Reihan Salam makes a good case for pro-immigrant, restricted compromise on immigration. While his solution leans towards more restrictive entry than now, it likely ruffles feathers on left and right. He calls for a one-time amnesty, support for building up opportunities in home countries, and government efforts to lessen immigrant poverty with tougher enforcement of the laws and a points-based system that prioritizes skill. Salam accounts for counter-arguments and doesn't engage in the typical fear-mongering that surrounds this issue. His own experience as the son of immigrants resonated with me, and those on the left would do well to accept that questioning our immigration system can go along with being pro-immigrant. Restriction vs open borders is not a debate over xenophobia or not.
Following this complexity, most of Salam's argument revolves not around American jobs, but more around how our system opens the doors to low-skilled workers whose absence would lead to innovation. These immigrants and their children, according to Salam, are more likely to remain mired in poverty, necessitate government benefits, and fail to integrate into the American fabric. This argument is pretty compelling, although I don't know that a dearth of immigrant workers would necessarily lead to innovation. In recent years, we've seen shortages of immigrant workers lead to unpacked fruits, not to more mechanization. Maybe that's a matter of time, but it calls into question the idea that we should accept restrictions because markets will adjust. He also is too cavalier towards offshoring, which he sees as a potential flipside of restricting low-skill immigration. Offshoring has destroyed many communities, and we haven't seen the proper recovery in wages that its proponents expected. Scaling up human capital among the domestic working class is far more challenging than Salam's argument assumes. Therefore, I agree that immigration should serve America's national interests but disagree with strictly limiting low-skilled migration and brushing off the after-effects.
However, Salam's warnings about isolation and poverty are important to read. I thought about France, where suburbs are filled with struggling, isolated immigrants, creating a powder keg of anger. To avoid such a situation here, we must embrace welcomeness for those who are here and ensure that we have control over incoming migration. The United States can support immigration while acknowledging that it must be managed.
Salam made me think more about a points system. Unlike people like Tom Cotton's, I'm confident that his proposal takes into mind our country's immigrant heritage. Incorporating family structures into points would maintain some of the advantages of our current system --prioritizing keeping family units together. I find this important, even if not for economic reasons. The one-time amnesty + stricter enforcement combo is likely the best way forward for our country on immigration, and Salam convinced me to give more thought to a points system, albeit not an overly restrictive one.
I do have some questions about the chapter regarding aiding other countries in stemming emigration. It's probably my development studies background, but allowing Americans to retire in Mexico would open up a whole host of issues and not likely make a huge difference in the Mexican economy. Additionally, charter cities can be a good model in a few places, but it's interesting to see a conservative usually skeptical of government planning upholding them as part of the solution. I doubt that we can just plop down cities elsewhere to disincentivize emigration, and doing so may enable authoritarianism to make them work. Missing from this section is a real analysis of building up governance, food sovereignty, etc to make countries more self-sufficient and improve lives abroad. This would be the better idea.
If you read one book from the right on immigration, make it this one. Despite some of my disagreements, Salam presents a strong and readable case for a new paradigm on the issue. His suggestions break through the broken back-and-forth of the 24-hour news cycle and that's worth a lot.