Rutherford B. Hayes

The American Presidents #19

by Hans L. Trefousse, Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. (Editor)

A leader of the Reconstruction era, whose contested election eerily parallels the election debacle of 2000

The disputed election of 1876 between Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel Tilden, in which Congress set up a special electoral commission, handing the disputed electoral votes to Hayes, brings recent events into sharp focus.

Historian Hans L. Trefousse explores Hayes's new relevance and reconsiders what many have seen as the pitfalls of his presidency. While Hayes did officially terminate the Reconstruction, Trefousse points out that this process was already well under way by the start of his term and there was little he could do to stop it. A great intellectual and one of our best-educated presidents, Hayes did much more in the way of healing the nation and elevating the presidency.

Genres: Presidents, Biography, History, Nonfiction, Us Presidents, American History, Politics

192 pages, Hardcover

First published November 1, 2002

Reviews

[Bill Kerwin · Rating 3 out of 5]

If it hadn’t been for “the iniquity in Florida,” Rutherford Birchard Hayes would have been an undeniable success.

He was certainly an effective criminal attorney, known around Cincinnati not only for his capital cases, but also for his defense of escaped slaves prosecuted under the Fugitive Slave Act. In the war, Major Hayes helped to chase Morgan’s Raiders from the Ohio Valley; Colonel Hayes commanded his regiment at South Mountain despite a severe wound to his arm, and led a charge at Cloyd’s Mountain, driving the enemy before him; later, Brigadier Hayes performed with such distinction in the Shenandoah Valley that he was brevetted to the rank of major general. A moderate member of the House of Representatives, he voted with his more radical Republican brethren against the racist policies of Johnson, and as governor of Ohio he supported black male suffrage (later ratified as the Fifteenth Amendment during his second gubernatorial term).

All in all, Hayes showed himself, both as governor and as president, as a supporter of what was humanist and humane: scholarship (state archives, the Library of Congress), education (the fledgling Ohio State University, federal funds for black education, vocational schools), social institutions (orphanages, schools for the blind and deaf, asylums for the alcoholic and insane), minorities (black freedmen, Native American tribes), and civil service reform.. Although he was often thwarted by opposition legislatures, he gained small achievements here and there, leaving Ohio—and later the United States of America—a better place than he found it.

Yet, always that “iniquity in Florida” haunted him: the disputed election of 1876. Democrat Tilden would have been a formidable opponent whatever the circumstances, but Hayes and the Republicans faced an unfavorable environment: their party had been eight years in power, the outgoing Grant administration was rife with scandal, and the Panic of 1873, still a source of economic pain, created a climate of uncertainty and fear.

Tilden won the popular vote, and it was only by challenging the disputed totals in the Southern States (Florida, Louisiana, South Carolina) where suppression of the black vote had clearly occurred, that Hayes squeaked ahead to a narrow electoral majority. There were claims of Republican chicanery in Florida, and rumors of a shady backroom deal whereby Hayes was rewarded with a one-term presidency in return for the promise to withdraw all federal troops from the South, an action which resulted in the virtual end of Reconstruction. The truth, as always, was more complicated—an opposition Democratic legislature, violent white resistance in the South, Republican reluctance to spend more federal money in an uncertain economic climate—but still the nickname stuck with him for years: “Rutherfraud” B. Hayes.

Although not an undeniable success, Hayes deserves to be considered a middling good president. He was an amiable, reasonable, moderate man, who knew how to make the best of a bad situation. Hans L. Trefousse sums it up well:

[A]ware of the tenuous nature of his election, he knew how to bridge over various disputes and thus heal the serious differences between factions, sections, and parties. . . . His significance, then, lies in his ability to overcome rfactionalism and exercise power in such a way that the dubious nature of his election could eventually be forgotten.

[Mara · Rating 2 out of 5]

It's hard to give this book a fair shake. This is the first time in my reading the presidents mission that I've resorted to a volume of The American Presidents series, and I imagine that the nature of the "assignment" probably put some constraints on author, Hans L. Trefousse. This is a biography of Rutherford B. Hayes— that's undeniable —so I guess it earns points for truth in advertising. Downside? It's pretty darn boring.

Some of the least boring bits:
Hayes took the well-worn path to politics by way of the legal profession. The highlight (for me) of his stint as a criminal defense attorney was most definitely his use of "a form of the insanity defense " to steer his client's (a murderess by the name of Nancy Farrer*) sentence commuted from the gallows and into a mental institution in 1858. (M'Naghten was 1843, so this was pretty cutting edge material). He also was a big proponent of the use of juvenile detention rather than sending youngsters straight to the big house.

Hayes fought in the Civil War which was, you know, kind of a big deal. He got shot like five times at Shenandoah, which means he was more than half way to earning the street cred of 50 cent. But, I guess he wanted to go in a different direction, because he leveraged his wounded soldier/Major General status right into the House of Representatives.



Hayes is probably best known for the questionable circumstances surrounding the election of 1876 which became a particularly hot topic during the Bush/Gore kerfuffle in 2000. There's more to this parallel than just the Hayes/Tilden electoral college/popular vote split. For one, despite the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment while Hayes was in Congress, there were abundant issues surrounding disenfranchised voters of color in the South.



This great Harper's Weekly 1876 cartoon, "Goin' to Saint Louis" (below) gives a nice lay of the Democratic landscape from the Republican point of view (especially once you know that Reform was Sam Tilden's war cry/motto). You've got your political boss "brute" ready to strong arm any "undecided voters," the little rag doll baby was a symbol of the mounting monetary saga, the priest is ready to bring religion into public schools, the lurking KKK dude is, well, obvious, and the indian chief is a shoutout to the Tammany Hall machine.



No big spoiler here, Hayes ended up in the White House anyway. His wife "Lemonade" Lucy Webb Hayes (known as such for her refusal to allow alcohol into the white house) was the first FLOTUS to actually be known as "First Lady" (so, you can stick that in your pocket for trivia night).



Among the biggest issues of the day was the problem of Civil Service reform which, as seen in this great image below, Hayes pretty much left on the doorstep for James A. Garfield to deal with. If you're gonna read one book that let's you in on the madness that was the, then, civil service policy of presidents literally handing out jobs to people who would just wait in line to ask for appointments like, say, ambassador to France, go with Destiny of the Republic .



Any last words?
I can't in good conscience recommend this book to anyone who's hoping for history to come alive off the page. If you're wondering what hours of the day Hayes devoted to gymnastics, or wanting names and dates to put on flash cards, then go for it.
__________________________________________
* The deets on this case were not given by Trefousse, but (having a weakness for early forensic psychiatry) I was able to get a bit more info from J.Q. Howard's 1876 work, The Life, Public Services, and Select Speeches of Rutherford B. Hayes which was conveniently available through Project Gutenberg

[Kierstin · Rating 3 out of 5]

Rutherford Hayes is my new favorite poster boy for this questionably-advised President's Project. I know I crush on every president I read about, but at number 19, I've reached a point in the endeavour where I can make some educated generalizations. Such as, the Presidents are pretty consistently falling in to categories. There are the Presidents-I've-Heard-Of-Because-They're-So-Great (and they usually are), the Presidents-I've-Heard-Of-Because-They're-So-Bad (and they usually are, with some happy exceptions - thank you U.S. Grant), and the Presidents-No-One's-Heard-Of-And-It's-Safe-To-Assume-They-Were-Therefore-Unimpressive (a disappointingly big group honestly). President Hayes is a member of the tiniest category of all: the Presidents-No-One's-Heard-Of-Which-Is-Too-Bad-Because-They-Were-Pretty-Decent.

