This is a book of historiography that is trying to describe and define the new genre of global history, “a form of historical analysis in which phenomena, events, and processes are placed in a global context.” Conrad suggests that there are three categories of global history, 1) a history of everything, 2) the history of connections, and 3) a history based on the concept of integration. He argues that the last is the most fruitful. Further to this, he argues that any level of analysis, down to microhistory, can be global history, if the historian looks at those events in a global context. Finally, Conrad is not suggesting that global history is the only valid method of doing history, but rather is just trying to explain how to recognize it when you see it.
The driving force behind the rise of a global history approach has been globalization. As historians began to travel more, meet other historians from other places, and became aware of a more integrated world, they began to look for ways of describing it, looking for a more inclusive approach, beyond national histories or Western civilization. Global historians are generally critical of Eurocentrism and wish to move beyond the idea that only European development has been a model for world development. It rejects notions of purely internal development and of teleology, of development from primitive to modern.
The author discusses the similarities and differences between global history and other similar approaches such as comparative history, big history, world history postcolonial studies or the history of globalization. What separates global history from all of these is that global history emphasizes connections, exchange, intercourse, links, networks, flows, entanglements and mobility, and how these lead to structural changes. This has led to different approaches to global history such as comparative studies, transnational history, world-systems theory, and multiple modernities. He discusses what he sees as the strengths and weaknesses of these various approaches.
A global approach makes more sense for some times and places than others, specifically, where global connections are more present. And speaking of time, global history can more often concentrate upon synchronicity, upon how or why phenomena emerge at the same time in different places, rather than continuity, or processes of development and change within cultures. That being said, the local manifestations of how these phenomena emerge is very important, as that is how the local and the global connections and structural interactions produce something unique. Individuals and societies have always imagined themselves to be a part of something larger but this “was always the result also of a particular perspective and desire: a form of world-making.”
To go back to the point of trying to shake off history’s Eurocentrism, there are contradictions that need to be resolved. Firstly, “A genuine global consciousness began to take shape in discrete Eurasian regions in the early modern period: and in the age of European hegemony a common narrative of material progress and national development emerged.” And it is true that, a common global civilization developed in the late 19th Century as a result of European colonization. However, global history has three important points to make here. First, the development of European supremacy was not just a result of internal European developments, but also because of ideas and structures that Europe had absorbed from outside and then re-interpreted. Second, local communities interacted with European domination in their own unique ways to produce a multiplicity of responses beyond a solely European model. Lastly, other parts of the world interacted with places other than Europe, and that too affected the historical process. On the other hand, as he points out, “centering” other places in not necessarily better if it has the same problems that Eurocentrism used to have, if it dissolves into identity politics, or if we assume that only certain people are entitled to speak about certain things. While we may never achieve an ideal of “the view from on high”, substituting apparent biases is not better.
He has a very sensible discussion of the problem of the level of analysis in history. When we look at the individual or small group, we get a real look at the impact of human agency. As we scale out, we get further and further away to impersonal historical forces and so maybe nobody is to blame for atrocities or can take credit for brilliant developments. But of course that is not true. It is not always apparent exactly what level of analysis to use, but we must try. Why is the calendar structured exactly as it is? Well, there is a reason it is called the Julian calendar, and July is named for Julius Caesar and August for Augustus Caesar. Further, the reasons we have a 24-hour day, 60 minutes in an hour or 60 seconds in a minute are culture, as is the reason we have a leap day and not a leap month. However, it is no accident that there are 365 days or 12 months in a year. That is science. We generally need to use multiple levels to make sense of most things.
One of the most dishonest methods of reviewing something is to take an isolated sentence out of the context in which the author put it, and then criticize that. I don’t think that is what I am doing here. “Neither ‘world’ nor ‘global’ are self-evident, naturally-existing categories.” This is an anti-scientific, post-modern view and I disagree completely. I agree that it is not always appropriate to provide a global context to every history, and that there have been very many conceptions of “the world”. However, the world is a physical thing in the universe not made by humans. It is the third planet in a solar system on a spiral arm of the Milky Way Galaxy, and thus it is far more self-evident and naturally-existing than concepts like country, nation, race, or gender, all of which to some greater or lesser extent are human-made concepts.
As I read this book, I realized that some of the books I have read recently, such as Delage’s “Bitter Feast,” Frankopan’s “Silk Roads” and Spector’s “In the Ruins of Empire” are all examples. All of these try to combine the local with the universal, emphasize connections, and come up with unique perspectives. Many years ago I was a graduate student in Canadian history and as I was reading that, I realized it was impossible to understand why things happened as they did in Canada if you didn’t know what was going on in France, Britain, the United States, or various indigenous communities as well, depending upon the specific historical problem.
If you are not a graduate student of history, you can give this book a pass and you will never notice. There is a lot of gobbledygook. “Entanglements and networks characterize the present moment, which has itself emerged from systems of interaction and exchange.” However, if you are looking for a method of analysis for your thesis, you might do worse than this. History is a discipline that is hurting for students, and that means that jobs as professors are scarce. You might be able to give your more mundane research a new perspective and improve your job prospects by hopping on this bandwagon.
Personally, I think the study of history is useful because it is entertaining, for one thing. Stranger things have actually happened in the past than most novelists can imagine. Next, it explains how we got to where we are now. This is where I think that global history can contribute. Our societies, countries, communities are not self-contained, replicating organisms but very much influenced by what is going on around us, as most cultural chauvinists would rather not admit. And finally, together with other disciplines such as evolutionary psychology and sociology it can help to explain human nature. What is constant, what can be changed, and what are the effects of that change? Ian Morris and Yuval Harari, in their big histories, hypothesize that history is part of a scientific continuity, from physics to chemistry to biology to history. They might be right.