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One Nation After Trump: A Guide for the Perplexed, the Disillusioned, the Desperate, and the Not-Yet Deported
AN INSTANT NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER ― read by the authors.
A call to action from three of Washington's premier political scholar-journalists, One Nation After Trump offers the definitive work on the threat posed by the Trump presidency and how to counter it.
American democracy was never supposed to give the nation a president like Donald Trump. We have never had a president who gave rise to such widespread alarm about his lack of commitment to the institutions of self-government, to the norms democracy requires, and to the need for basic knowledge about how government works. We have never had a president who raises profound questions about his basic competence and his psychological capacity to take on the most challenging political office in the world.
Yet if Trump is both a threat to our democracy and a product of its weaknesses, the citizen activism he has inspired is the antidote. The reaction to the crisis created by Trump’s presidency can provide the foundation for an era of democratic renewal and vindicate our long experiment in self-rule.
The award-winning authors of One Nation After Trump explain Trump’s rise and the danger his administration poses to our free institutions. They also offer encouragement to the millions of Americans now experiencing a new sense of citizenship and engagement and argue that our nation needs a unifying alternative to Trump’s dark and divisive brand of politics―an alternative rooted in a New Economy, a New Patriotism, a New Civil Society, and a New Democracy.
One Nation After Trump is the essential audiobook for our era, an unsparing assessment of the perils facing the United States and an inspiring roadmap for how we can reclaim the future.
A call to action from three of Washington's premier political scholar-journalists, One Nation After Trump offers the definitive work on the threat posed by the Trump presidency and how to counter it.
American democracy was never supposed to give the nation a president like Donald Trump. We have never had a president who gave rise to such widespread alarm about his lack of commitment to the institutions of self-government, to the norms democracy requires, and to the need for basic knowledge about how government works. We have never had a president who raises profound questions about his basic competence and his psychological capacity to take on the most challenging political office in the world.
Yet if Trump is both a threat to our democracy and a product of its weaknesses, the citizen activism he has inspired is the antidote. The reaction to the crisis created by Trump’s presidency can provide the foundation for an era of democratic renewal and vindicate our long experiment in self-rule.
The award-winning authors of One Nation After Trump explain Trump’s rise and the danger his administration poses to our free institutions. They also offer encouragement to the millions of Americans now experiencing a new sense of citizenship and engagement and argue that our nation needs a unifying alternative to Trump’s dark and divisive brand of politics―an alternative rooted in a New Economy, a New Patriotism, a New Civil Society, and a New Democracy.
One Nation After Trump is the essential audiobook for our era, an unsparing assessment of the perils facing the United States and an inspiring roadmap for how we can reclaim the future.
Audio CD
First published September 19, 2017
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About the author
E.J. Dionne Jr.
29 books123 followersEugene Joseph "E. J." Dionne, Jr. is an American journalist and political commentator, and a long-time op-ed columnist for The Washington Post. He is also a Senior Fellow in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution, a University Professor in the Foundations of Democracy and Culture at the McCourt School of Public Policy, a Senior Research Fellow at Saint Anselm College, and an NPR, MSNBC, and PBS commentator.
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October 1, 2017
A fast read, and potent. Especially important for those who have been in deep despair, anger, and fear since the 2016 national election in the United States.
The first part of the book reviews how the 2016 election results grew from decades of devastating neglect and damaging strategizing.
The second half proposes a visionary roadmap toward a restoration of health, hope, and the American dream of the common good, rooted in "a new economy, a new patriotism, a new civil society, and a new democracy." Each of those four basic goals is discussed in depth, and the book is well supported with source citations, a detailed index, and ideas for where to go from here.
Now will we be able to overcome our various divides to come together in support of a new, wise, and genuinely good-hearted and empathetic leader to run in our next national election in order to throw this terribly inadequate, dangerous, and narcissistic President 45 out??? May it be so.
The first part of the book reviews how the 2016 election results grew from decades of devastating neglect and damaging strategizing.
The second half proposes a visionary roadmap toward a restoration of health, hope, and the American dream of the common good, rooted in "a new economy, a new patriotism, a new civil society, and a new democracy." Each of those four basic goals is discussed in depth, and the book is well supported with source citations, a detailed index, and ideas for where to go from here.
Now will we be able to overcome our various divides to come together in support of a new, wise, and genuinely good-hearted and empathetic leader to run in our next national election in order to throw this terribly inadequate, dangerous, and narcissistic President 45 out??? May it be so.