Hayes was born in the (confusing) town of Delaware, Ohio, in 1822 although his parents were New Englanders who had only recently relocated West for new opportunities. Hayes' father, also Rutherford, died ten weeks after his son's birth, leaving mother Sophia to raise two children in a provincial and foreign state. Because of the sudden change of financial circumstance, Rutherford's early education was simple and practical, which made a real impression on him later in life. He attended at Seminary and was valedictorian at Kenyon College, before reading law at Harvard and eventually entering the Ohio bar. He wandered quite a bit in the intervening years, traveled some and joined lots of gentlemen's societies and fraternities, but finally at 30 he met and married his wife Lucy. Lucy was a strong abolitionist and prohibitionist whose views shaped her husband's social politics enormously immediately and throughout their lives.

In the course of Hayes' early career, he found himself defending more and more escaped slaves as a result of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act. Ohio being a free state bordering Kentucky, a slave state, was a front line for the increasing tension that would eventually erupt into the Civil War. Hayes' work on behalf of the run-away slaves earned him the attention of the newly founded and abolitionist Republican Party and steered him towards a more proactive anti-slavery role. Hayes was elected to a judgeship and later accepted a city solicitorship position as he began to climb the ranks.

Though originally lukewarm to the idea of civil war (he had originally favored letting the states go) the Southern attack at Fort Sumter committed Hayes to ending slavery by maintaining the Union. He and some friends joined a volunteer Army unit in which he was shortly promoted to the rank of Major. Long story short (and how many times do I say that?), Hayes' Civil War experience was stellar by all accounts. He was wounded five times (three times by bullets), earned a commendation from General Grant for bravery, and was eventually brevetted as a Major General. His warfare was smart, successful, and consistent, and he returned to Ohio already elected to the post-War House of Representatives thanks to the popularity he earned from his war exploits. After two terms in Congress spent battling President Johnson over Reconstruction issues, Hayes resigned his seat to run for governor of Ohio.

As Governor, Hayes focused on universal education and suffrage - and not just for black Ohioans. Handicapped citizens and females also benefited from Hayes' desire that everyone have access to quality education and a voice at the polls, although some efforts were more successful than others. He left the governorship after two terms, in 1872, with the intent that he would explore business opportunities and enjoy his still-growing family (his wife Lucy would eventually give birth to eight children). An interesting side trip in these years was to Duluth, Minnesota, for certain real estate investments (although this bears no significance to anything).

Hayes was eventually lured back in to politics and the Governor's office in 1875, largely because the Democratic nominee at the time was proposing offensive educational cuts. Immediately upon resuming his Governor position however, Hayes was nominated by the Republican Party for President in the 1876 election. Drum Roll Please. In 1876, the Democrats ran New York Governor Samuel Tilden, which by all accounts, matched two very equal entities against each other. Both were honest, straight shooters; both had longstanding national reputations; and both campaigned on a platform of civil service reform and the backing of hard money (gold). It is no wonder then, that this election ended in a spectacular tie.

As it happened, Tilden won the popular vote but came up one short of a victory in the Electoral College. Hayes trailed in the EC but only because Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina's votes were still in play due to significant irregularities at the polls (read: total fraud). An Electoral Commission was established (in a manner so convoluted it can't possibly be summarized for you here) to award the three states' votes without any consideration of the polls' reported results. As most tugs-of-war go, the presumed losers tend to just let go of the rope at the last minute before defeat to avoid looking dumb. In this case, as Inauguration Day neared, with no resolution in sight, the Republicans offered to remove Federal troops from the still violent South and accept their anti-black governments in exchange for an uncontested election of Hayes. And thus was Reconstruction dead.

Hayes' Administration focused on several key initiatives: Civil Rights, Civil Service Reform, Currency Reform, and Labor Rights. In the matter of Civil Rights, Hayes was at an impasse. Desperately hoping to make the South safer for the freedmen, without troops or funding for Federal protection of Southern blacks from the Democrat-controlled Congress, Hayes had to accept that the South was free to do its thing unchecked. Hayes did manage to at least veto a number of the more overtly abusive bills designed to repeal or prevent black suffrage. Hayes also attempted to repeal the spoils system of public appointments, which basically accepted that government positions could be bought and sold for political support or outright financial exchanges. Instead, Hayes proposed a Civil Service Exam to identify the best qualified candidates. Congress was appalled and refused to pass any legislation that limited its ability to reward party faithfuls, but Hayes managed to pass a law that forbade the practice that Civil Service appointees were required to pay a tribute to the nominating party in exchange for their position. He also addressed a rampant and wide-scale spoils system in the Post Office Department and eliminated a corrupt tradition of paying for postal routes.

The currency reform initiatives were necessary to resolve a few outstanding issues, the first being the constant struggle between silver coinage and gold-backed dollars. If gold was made the only standard, debts incurred in silver would be greater to bear, but if silver won, transactions initiated in gold would be worth less. The debate sparked the Panic of 1873 as debtors and lenders each feared financial ruin for themselves. A compromise bill passed Congress that effectively increased the money supply and artificially inflated the currency, which resolved the problem despite Hayes' veto. The second issue addressed the so-called greenbacks the Union government used as fiat currency during the Civil War. Fifteen years later, Americans were struggling to redeem the bonds and determine the value of them, which were not tied to gold and therefore in danger of decimating those who'd invested. In the end, the government took one for the team and instructed the Treasury to trade any and all remaining notes for gold, therefore retiring the greenback from circulation and avoiding financial the Americans who helped finance the Civil War.

Finally, Hayes was kept busy managing the various labor strikes that plagued the Second Industrial Revolution era, most notably the Great Railroad Strike (the single greatest labor strike in American history to date). Across the nation, and across industries despite the railroad being the lightening rod of the day, workers striked for improved working conditions, a standardized work day, and consistent wages. Hayes supported industry by sending troops to keep rioters from destroying government and private property, but privately he mused that workers really should have a practical education - less focused on classical (and useless) studies and with more emphasis on vocational skills.

One interesting fact that really only highlights my immaturity, is that the Hayes' White House was completely dry - no alcohol was served privately or at public events due to Lucy's longstanding temperance. The rest of Washington was apparently just as juvenile as I am because they teased the Hayes' mercilessly and threatened to boycott the President's parties... after all, what's the point of a party? To Hayes' credit, he dedicated the money he saved on liquor to increasing the overall opulence and lavishness of the entertainment in hopes his guests still enjoyed their time in his company.

Hayes did not seek reelection in 1880, and instead returned to Ohio to advocate for universal education, prison reform, and to continue to support Ohio University, which he helped found when he was Governor. He enjoyed spending time with his children and grandchildren, all the moreso after Lucy died in 1889 - an event that devastated Hayes who himself died of a heart attack in 1893. Hayes made a final impression on history in death with his memorial library, established by the State of Ohio in honor of his desire to make education accessible to all, which was the first Presidential Library in the United States.

