John Howard and therefore have the first political memories of the John Howard era it was an inspiring read to learn of the tremendous change that took place and set up much of the Australia I live in today.
As someone born the year he lost to John Howard and therefore have the first political memories of the John Howard era it was an inspiring read to learn of the tremendous change that took place and set up much of the Australia I live in today.
March 27, 2018
Very well done. Easy reading with amazing detail on the facts and figures of events and dates arranged chronologically. The pages reveal considerable effort into research by the author.
Maybe not five stars but certainly 4.5 stars.
Maybe not five stars but certainly 4.5 stars.
October 12, 2022
An engaging insight into Australian politics, something I have long been aware of but knew too little about. Keating himself is a fascinating figure.
May 25, 2025
Pretty decent portrait of a man who changed Australia. Like all biographies of this length, did drag in some places.
August 17, 2025
This is a fantastic book. I could not put it down and read it as quickly as I could, but it was so large it too a long time to complete. I believe that Paul Keating was out greatest Prime Minister. Even now when I see him in interviews you can see he is so much better than every other current politician. He runs rings around them in cutting through to the nub of the matter, whatever the subject.
This book provided the detail needed to explain the events that I read about so many years ago.
This book provided the detail needed to explain the events that I read about so many years ago.
December 25, 2025
Good read
Read
March 10, 2018quite possibly the best and most comprehensive biography of keating i have ever read
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