October 1, 2024
I have once again decided to embark on a mission to read a number of books on subjects that will be of great importance to the upcoming 2024 US Presidential Election. This was a great success as I prepared for 2020, with an outcome at the polls (and antics by both candidates up to Inauguration Day) that only a fiction writer might have come up with at the time! Many of these will focus on actors and events intricately involved in the US political system over the last few years, in hopes that I can understand them better and, perhaps, educate others with the power to cast a ballot. I am, as always, open to serious recommendations from anyone who has a book I might like to include in the process.
With the events of July 21, 2024, when Joe Biden chose not to seek re-election, the challenge has become harder to properly reflect the Democratic side. I will do the best I can to properly prepare and offer up books that can explore the Biden Administration, as well as whomever takes the helm into November.
This is Book #37 in my 2024 US Election Preparation Challenge.
If ever there were a call to recognise the issues with America under Trump, it comes from these three political jornalists. E.J Dionne Jr., Norman J. Ornstein, and Thomas E. Mann elucidate many of the issues America faced with the election of Donald J. Trump and how the country will need to right itself after his departure. With the 2024 presidential election looming, readers ought to look for what they had, removed, and how they can rid it from ever coming back. Through a series of analytical chapters and well-argued points, the authors leave the reader with a better understanding of the regression made during the 2016 election period and how problematic it could be to return to its foibles.
When the Founding Fathers created the American democratic framework, they could never have imagined a man like Donald Trump at the helm. This is a sentiment both sides make and are proud to espouse. However, while Trumpers feel that their leader has broken the glass ceiling and rules in ways that are not like any of his predecessors, those in the centre can decry much of what the authors are seeking to prove in this book. Never has a keen knowledge of the political system of government, democratic norms, or even societal make-up been important (read: essential) for the voter to comprehend before heading to cast a ballot... until now. Rhetoric and falsehoods cloud the air, leaving the voter and American in general confused and sometimes falling into the abyss when they are spoon-fed information.
As the authors argue throughout the opening portion of the book, Trump preys on the naive voter who seeks to have it all placed before them. He will espouse issues with the economy, immigration, out of sight threats, and even those on the other side of the political spectrum. The every day person who chooses to listen to leaders and not do the research for themselves will fall in line and sometimes grasp for what is being offered. ‘If Trump says immigration is the cause of high unemployment, I better trust him. If I am told that the left is seeking to erode the democratic system by casting three ballots in an election, it must be true. If Trump says his friends around the world are laughing at America, he is likely the one to help remove the ridicule and put things on equal ground again.’ These sentiments are so strong and the electorate so keen to take their sound byte without pulling out the research needed to substantiate it, causing panic, chaos, and increased skepticism from those who would try to use fact or challenge people to ‘look it up’.
This over-the-top set of beliefs helped push Democrat voters away from their base in 2016 and over into Trumpland, where he has the solution and knows which villains are worth ‘booing’ when he issues the cue. That Trump speaks in massive falsehoods and inconsistencies, draped in vague ‘I was told’ comments, is lost on many. This is not helped when those within the Republican Party refuse to stifle the comments for fear that they will be the next attacked in 140 characters and have reputations or campaigns ruined. This fear-mongering and fuelling of the bombastic only helps destroy trust in democracy, its institutions, and those who seek to make an honest difference. The authors emote these concerns with many of the examples they put forward.
There is hope to change this and educate the masses in an easy and straightforward way. Civic engagement will help people see outside their shells and provide context as to what is going on around America. First-hand knowledge of events and experiences will help curtail the ongoing need to despise or vilify. As the authors present their plan, they do not cut corners, challenging the reader to empathise with the other side and ‘spend some time looking at things through their perspective’. It’s only in this way that truths and honest results can come to the surface. Rather than it being an ‘us versus them’ mentality, as Trump would like it to be, Americans ought to step out and see the world for what it could be, should they give it a chance.
Is the electorate ignorant? I would hope not, as they head to the polls to choose their various representatives soon. Is there apathy towards what is going on in the world? Surely there is, or many wold not have simply accepted that pets are going missing in Ohio. It is easier to let someone else do to the work and ‘read off their sheet’, which has become the new reality. Trump used this sentiment and sought to re-write the American reality, leaving those who spoke out against him as enemies of the state. Can it be solved? It surely can, but it would take education of one’s self and surroundings, removal of those who spew vitriol for the sake of scandal, and simply try to hide their xenophobic mask by putting lipstick on a pig. The choice is out there, but E.J Dionne Jr., Norman J. Ornstein, and Thomas E. Mann cannot do the work for you. Stand up, look around, and stop letting some fool dictate what you believe. Help others see the light for themselves and let educated decision-making fuel the next trip to the ballot box, whatever that yields.