Hayes is solidly a surprise addition to the He-Was-Pretty-Great! Club (read with an incredulous tone), which I never expected and am still bemused. The conspiracy theorist in me would explain his modern obscurity as the result of a calculated campaign by the bitter democrats to never really validate Hayes' election or legitimize his accomplishments. (The official Democratic response to Hayes' departure message was that it was "destitute of any great suggestions on any subject whatever.") If you're rolling your eyes at me now, I can also offer a second opinion: Hayes was a good guy. He was consistent, steady, sober, hardworking, and faithful to his wife. In post Civil War America, that's boring. And boring doesn't make for good stories that people remember and retell. Who wants to read a book called "Rutherford Hayes: An Above Average President?" Good thing there's girls like me who embark on dumb literary projects in which the nice guy gets his day :-)

PS. Hans Trefousse is an old-fashioned biographer, but given the dearth of options, I am grateful for the book and offer little critique other than this subject would benefit from a little sex appleal not usually rampant in academic writing.

[robin friedman · Rating 4 out of 5]

A Disputed Presidency

The Bush-Gore election 0f 2000 is one of four disputed presidential elections in United States history, together with the 1800 contest among Jefferson, Burr and John Adams and the 1824 election which featured four candidates, John Quincy Adams, Jackson, Clay, and Crawford. But the most controversial of America's disputed presidential elections remains that of 1876 in which the Republican Rutherford B. Hayes was determined to be the winner over the Democrat Samuel Tilden even though Tilden won the popular vote.

Hans Trefousse, Distinguished Professor of History at Brooklyn College and a specialist in the Reconstruction Era, has written an informative short biography of Rutherford B. Hayes, the victor of 1876, as part of the American Presidents series. For readers interested in acquiring basic knowledge of one of our lesser known presidents, this biography is a good source.

Rutherford B. Hayes (1822 -- 1893) attended Kenyon College and Harvard Law School. He enlisted in the Army at the outset of the Civil War and served with great distinction, rising to the rank of Major General. Hayes was elected twice to the House of Representatives and served three terms as the Governor of Ohio. In 1876, Hayes became a dark horse nominee for the presidency as a compromise candidate of a Republican Party torn by factionalism.

The disputed presidential contest of 1876 came to dominate Hayes's career and his presidency. The electoral votes of three Southern states, Florida, South Carolina, and Louisiana were sharply contested. Ultimately, a Commission appointed by Congress voted 8-7 along party lines to award the election to Hayes. The dispute over the election involved, among other issues, the votes of African Americans during Reconstuction. The votes of many counties that allegedly had supported Tilden were discounted because African Americans had been denied their right to vote by fraud and violence. The Hayes-Tilden election remains the most controversial election in our history, and scholars still are divided about whether the decision in favor of Hayes was proper.

Hayes was placed in an extraordinarily difficult position as president with the Democrats calling for his impeachment and referring to Hayes as "his fraudulency" and the divided Republican Party offering tepid support to him at best. The immediate result of Hayes's election was the end of Reconstruction as the Army was removed from the South. Trefousse points out that this result would have likely happened in any event. Ironically, Hayes also withdrew support from Republican governors in South Carolina and Louisiana -- two states that were critical to his election. The end of Reconstruction which followed the disputed election and the segregation, Jim Crow, and discrimination which were to follow is the most remembered and unfortunate aspect of Hayes's presidency.

Hayes himself was an honest, educated person with an excellent ability to get along with people, including those whose views differed from his own, and a good compromiser. He also had considerable independence and a progressive tendencies. He worked towards reform of the Civil Service System to base hiring decisions for lower-level positions on merit, supported education, and tried to protect African American voting rights. In the last two years of his presidency, he repeatedly vetoed attempts by the Democratically -controlled Congress to remove Federal officials and military personnel from polling places in the South -- on grounds that this removal would violate the voting rights of African Americans. Hayes pursued a moderate policy towards the American Indians and, in one of his finest acts, issued an apology to the Ponca Tribe for injustices it had suffered during his Administration.

While the 1876 election clouded his entire presidency, Hayes kept his promise to serve only one term. His presidency conciliated the nation which had been deeply divided by his election, and he governed in an honest scandal-free manner in contrast to the administration of his predecessor. Probably as a result of Hayes's substantial efforts in unifying the country, Tilden was denied the Democratic presidential nomination in 1880, and the election again went to the Republican candidate, James Garfield.

Trefousse sees Hayes as a healer and a compromiser following his disputed election. Trefousee concludes: "aware of the tenuous nature of his election, he knew how to bridge over various disputes and thus heal the serious differences between factions, sections, and parties. ... His significance, then, lies in his ability to overcome factionalism and exercise power in such a way that the dubious nature of his election could eventually be forgotten." (p. 150) These were valuable accomplishments for his time. Hayes is not among the greatest of American presidents, but the manner in which he handled his disputed presidency remains worth remembering.

Robin Friedman

[Doreen Petersen · Rating 5 out of 5]

Hayes was one of the most educated and intellectual presidents. His life story as well as the story of his presidency is well worth reading.

[Steve · Rating 3 out of 5]

http://bestpresidentialbios.com/2014/...

“Rutherford B. Hayes” is Hans Trefousse’s 2002 contribution to The American Presidents Series. Trefousse was an American historian, author and a professor at Brooklyn College for nearly four decades. He was most widely known for his biographies of Andrew Johnson and Rutherford Hayes. Trefousse died in 2010 at the age of eighty-eight.

Like the other half-dozen members of this series I’ve read so far, Trefousse’s text is crisp, concise and comprehensive (though in a cursory way). Seldom straying far from his subject, Trefousse delivers Hayes efficiently and effectively – but without animation or deep insight.

Trefousse does not seem to view his mission as the rescue or rehabilitation of Hayes’s legacy (which is closer to “non-existent” than “bad”). Instead, Trefousse seems determined simply to re-acquaint the modern reader with this former president’s personal, military and political lives and to convey Hayes’s fundamental sense of decency. While some aspects of this objective are met, others are not.

Moving through Hayes’s past at warp speed, the most humanizing aspects of his life (such as his close relationship with his sister and, later, his wife) are never seriously explored. Instead, Trefousse’s examination of Hayes on a personal level is so rapid that by the book’s end the former president seems more like a compassionate two-dimensional caricature than an innately decent flesh-and-bones human.

In this respect, much of the fault can be attributed to the format of books in this series. Although valuable for impatient readers (or those easily bored by esoteric presidents), these biographies are often unable to fully animate or analyze their subjects. And as a result of Trefousse’s breathless efficiency, the reader misses nearly every moment in Hayes’s life which could explain his deep sense of humanity or his extraordinary honesty and integrity.

Fortunately for readers who lack broader exposure to this former president, Trefousse’s text misses very little of substance with respect to his education, participation in the Civil War or his political career. Almost every notable “headline” moment of Hayes’s seventy years of life receives coverage. But the text come across less like a narrative of Hayes’s life and more like an organized compilation of lecture notes.

Many of our forty-four presidents have proven far less honorable than Hayes, but few remain more mysterious or obscure. And while Trefousse provides a competent summary in a convenient format, by the book’s end I was asking myself “so what?” Hayes’s impact on the presidency and his relatively amorphous legacy are briefly considered, but Trefousse’s investigation falls short of what Hayes almost certainly deserves.

Overall, Hans Trefousse’s “Rutherford B. Hayes” is a serviceable and adequate summary of the life of the nineteenth president. For readers who lack the patience to tackle a lengthier biography of Rutherford Hayes, this book may be ideal. But for those seeking to more fully understand the life and times of this arcane and surprisingly well-intentioned politician, Trefousse’s biography is unlikely to be satisfactory.

Overall rating: 3¼ stars

[Joe · Rating 3 out of 5]

Book Thirty-Nine of my Presidential Challenge.

I believe that Rutherford B. Hayes was a good man. I want to get that out of the way right up front. He treated people with kindness and understanding. He was an optimist who always seemed to think the best of people.

In his entire Presidency, he only really made one mistake...but that mistake was a doozy. For all intents and purposes, Hayes ended Reconstruction in the South. I definitely understand his thinking. He wanted to bring the South back into the fold and was given assurances that if he removed Federal troops and let Southerners be in charge of their political systems again that they would treat the Freedmen justly. I can understand him wanting to believe them. But he should have known better. The troops were removed and our country is still dealing with the consequences of this horrible mistake 150 years later.

The author argues that President Grant had already made a mess of things (he hadn't) and that Grant had also already gotten the ball rolling on removing troops from these areas. To that I say, who cares? Do people give Obama less guff because the drone program didn't begin with him but he continued it? No. President's regularly make drastic changes once they take office.

The author and the President seem way too eager to let Hayes off the hook on this one. In Hayes' defense, his view of the crisis may have been too short term to know whether he would ultimately be proven right or wrong. But few could argue that he was at least wrong during his lifetime so yeah, he should have known. The author definitely should have known better so shame, shame, but the author has been dead for 5 years so I don't think he much cares what I think now.

Hayes other mistake was to make enemies with what should have been a friendly Congress immediately upon taking office. He wanted to show that he was independent so he got rid of the old cabinet and didn't take anyone's advice upon forming his new one. That one action (plus ending Reconstruction) basically ended any chance at a successful term before he even started.

I hadn't realized that just like President Polk, Hayes promised to serve only one term and stuck to it. I think people forget this because Polk was a badass President who literally accomplished everything he sought to do, doubled the size of the nation, showed several foreign countries who was boss, and dropped the mic. Hayes probably wouldn't have been re-elected even if he had sought a second term so much less of a sacrifice.

Again, Rutherford (Ruddy) Hayes seems like a very nice guy who only made a few mistakes, but never took responsibility for them and tremendously damaged the country in doing so. Unintended consequences are still consequences.

[Molly · Rating 2 out of 5]

I'm in the process of reading a biography of each U.S. president. I try to read one biography a month, and with that goal in mind, and having taken more than a month to read Ron Chernow's Grant I didn't have as much time for Hayes as I would have liked. This is the sole reason I chose Trefousse's 150 page book over Ari Hoogenboom's 500-something page book. I wish I had read Hoogenboom's

This book is not well-written. It almost feels as if this is an unedited draft. Many sentences contain two completely unconnected thoughts; many more are just poorly written. There is at least one paragraph that begins with one subject and halfway through abruptly switches to a completely different topic with no transition whatsoever. There are even a couple places where the author "stutters". For instance, on page 44: "In Memphis, addressing some freedmen in Memphis...". The entire book is riddled with such problems that reflect poorly on the editor as well as the author. In addition, the writing style feels sophomoric and unrefined throughout the book.

For all its problems, I suppose it did succeed in teaching me about Rutherford B. Hayes. Hayes seems like he was a great guy who truly wanted to help people. He was an effective president whose legacy has been overshadowed by the kerfuffle surrounding his election. While this book gives a pretty good overview of Hayes' life, there is virtually no discussion of his legacy or the impact his administration had on the country. Some of this is due the format of the series of which this book is a part, but much of the blame rests on Treffouse's shoulders. I wish I had had more time to devote to Hayes.

I can't say that I recommend this book. Its problems outweigh its advantages. If you have the time, read Ari Hoogenboom's biography of Hayes instead.

[David Nichols · Rating 3 out of 5]

Rutherford Hayes, nineteenth president of the United States, features in THE SIMPSONS' “Pageant of Obscure Presidents," and he deserves his obscurity. The Civil War general and three-term governor of Ohio was elected president in the outrageously dirty election of 1876 (see my review of Michael Holt's book thereon here: http://www.goodreads.com/review/show/...), and the shall-we-say unorthodox circumstances of his election crippled his presidency before it began. Hayes further diminished his power by withdrawing federal troops from the capitals of South Carolina and Louisiana, alienating many Republican supporters who wanted Reconstruction to continue in those states, and by making an unsuccessful attempt to reform the federal civil service, which put him at odds with the powerful Roscoe Conkling and his "Stalwart" faction. Announcing he would only serve one term probably helped marginalize Hayes as well. By the middle of his presidency Hayes could do little more than make speeches and travel around the country, receiving adulation from crowds too drunk to know how vain and pointless Hayes had become. I would like to say that Trefousse tells this unpleasant story in an engaging fashion, but unfortunately he prefers summarizing Hayes' dull life and career to examining in detail some of the more significant episodes with which Hayes was associated, like the flight of Chief Joseph and the Railroad Strike of 1877. I would have liked, in short, a biography with a harder edge and one which spent more time on Hayes' actual presidency. Can't have everything, I guess.

[Jessica · Rating 2 out of 5]

Here's the thing - I think Hayes was probably a good guy who came to power when the Republican party was breaking into factions and the in-fighting caused them from doing, well, anything. The problem is that this book is so poorly written that I'm not sure if that's correct, or I just made that up to make myself feel like I learned something. It's not that the facts aren't there, but the author jumps around a lot and inserts these weird non sequiturs (that sometimes have nothing to do with Hayes). The author also uses pronouns a lot which can make it difficult to follow who he's exactly talking about (for example, he'll start a paragraph talking about a meeting between Hayes and Grant and then just use "he" for the rest of the paragraph). Weird, right? Basically this book made me want to write a better biography about Hayes. Like I said, I think he might deserve it.

[Kirk · Rating 5 out of 5]

pg 92-93 "But the president had little choice. His predecessor, General Grant, had decided to withdraw support from the disputed governments even before the inauguration, and the country was no longer ready to tolerate military interference in the South. As Ari Hoogenboom has stated so well, Hayes knew that Northern opinion would not long sustain the troops in the South, but from this weak bargaining position he extracted from the rival Democratic governments promises to guarantee the voting and civil rights of all black and white citizens. He was naive in accepting these pledges at face value, but he had no viable option.

pg 150" In short, aware of the tenuous nature of his election, he knew how to bridge over various disputes and thus heal the serious differences between factions, sections, and parties."

[David · Rating 2 out of 5]

It felt like reading a boring 800 page book, but was somehow only 150 pages.