There is no doubt that this book seeks to point to some of the issues that have befallen the United States since the election of Donald Trump in 2016. However, the authors seek not to scream from the rafters and bemoan the demise. They try to get to the root of the matter in a number of well-paced chapters that can easily click for the attentive reader. Strong passages and research prove many points and offer up solutions, not simply problems that must be highlighted. All three authors use their experience, references from other books on the subject, and their countless interviews to build a strong foundation for a healthier future America. No one is to blame, but sitting idly by and being part of the problem is also not going to help things along. I learned so much myself as I read this book and can see where others would do the same. I can only hope it is not too late to save America from itself and four more years of embarrassing vitriol based on nothing but a man’s fear that he cannot solve the world’s real problems, so he must concoct others to make himself the superhero.
Kudos, Messrs. Dionne, Ornstein, and Mann, for opening my eyes and mind to the perils that await should Donald Trump not be stopped or curtailed. One will have to wait to see if the sycophants remove their blinders or simply chew cud for four more years!
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
With the events of July 21, 2024, when Joe Biden chose not to seek re-election, the challenge has become harder to properly reflect the Democratic side. I will do the best I can to properly prepare and offer up books that can explore the Biden Administration, as well as whomever takes the helm into November.
This is Book #37 in my 2024 US Election Preparation Challenge.
If ever there were a call to recognise the issues with America under Trump, it comes from these three political jornalists. E.J Dionne Jr., Norman J. Ornstein, and Thomas E. Mann elucidate many of the issues America faced with the election of Donald J. Trump and how the country will need to right itself after his departure. With the 2024 presidential election looming, readers ought to look for what they had, removed, and how they can rid it from ever coming back. Through a series of analytical chapters and well-argued points, the authors leave the reader with a better understanding of the regression made during the 2016 election period and how problematic it could be to return to its foibles.
When the Founding Fathers created the American democratic framework, they could never have imagined a man like Donald Trump at the helm. This is a sentiment both sides make and are proud to espouse. However, while Trumpers feel that their leader has broken the glass ceiling and rules in ways that are not like any of his predecessors, those in the centre can decry much of what the authors are seeking to prove in this book. Never has a keen knowledge of the political system of government, democratic norms, or even societal make-up been important (read: essential) for the voter to comprehend before heading to cast a ballot... until now. Rhetoric and falsehoods cloud the air, leaving the voter and American in general confused and sometimes falling into the abyss when they are spoon-fed information.
As the authors argue throughout the opening portion of the book, Trump preys on the naive voter who seeks to have it all placed before them. He will espouse issues with the economy, immigration, out of sight threats, and even those on the other side of the political spectrum. The every day person who chooses to listen to leaders and not do the research for themselves will fall in line and sometimes grasp for what is being offered. ‘If Trump says immigration is the cause of high unemployment, I better trust him. If I am told that the left is seeking to erode the democratic system by casting three ballots in an election, it must be true. If Trump says his friends around the world are laughing at America, he is likely the one to help remove the ridicule and put things on equal ground again.’ These sentiments are so strong and the electorate so keen to take their sound byte without pulling out the research needed to substantiate it, causing panic, chaos, and increased skepticism from those who would try to use fact or challenge people to ‘look it up’.
This over-the-top set of beliefs helped push Democrat voters away from their base in 2016 and over into Trumpland, where he has the solution and knows which villains are worth ‘booing’ when he issues the cue. That Trump speaks in massive falsehoods and inconsistencies, draped in vague ‘I was told’ comments, is lost on many. This is not helped when those within the Republican Party refuse to stifle the comments for fear that they will be the next attacked in 140 characters and have reputations or campaigns ruined. This fear-mongering and fuelling of the bombastic only helps destroy trust in democracy, its institutions, and those who seek to make an honest difference. The authors emote these concerns with many of the examples they put forward.
There is hope to change this and educate the masses in an easy and straightforward way. Civic engagement will help people see outside their shells and provide context as to what is going on around America. First-hand knowledge of events and experiences will help curtail the ongoing need to despise or vilify. As the authors present their plan, they do not cut corners, challenging the reader to empathise with the other side and ‘spend some time looking at things through their perspective’. It’s only in this way that truths and honest results can come to the surface. Rather than it being an ‘us versus them’ mentality, as Trump would like it to be, Americans ought to step out and see the world for what it could be, should they give it a chance.