[Houston · Rating 3 out of 5]

The guy was great, the book was great, I guess I just find politics not as interesting as I'd like. I think this is mostly due to the fact that I don't know the people and their stances at all. This would be, speaking of great, a great start.

The dude was the man; kind, highly educated (Kenyon College & Harvard Law School), loved & enjoyed his wife, and was super active. His post-presidency reminded me of Fillmore's serving on the board of a ton of organizations including Ohio State & Case Western Universities.

subscribe to my newsletter to get the full report on Rutherford Birchard Hayes here: https://mailchi.mp/e56c7ba5f08a/ilove...

[Frank Theising · Rating 3 out of 5]

Hayes was a minor general in the Civil War, Congressman, and three time Governor of Ohio. As the 19th President of the United States, one of the handful of Presidents who won the Electoral College but not the popular vote, he was largely a lame duck from day one. His own party was fractured by rival factions and the opposition took to labeling him “The Fraudulent President” because of the deal granting him disputed electors from SC, LA, and FL in exchange for the withdrawal of Federal troops from the South (essentially bringing Reconstruction to a close). Despite his noble ideals on civil rights, civil service reform, and desire to pacify the South, his accomplishments were rather meager in light of that fractured and divisive era. Following the despised Johnson, and the scandals of the Grant administration, the bar was set so low that the author can at best praise him for being a man of integrity who didn’t make the sectional hostility any worse. 3 Stars.

What follows are my notes on the book:

His family descended from Scottish Presbyterians. His father moved from VT to OH in 1817. He died just before “Rud” was born in 1822. His uncle, a banker, served as his guardian and provided funds for his education. Rud was a sickly child and almost died in infancy. He attended a series of Methodist run schools in Ohio and later Connecticut. In 1838, he entered Kenyon College in OH (5). There he was valedictorian and perfected his speaking ability delivering speeches to the various clubs and societies he joined. After college, he began to read law at firm in Columbus before his uncle insisted he study law at Harvard. In 1845, he gained admission to the bar in Ohio and settled in the town of Fremont. In 1849, he moved to the growing city of Cincinnati and opened a law office there. In 1852, he married Lucy Webb. Their 40 years of marriage could not have been happier. They had 8 children (7 boys, 1 girl), 5 of whom survived into adulthood (12).

Always interested in politics, he supported the Whigs and cheered William Henry Harrison’s victory over Martin Van Buren. He later was a determined supported of Henry Clay and was disheartened by his hero’s many electoral defeats. At first he only mildly opposed slavery but did not support abolitionists. Over time he became more active in antislavery politics, taking on fugitive slave cases in his law firm. When General Winfield Scott lost to Franklin Pierce, the Whig party collapsed and he would soon join its Republican successor (15). He was elected to his first office, city solicitor, in 1858. He was reelected in 1860.

When the Civil War erupted, he joined a volunteer company. He was offered the rank of Major in the 23rd Ohio Volunteer Infantry (22). He was sent to West Virginia, which was not a major battlefield but was considered the first line of defense for Ohio, which boosted his stature in his native state. He was promoted to LTC that October. He mostly fought “bushwhackers” and welcomed fugitive slaves referred to as “contraband” (25). He was granted leave to return home to see his newborn son. Upon his return, he routed a small party of Greycoats. In one of these engagement he was slightly wounded in the knee by an enemy bullet (27). He was promoted to Colonel of a different regiment, a promotion he never accepted. He went to fight in Second Bull Run but did not arrive until after the battle. His regiment took part in the preliminary fighting of the Battle of Antietam. He led three charges pushing the enemy back when he was shot in the elbow (29). In September, Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation. In October he was finally promoted to full colonel, this time of his regiment (23rd Ohio). He would appoint the bright young Lieutenant, William McKinley, to be his quartermaster.

His family visited him at his encampment. After initial joyful reunion, things took a sad turn as his youngest boy Joe died of dysentery. He chased a Confederate Raiding party that had invaded Ohio, inflicting some losses but failing to pursue and capture the force, which some historians consider his worst war time blunder (32). In the spring campaign, he fought at the battle of Cloyd’s Mountain where he captured 300 prisoners and 5 pieces of artillery. They moved into the Valley of Virginia, engaging troops and destroying railroads. They captured Staunton before returning to WV. Jubal Early’s superior forces caused him to retreat. When Sheridan began his Shenandoah Valley campaign, Hayes’ unit participated in the final destruction of Confederate troops on the area (34). That summer, Lincoln faced Democratic nominee General McClellan in the presidential election. Hayes too was nominated for a House seat in his congressional district. He refused to take furlough to campaign, arguing that anyone who abandoned the field of battle to do so should be scalped. In spite of this (or perhaps because of it), he was elected and would take office in December 1865. He was promoted to Brig Gen upon the recommendation of Sheridan, and later brevetted major general but returned home when Richmond fell and Lee surrendered (37).

The new Congress quickly challenged President Johnson (Lincoln was assassinated in April) when he attempted to restore the seceded states during the Congressional recess with their governments being reestablished with nothing more than an oath of loyalty. When the South elected ex-confederates and established “black codes”, Congress refused to recognize them and denied their seats. Hayes fell among the moderate Republicans looking for reasonable compromise, but Johnson failed to court them and when he vetoed a civil rights bill, even the moderates gave up hope of reconciliation with his administration (42). He helped to override that veto.

He resigned his seat in order to run for Governor of Ohio. He continued to battle Johnson and supported the acts designed to reign him in including the Tenure of Office Act to prevent him from dismissing appointees without Senate consent and the Military Appropriations Act of 1867-68 that curtailed his powers as Commander in Chief. Over Johnson’s vetoes, Congress passed a series of Reconstruction Acts remanding Southern States to military rule until they set up governments based on universal suffrage (44). All in all, his time in Congress was rather unremarkable with no particular contribution to legislation. However, it did lead to his nomination for governor. He campaigned on impartial manhood suffrage and conservative monetary policies. The electorate split, defeating amendments for universal suffrage and electing a Democratic legislature and Hayes as Governor. In the meantime, Lucy gave birth to a girl in addition to their 3 surviving boys. He was inaugurated in 1868.

His powers as Governor were extremely limited. Without the ability to veto legislation, his time was consumed with appointing judges, granting pardons, and charitable work in support of colleges and universities. When the House impeached Johnson, he strongly supported the move. By the time the Senate acquitted him, he was already engaged in Grant’s nomination and campaign. In his inaugural address, he recommended revisions to the tax laws, funding a lunatic asylum, education reforms, and a geologic survey of the state (49). He was reelected and also captured the state legislature that same year. Unlike his first term, a favorable legislature enacted several of his suggestions into law.

Hayes decided to quit politics at the end of his term, he remained a staunch supporter of Grant, agreeing with him on the key issues of the South and national debt. His one area of disagreement was over Grant’s effort to annex the Dominican Republic. His final days in office had been taken up with the fight for the state’s next senator. Hayes turned down an offer for senator and retired to Cincinnati.

His self-imposed exile did not last long. When liberal Republicans revolted against Grant over the Dominican Republic and corrupt machine politics, Hayes attended their meeting in Cincinnati. There, he was re-nominated for a seat in Congress against his protests. He would go on to lose the election (his only electoral defeat) (58). Ohio Republicans anxious to regain power, nominated him for an unprecedented third term for governor. The main issue of the campaign was a question of finance (hard currency vs inflationary greenbacks). Hayes hard money stance prevailed and he was once again elected governor.

The contenders for the presidential election of 1876 were James Blaine, Oliver Morton, and Roscoe Conkling. The convention was to be held in Cincinnati and Hayes was a hometown candidate for many in Ohio. While claiming indifference, he had a well-organized group of friends at the meeting. Blaine was the most likely to win but the rivalry between the front runners worked to Hayes advantage. The following day, on the 7th ballot, Hayes clinched the nomination (68). Samuel Tilden of NY was the Democratic candidate. His selection and reputation as a reformer put NY, CT, and NJ in play for the Democrats. Hayes campaigned on sound money, civil service reform, and pacification of the South. To further the last objective and avoid sectarianism, he promised not to seek a second term if elected. The passive behavior of fellow Republican Conkling lessened his chances of winning NY, and the greenback question put IN at risk.

On Election Day, Hayes initially thought he had been defeated when he lost NY, IN, CT, and NJ. However, there were disputed ballots from SC, LA, and FL. In each of those states, political bodies were authorized to throw out dubious votes obtained by violence (i.e. suppression of the black vote). Tilden won the popular vote by ~300K. Hayes was convinced in a fair election, the black vote would have put him over the top (77). When both Democrats and Republicans submitted conflicting electoral votes, a Constitutional crisis arose. The Constitution said nothing of how to deal with this unforeseen situation. A commission was established with 7 Republicans, 7 Democrats, and 1 independent. When the independent member was elected Democratic senator for IL, a Republican justice was given the key 15th spot. The commission voted along partisan lines giving Hayes the victory (with the understanding that Federal troops would be withdrawn from the South) (81).

The opposition immediately began a campaign of discrediting Hayes legitimacy as “the fraudulent president.” His inaugural address stressed pacification of the South and universal suffrage and rights for both races. He advocated for universal education and government funding for schools. Civil Service reform was another item he wished to tackle. Seeking fresh faces unaffiliated with the last administration, he selected his Cabinet based off those who demonstrated their independence from any faction. Thus he managed to alienate both factions of the Republican Party (the Stalwarts and the Half-breeds) right from the start. The most difficult question facing his administration was the removal of troops from Southern states where they had protected Republican administrations. In FL and LA, there were essentially two governments with the Republicans dependent on troops to keep them in power. Hayes determined to remove the troops from the capitals but not the states…this in essence allowed Democrats to seize control of the state governments brining Reconstruction to an end. In doing so, Hayes was criticized for failing to protect Blacks…the New York Times equated it to surrender (92). But he had little choice, the country had no more tolerance for military interference in the South and he naively accepted pledges that guaranteed civil rights at face value.

His next challenge was civil service reform and the spoils system. He targeted Chester A. Arthur in the NY Custom House (who was a crony of his adversary Roscoe Conkling). His initial failure to remove him from his post was embarrassing. The year 1877 saw an outbreak of violence with major railroad strikes and riots in major cities. While sympathetic to the conditions of the strikers, he ultimately supported having them put down by force (95). As Hayes challenged the spoils system, Congress turned against him, passing the inflationary Bland Silver Bill which he opposed, further estranging him from his own party.

The midterm elections saw the south turn solidly Democratic, while the Republicans made gains in the North. The Democrats captured both the House and the Senate (105). Nativist sentiment led to a bill to restrict Chinese immigration which Hayes vetoed. He signed a bill awarding pensions to veterans (108). On Indian policy, Hayes sought to treat Native Americans fairly and encouraged assimilation but this was largely beyond his control and several Indian wars erupted in 1877.

His second two years in office saw less intra-party conflict since the Democrats held Congress. Instead he vetoed more than a dozen different attempts by Democrats to repeal federal supervision of elections by tacking it on as a rider to various unrelated appropriations bills (111). All his vetoes over the next two years were upheld. However, in return, Congress failed to confirm many of his appointments. As his term came to a close, he faced pressure to run for a second term but true to his word did not. One of the last problems he faced was in the territory of Utah, which was dominated by polygamous Mormons and he hoped that laws would be passed to end plural marriage however this would not occur until the 1890s (119). Indian wars and troubles continued to occur and he issued a personal apology for his part in contributing to what he believed was unjust treatment of various tribes displaced from their lands (124). As President and again in retirement, Hayes travelled excessively.

He took Garfield’s nomination and eventual victory at the polls as an endorsement of his policies. He collaborated closely with Garfield as they approached the transition, especially on appointments. In retirement, he was very active in various educational funds and civil service reform movements. He approved of Garfield’s conduct but was dismayed by the uncovering of the Star Route Scandal involving rural postal routes. The Congressional investigation cleared him personally of wrong doing but the scandal hung over his legacy following the corruption the Grant years. He was devastated by Garfield’s assassination and Arthur’s (his nemesis Conkling’s protégé) rise to power. He never fully supported Arthur but over time he managed to find some good in his administration.

He served on the board of trustees for several educational institutions in Ohio and much of his time was taken up with travel. In 1889, Lucy suffered a stroke and died. Hayes was disconsolate. He died of a heart attack in 1893, his last words were “I know I am going where Lucy is.”

[David Corleto-Bales · Rating 4 out of 5]

Rutherford B. Hayes is another one of America's "forgotten presidents" but as this biography points out, he shouldn't be, since he was one of the best educated, most humane and most competent presidents the country ever had. Born in Ohio in 1822, Hayes became a prominent lawyer in small town Ohio after stints at Kenyon College and the Harvard Law School. His family deeply opposed slavery and he joined the new Republican party in the 1850s, becoming a state attorney in 1858 and then at the age of 38 joining the military to fight for the Union in the Civil War. Hayes by then was a husband and father nearly 40 and yet ended up spiraling through the ranks through savage battles, mostly in West Virginia, (he was wounded four times, once seriously) and ended up as a brigadier general by the end of the war. He was also elected to Congress, where he loyally supported GOP attempts to reform the South but as most of his party did, became disenchanted with Andrew Johnson's policies. Elected governor of Ohio, he served from 1868 to 1872 and again from 1876 to 1877. His constant campaigning, commitment to party goals and honesty made him into a potential candidate for president in a party that was reeling from disunity, (between the Old Guard that loved the spoils system and reformers) and he was a dark horse candidate in 1876. The Democrats had lost every election since 1856, and seemed sure to win this time after Grant's two scandal-ridden terms, however, Hayes' record made it close. Hayes lost the popular vote, however, the electoral votes of three states, (Florida, South Carolina and Oregon) were disputed. Samuel Tilden, the governor of New York seemed poised to win, however, white terrorism against black voters in occupied South Carolina and Florida suppressed the black vote; (during Reconstruction, black males were allowed to vote in states still occupied by the U.S. Army.) Eventually, an electoral commission awarded the disputed votes to Hayes, and he prevailed 185 to 184.