Is the electorate ignorant? I would hope not, as they head to the polls to choose their various representatives soon. Is there apathy towards what is going on in the world? Surely there is, or many wold not have simply accepted that pets are going missing in Ohio. It is easier to let someone else do to the work and ‘read off their sheet’, which has become the new reality. Trump used this sentiment and sought to re-write the American reality, leaving those who spoke out against him as enemies of the state. Can it be solved? It surely can, but it would take education of one’s self and surroundings, removal of those who spew vitriol for the sake of scandal, and simply try to hide their xenophobic mask by putting lipstick on a pig. The choice is out there, but E.J Dionne Jr., Norman J. Ornstein, and Thomas E. Mann cannot do the work for you. Stand up, look around, and stop letting some fool dictate what you believe. Help others see the light for themselves and let educated decision-making fuel the next trip to the ballot box, whatever that yields.
There is no doubt that this book seeks to point to some of the issues that have befallen the United States since the election of Donald Trump in 2016. However, the authors seek not to scream from the rafters and bemoan the demise. They try to get to the root of the matter in a number of well-paced chapters that can easily click for the attentive reader. Strong passages and research prove many points and offer up solutions, not simply problems that must be highlighted. All three authors use their experience, references from other books on the subject, and their countless interviews to build a strong foundation for a healthier future America. No one is to blame, but sitting idly by and being part of the problem is also not going to help things along. I learned so much myself as I read this book and can see where others would do the same. I can only hope it is not too late to save America from itself and four more years of embarrassing vitriol based on nothing but a man’s fear that he cannot solve the world’s real problems, so he must concoct others to make himself the superhero.
Kudos, Messrs. Dionne, Ornstein, and Mann, for opening my eyes and mind to the perils that await should Donald Trump not be stopped or curtailed. One will have to wait to see if the sycophants remove their blinders or simply chew cud for four more years!
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
November 11, 2017
Perhaps I went into this book with exaggerated expectations because of the authors, but I found One Nation Under Trump to be simplistic and without much true merit. The first two-thirds of the book is an extensive telling of how Trump was elected and the many misdeeds he has committed both before and since his election. Little for me to disagree with here, but also no new insights or information for a relatively informed voter. But the real disappointment for me was the final section of the book, which purported to outline what the American voter should do now. Although the writers made a point of stating that their intent was not to provide a mere laundry list of ideas and actions, it seems to me that that is precisely what they did. Little time was spent in describing how the many actions they recommended might be accomplished or how the incredibly extensive programs would be paid for or how a majority might be constructed to pass such things.
Overall a great idea, one that I would still like to explore, but lacking depth.
Overall a great idea, one that I would still like to explore, but lacking depth.
October 15, 2017
I've read plenty of books that deal with current events, but this felt absurdly current. Man, the ink is still wet on the pages it's so current.
The main point of the book is that the Trump stuff we're currently going through can be overcome and even lead to a more vibrant and effective democratic society - but it's gotta take a lot of work, and won't be easy. The main thrust of the book is best expressed in a quote by Pres. Obama 10 days before his term ended. Obama told people to take responsibility for their democracy, "Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking to one of them in real life. If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up, dive it, stay at it."
While it's main message is a note of optimism, there's also a lot of bleak moments here. The book has two parts - 1) Trump and Trumpism, and 2) The Way Forward. The first part makes up about 60% of the book.
The authors note that a lot of Trumpism predated Trump. The GOP was making inroads with the white working class well before Trump. Also, for much of the US, there really was no shift - that was mostly just the Midwest. But it should still concern Democrats that inroads are still increasing. (Also, many of Trump's supporters are actually well-off). Maybe the #1 struggle of this era will be a fight for the truth. There's been a loss on common political conversation since the 1960s, largely driven by the right - and the right helps shape the overall media narrative. We've had things like filibuster usage abuse old norms. Newt Gingrich began an insurgency to try to take down a seemingly permanent House Democrat majority but it's been transformed to a Steve Bannon led crusade for the deconstruction of the administrative state. Populism advances with support of some of the elite - and that's what's happened here. CPAC has shifted from libertarianism to Trumpism. Trump's base is culture/race warriors, but his swing voters are those based on economic concerns. Frankly, much of this first part of the book read like a rehash of following twitter over the last nine months. It was good, but boy was it familiar.
The second part pushes the way forward after Trump. For all the talk of capitalism nowadays, it was actually a mixed economy in the mid-century that worked well. We had the Wagner Act, Highway Act, Ike passed the National Defense Education Act that made education loans for higher education available. The authors note that those who benefited from the GI Bill tended to be more engaged citizens throughout their lives. Maybe we could do something like that now. We need responsive government and responsive corporate behavior - not just corporations beholden to shareholder interest. (OK, nice sentiment - now how do you do it?) HRC's campaign didn't really focus on the depth of economic problems people felt. Only 9% of her ads were on the economy while a third of his were. We need well-off professionals from the anti-Trump coalition - essentially modern Eisenhower Republicans. There's a need for a robust economic agenda. We must confront the problems caused by free trade. This calls for a Charter for American Working Families. It talks about investing in the infranstructure and floats the Universal Basic Income plan. For now, let's protect the existing welfare system. Elizabeth Warren has proposed plans for those living in the gig economy. Build on Obamacare and maybe move to single payer. Recognize that safe neighborhoods and good community-police relations go hand-in-hand. Reform drug laws and gun laws. HRC had good ideas, but not much economic focus (and not much skill at presenting those ideas beyond a laundry list of plans).
There's a need to promote patriotism, not nationalism. It quotes George Orwell saying, that patriotism stems from "devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life" while nationalism "is inseparable from the desire for power." We need to re-link patriotism to our multiethnic culture and advance that in opposition to Trump's nationalism. America First is selfish, not realistic. Trump opposes our allies. We also need to grapple with the causes of nativist backlash. The book compares "neighborhood people" to cosmopolitans. We need a new politics based on empathy.
Civil society and our sense of community has gone down since the 1970s and even more so since 2008. 65% had confidence in organized religion in 1979, 57% in 1996, 52% in 2009, and now just 41%. Banks went from 60% in 1979 to 22% in '08 and up to 27% only. Public schools? From 53% to 30%. Newspapers? 51% to 20%. Organized labor? 36% to 23%. Big business? 32% to 18%. Only small business, the cops, and the military are over 50% now. A growing sense of alienation (bowling alone) helped lead to Trump. Polarization and geographic sorting are both up. We need a vibrant civil society to check Trump. We see religious groups oppose Trump on immigration and the travel ban. We have Rev. Barber and Moral Mondays. Professional groups like lawyers have also helped with the travel ban. Academics have been involved. Average citizens opposing voter restrictions have spoken up. We have national service programs we can build on. Trump slashes these programs, of course.
Democracy must be a means, and an ends for the movement. We gotta get more to vote. If you see other Americans as evil, that's bad for democracy. GOP voter suppression laws are trying to make it worse. Trump and Sessions lie about illegal voters with their sham committee featuring Kris Kobach. There are ideas to make voting easier - advance them. Screw the electoral college. Gerrymandering is bad. McCutcheon vs. the FEC makes political corruption easier. Campaign finance reform is needed. Facebook has a fake news problem.
Thing is: the authors contend we're seeing the emergence of what we need in the wake of Trump's win. Want an more engaged populace? Look at the Jan. 21 marches or the airport rallies, or continued protests. Many previously apolitical have become politicized. You got the Indivisible Guide and Daily Action group. Many conservative intellectuals have rejected Trump. That could serve as the harbinger of a realignment, the same way that the departure of the neoconservatives to the GOP helped create one realignment.
There is some good stuff here, but for a book whose point is optimistic, it tended to dwell more on the bad news. Also, while I liked a lot of their ideas, there wasn't always a clear idea (or any idea) of how to achieve them. Maybe that's too high a standard to hold a book to, as it's not bloody likely to solve all problems and have all ideas fully formed in a few months. But the power of the book is diluted as parts read like a random laundry list of possible suggestions and not much more.
The main point of the book is that the Trump stuff we're currently going through can be overcome and even lead to a more vibrant and effective democratic society - but it's gotta take a lot of work, and won't be easy. The main thrust of the book is best expressed in a quote by Pres. Obama 10 days before his term ended. Obama told people to take responsibility for their democracy, "Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking to one of them in real life. If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up, dive it, stay at it."
While it's main message is a note of optimism, there's also a lot of bleak moments here. The book has two parts - 1) Trump and Trumpism, and 2) The Way Forward. The first part makes up about 60% of the book.