Denounced by Democrats as "Rutherfraud", Hayes put together a professional cabinet that even included a Democrat who had been a Confederate and agreed to end the occupation of the South after Democratic politicians assured him they would not oppress blacks, (they lied). At any rate, Hayes' administration promoted public education, (Hayes had started Ohio State University when he was governor of Ohio) education for blacks, particularly in the South, national harmony and public works. Hayes was the first president to travel to the Pacific Coast while in office, (in 1880) refused to appoint people to office due to political ties, investigated corruption, (he fired Chester Arthur as the head of the New York City Custom House) gave lavish parties, (with no alcohol) and even took time to negotiate the end to a war between Paraguay and Argentina, (Paraguay named a province after him.) Hayes' clean administration even won praise from Democrats and he pledged to serve only one term. His post-presidency was one of the best in history. He promoted education north and south--especially for women, blacks and the disabled--and belonged to uncountable organizations. He's one of the best presidents that has been unfortunately forgotten.

[MBJ · Rating 4 out of 5]

The American Presidents Series is a great introduction to the lives and legacies of our chief executives, particularly the one term 19th-century presidents who seem to have blurred into obscurity. I must note here my own belief that James K. Polk, a one term 19th-century president, rises well above the pack. As for the others, I do not mean to demean them, but one does struggle at first to distinguish some of them or remember their accomplishments. I just finished the biography of Rutherford B. Hayes, and it seemed an adequate book about an adequate president. I am glad now to be better informed.

Last year, I scouted around for Hayes' birthplace, and found it marked by a nondescript headstone in a BP gas station in Delaware, Ohio. I thought at the time that there had to be more to this president than this modest and seemingly out of place birthplace memorial suggested. And so I discovered upon reading this book that the election of 1876 turned out to be not only the most interesting fact about Rutherford's presidency, but one of the greatest controversies in American history. Rutherford was never able to shake off completely the allegations that he had obtained the presidency by fraud, although he considered the 1880 election of James A. Garfield, a Republican, a vindication of sorts.

The parallels between the election of 1876 and the machinations of the 2000 presidential election are striking. The result of this discovery is that I now have two more books in my reading queue dedicated exclusively to the subject of these two elections. I was surprised to learn that because of the controversy surrounding the 1876 election, it is hard to read one book and get an unbiased view of what really transpired. Now I am duly inspired to get to the bottom of the elections of both 1876 and 2000.

So for those wanting to know more about Rutherford B. Hayes other than what his undistinguished birthplace marker might imply, I would suggest starting with this American Presidents Series book. But don't be surprised if reading it sparks your interest in learning more about one of the most exciting elections of all time.

[Mel · Rating 2 out of 5]

This is a superficial biography totally lacking any citations. Hayes was apparently a well educated, honorable and decent guy, but much of this book reads like a campaign promotion. We are repeatedly told that the pretty Mrs. Hayes hosted dandy parties in the White House, although I suspect that not all guests were happy that "Lemonade Lucy" forbade any liquor in the president's home. More historically relevant subjects such as Hayes using federal troops to break worker strikes or his authorization of armed incursions into Mexico are given only a few sentences. The book has only 150 pages, so little time is wasted, but to get a feel for the end of the Reconstruction and the beginning of the Second Industrial Age, you will need to shop elsewhere.

[Matt McBrien · Rating 2 out of 5]

Simply put, I believe this book to be too brief. In the author's attempts to keep the book short, it has become almost a simple list of what he did.

Perhaps other books by Hans Trefousse could be very good... but this one is simply not. It seems very poorly written because of it's brevity. My guess is that this is based on the book being a part of the American Presidents Series, and a possible size-limit set by the series. I don't know, maybe I'm wrong. I haven't read any other books in that series.

But, overall, my recommendation would be to find another book on Hayes. This one is not good.

[Peter · Rating 3 out of 5]

Despite conventional wisdom, I find Hayes endlessly fascinating. This book however was dry, dry, dry.

[Isaac · Rating 4 out of 5]

This is the 20th president I've read a biography of.

Hayes is my new, go to response for when folks ask me which US President I would most like to have a beer with. That may seem an odd choice given he was a teetotaler who banned alcohol from the White House, but after reading this book he just seems like such a good natured, sunny, optimistic man. Besides, even without alcohol, he and "Lemonade Lucy", by most reports had excellent dinner parties.

Obviously I found Hayes pretty lovable. Throughout his law practice, the civil war and on to his elected offices his letters seemed radiate cheer for whatever he was doing. He always found time to travel, spend time with his family, visit friends. He was really into genealogy and history; both during his 3 terms as Ohio governor and his 1 as US president he worked hard to preserve history by adding portraits and papers of great men to their respective collections.

He was also involved in dozens of charitable organizations, especially later in life, helping freedmen, working on prison reform, education, civil service reform, helping historical societies and on and on.

His record as president was less remarkable but given he won the office in an election that makes 2020 look congenial, and that he started off his term alienating himself from his own party by demonstrating his independence and picking at the spoils system, the fact that he came out smelling as good as he did feels pretty remarkable itself.

Hayes is going to be harshly viewed by modern eyes for basically ending reconstruction in the south in exchange for a handshake that southern blacks would be treated well (they weren't). I'm not sure another Grant term or any other Republican would have had better outcomes in the long run though. For whatever it's worth Hayes' firm independence and amiability seemed to go a long way towards healing the country (in spite of his vetoing dozens of bills passed by Democrats to weaken the reconstruction amendments) but it's hard to argue black citizens were better off after 4 years of Hayes.

[Brian Pate · Rating 4 out of 5]

A nice biography of our 19th president. It is too short (150 pages) and does not help the reader get to know Hayes on a personal level, but this is due to the the restrictions of the series. While I was reading this book I enjoyed a virtual tour of the Hayes Presidential Library and Museum.

Hayes was a good man, accomplished scholar, and competent president. He was devoted to his wife, Lucy, to the end of her life. His last words were supposedly "I know that I am going where Lucy is" (146). He was a religious man his whole life, though not a Christian (149).

His political affiliations leaned Whig and then Republican. His elected career began as the city solicitor for Cincinnati (1858-60), followed by a distinguished career in the Union army (1861-65). He served as a US Congressman from Ohio (1865-67) and 3 terms as Governor of Ohio (1868-72, 75-77).

In 1876, he barely beat Tilden for the presidency in a contested election that was eerily similar to Bush v. Gore (2000). He limited himself to one term (71). He not only inherited the corruption of the Grant administration, but had to deal with an opposition party who did not accept the legitimacy of his presidency as well as a Republican party fractured between the Stalwarts and Half-Breeds (87-88). He went to war with the spoils system and the political machinery of Roscoe Conkling like few others were willing to do (93). He stood up to the Senate and won (115). He famously declared, "He serves his party best who serves his country best" (85-86).

Hayes was a good man with good intentions. At times, it seemed that his optimism bordered on naiveté and his good-heartedness could made him blind to the dire realities around him. Yet, it makes one long for more political leaders with the character and kindness of Rutherford B. Hayes.

[Steven Freeman · Rating 4 out of 5]

Balanced short biography of an intellectual President who transcended a controversial start by completing his time as president driven by ethics and moral conviction that even the opposing party had to respect.

[Jim Rickard · Rating 4 out of 5]

Good concise book about Hayes

Good book.i didn't know anything about Hayes until reading this book. Easy to read and informative. I've read other books 8n this series and like them

[Christi · Rating 3 out of 5]

This was like all the American Presidents series books-it was good, direct, not a lot of nuance, and was written by someone who liked the subject. It provides a great overview of Hayes' life and beliefs without going in-depth in any particular controversies or subjects.

[Susan · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book is a basic biography of Rutherford B. Hayes. At times it repeats information that was written earlier in the book. If all you want is basic information about Hayes, this book is fine. If you want something deeper, skip it.

[Jennifer · Rating 5 out of 5]

Solid, engaging read on a lesser known President.

[Stacey Jones · Rating 4 out of 5]

This brief biography of Rutherford B. Hayes made me want to read more about him, and so I consider it a success. This series of presidential bios is not meant to provide exhaustive or comprehensive studies of each life, but to introduce you to the life of the person who served. This book by Hans L. Trefousse does that very well.



I’m engaged in a project to read biographies of all the presidents in order, at a rate of two per year. I choose the books using the following criteria: The book must be a biography (not auto-), must be about his entire life (not about some aspect of his presidency) and must be in one volume (I’m not spending an entire year on TR). Sometimes, it can be difficult to find a book that fits that bill for some of the lesser-known—lets call them “discount”—presidents. This American Presidents Series edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. is sometimes my only option. It’s not usually my first choice because I do like the books to be a little more in-depth than these typically are, but I have read books from this series on Buchanan and Pierce. I also chose one on Monroe from The American Presidents because I had spent about four months on a Madison biography that was wonderful, but long, and I wanted a small break.



Hayes was the 19th president of the United States, taking office after U.S. Grant’s two terms. And he enters me into the line of “discount” presidents of the late 19th century: After him, I’ll read Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, Harrison, etc. After Brands’ biography of Grant, I wasn’t sure I would be too interested in the Ohioan, but Trefousse makes Hayes seem not only interesting, but likeable, a “stand-up” guy, who is unpretentious, hard-working, well educated and happily married. A dedicated family man who loved to travel—he was the first president to visit the Pacific states—and enjoyed literature, Emerson, whom he had heard speak, most of all. His wife, “Lemonade Lucy,” was the center of his life, a trusted confidant and friend, and he stopped drinking while he was in the White House to follow and support her example.



From this volume I learned that Hayes was really one of the earliest American progressives. A Republican in the early years of the party—he followed Lincoln, Johnson and Grant in line to the White House—he was a governor of Ohio and a president who advocated for more education, for services, homes and assistance to deaf children, prisoners, orphans of soldiers and “the inebriated.” He converted the sentences of death row prisoners and navigated a much more humane Indian policy than many who had preceded him (he and Grant often saw how the Indians were wronged and cheated when the country’s treaties with them were not honored). He was sensitive to the situation of laborers as they struggled for fair practices with business owners.



Of course, Hayes may be best known to those of us who lived through the 2000 Bush-Gore vote controversies as the other president who ascended to the office after losing the popular vote and winning the electoral vote by one in a controversial commission ruling. Trefousse explains this scenario very well and clearly in a chapter dedicated to it, letting the reader know that there has been no definitive finding on whether his win was legitimate or not, and outlining the positions of Hayes’ contemporaries and scholars today.



Hayes was not as successful dealing with Reconstruction in the South and was deeply criticized by factions of his own party for withdrawing troops, leaving freedmen less supported against the state policies that were created to deny them their rights. But he did make progress in civil service reform (something Grant also sought to do), and his policies seemed to improve the economy overall.



I have two criticisms of the book, one is fair, the other is unfair. The fair criticism is that Trefousse definitely seems to be an advocate for Hayes and it makes the reader wonder if there is other information out there that is less glowing and, if known, would make you think differently of this president over all. Trefousse must summarize a great deal, and some of the summary seems more editorial than reportage. This leads me to my unfair criticism: Because the books are brief introductions (this one is 150 pages), there is a great deal of summary, so when, in longer biographies, there would be more quotes and examples, in this book there may be one sentence: Trefousse might write something like, “This work went well,” instead of detailing the information that indicates that. I can’t expect the book to be more than it is, and I think it is very good at what it’s good for. The truth is it did make me want to read more about “Rud.” If you have a biography of Hayes you liked, please note it in a comment.

I recommend this book and I recommend Rutherford B. Hayes. Both the book and the man are interesting, engaging, straight-forward and provide insight on the American experience.

[Matt Jackson · Rating 3 out of 5]

Nice, concise read on this obscure President.

[Burt Schoeppe · Rating 3 out of 5]

Decent introduction to Hayes’ life and work.

[Clem · Rating 5 out of 5]

The American President Series of books definitely achieve what they set out to do – give the reader a thorough, yet at the same time, a concise, history of each U.S. President. Not surprisingly, the lesser known presidents have few biographies devoted to them, so these volumes serve as a valuable resource for someone who wants to learn about such individuals.

Based on my research, there IS a very good biography of Rutherford Hayes out there by author Ari Hoogenboom, yet for some reason, even a used volume costs about $40. I was on the fence, and eventually economics won. The good news (for me) is that the author of this volume, Hans L Trefousse, is already familiar to me, as he penned a ‘legitimate’ biography of the 17th president, Andrew Johnson. Since I had just completed the Johnson bio, this was a factor that aided in my decision. Not surprisingly, Trefousse refers to the Hoogenboom account many times within his book, so at some point I’ll probably break down and spend the exorbitant price for the Hoogenboom book.

The presidency of Rutherford Hayes reminds me of the best airline flight that I ever had – because I don’t remember it. We don’t remember our great airline flights. Why? Because they’re smooth and uneventful. It’s the bad ones we remember. Such is the Hayes administration. Unlike most politicians, Rutherford Hayes is the type of man that you feel like you can be in a room with for several hours, and not have to have bathe immediately afterwards to remove the sleaze and slime that one recollects when they recall images of ‘successful’ politicians. He is a devout family man, an official eager to advance the rights of recently emancipated freedman, a successful Civil War general, and a man who maintains that he’ll only serve one term as president after not really wanting the job in the first place. He even manages to voluntary abstain from alcohol while serving in the White House.

In fact, the biggest controversy of his presidency is his election. Like his 21st century counterparts Bush and Trump, Hayes loses the popular vote, yet barely (by one vote) wins the electoral college. Not surprisingly, the other side whines often and loud (just like 2000 and 2016) and the first half of Hayes’ administration is looked at dubiously by his opponents as ‘someone who shouldn’t even be there’. Yep. Nothing has changed in the world of politics, folks.

He makes some good progress in office. He manages to further reconstruction efforts, enacts meaningful Civil service reform, and genuinely comes across as breath of fresh air compared to many of his predecessors (his immediate predecessor, Ulysses S. Grant, had a somewhat tarnished reputation with scandalous activities by some in his cabinet. History has been much more forgiving). One reflects that it must be nice to have a president in the office who never seriously wanted to be there, dreaded the thought of serving a second term, yet did a very favorable job overall, with many on the opposite side of the political fence even praising his efforts after he left.

Mister, we could use a man like Rutherford B. Hayes again.