The authors note that a lot of Trumpism predated Trump. The GOP was making inroads with the white working class well before Trump. Also, for much of the US, there really was no shift - that was mostly just the Midwest. But it should still concern Democrats that inroads are still increasing. (Also, many of Trump's supporters are actually well-off). Maybe the #1 struggle of this era will be a fight for the truth. There's been a loss on common political conversation since the 1960s, largely driven by the right - and the right helps shape the overall media narrative. We've had things like filibuster usage abuse old norms. Newt Gingrich began an insurgency to try to take down a seemingly permanent House Democrat majority but it's been transformed to a Steve Bannon led crusade for the deconstruction of the administrative state. Populism advances with support of some of the elite - and that's what's happened here. CPAC has shifted from libertarianism to Trumpism. Trump's base is culture/race warriors, but his swing voters are those based on economic concerns. Frankly, much of this first part of the book read like a rehash of following twitter over the last nine months. It was good, but boy was it familiar.
The second part pushes the way forward after Trump. For all the talk of capitalism nowadays, it was actually a mixed economy in the mid-century that worked well. We had the Wagner Act, Highway Act, Ike passed the National Defense Education Act that made education loans for higher education available. The authors note that those who benefited from the GI Bill tended to be more engaged citizens throughout their lives. Maybe we could do something like that now. We need responsive government and responsive corporate behavior - not just corporations beholden to shareholder interest. (OK, nice sentiment - now how do you do it?) HRC's campaign didn't really focus on the depth of economic problems people felt. Only 9% of her ads were on the economy while a third of his were. We need well-off professionals from the anti-Trump coalition - essentially modern Eisenhower Republicans. There's a need for a robust economic agenda. We must confront the problems caused by free trade. This calls for a Charter for American Working Families. It talks about investing in the infranstructure and floats the Universal Basic Income plan. For now, let's protect the existing welfare system. Elizabeth Warren has proposed plans for those living in the gig economy. Build on Obamacare and maybe move to single payer. Recognize that safe neighborhoods and good community-police relations go hand-in-hand. Reform drug laws and gun laws. HRC had good ideas, but not much economic focus (and not much skill at presenting those ideas beyond a laundry list of plans).
There's a need to promote patriotism, not nationalism. It quotes George Orwell saying, that patriotism stems from "devotion to a particular place and a particular way of life" while nationalism "is inseparable from the desire for power." We need to re-link patriotism to our multiethnic culture and advance that in opposition to Trump's nationalism. America First is selfish, not realistic. Trump opposes our allies. We also need to grapple with the causes of nativist backlash. The book compares "neighborhood people" to cosmopolitans. We need a new politics based on empathy.
Civil society and our sense of community has gone down since the 1970s and even more so since 2008. 65% had confidence in organized religion in 1979, 57% in 1996, 52% in 2009, and now just 41%. Banks went from 60% in 1979 to 22% in '08 and up to 27% only. Public schools? From 53% to 30%. Newspapers? 51% to 20%. Organized labor? 36% to 23%. Big business? 32% to 18%. Only small business, the cops, and the military are over 50% now. A growing sense of alienation (bowling alone) helped lead to Trump. Polarization and geographic sorting are both up. We need a vibrant civil society to check Trump. We see religious groups oppose Trump on immigration and the travel ban. We have Rev. Barber and Moral Mondays. Professional groups like lawyers have also helped with the travel ban. Academics have been involved. Average citizens opposing voter restrictions have spoken up. We have national service programs we can build on. Trump slashes these programs, of course.
Democracy must be a means, and an ends for the movement. We gotta get more to vote. If you see other Americans as evil, that's bad for democracy. GOP voter suppression laws are trying to make it worse. Trump and Sessions lie about illegal voters with their sham committee featuring Kris Kobach. There are ideas to make voting easier - advance them. Screw the electoral college. Gerrymandering is bad. McCutcheon vs. the FEC makes political corruption easier. Campaign finance reform is needed. Facebook has a fake news problem.
Thing is: the authors contend we're seeing the emergence of what we need in the wake of Trump's win. Want an more engaged populace? Look at the Jan. 21 marches or the airport rallies, or continued protests. Many previously apolitical have become politicized. You got the Indivisible Guide and Daily Action group. Many conservative intellectuals have rejected Trump. That could serve as the harbinger of a realignment, the same way that the departure of the neoconservatives to the GOP helped create one realignment.
There is some good stuff here, but for a book whose point is optimistic, it tended to dwell more on the bad news. Also, while I liked a lot of their ideas, there wasn't always a clear idea (or any idea) of how to achieve them. Maybe that's too high a standard to hold a book to, as it's not bloody likely to solve all problems and have all ideas fully formed in a few months. But the power of the book is diluted as parts read like a random laundry list of possible suggestions and not much more.
January 16, 2018
Update 1/16/18:
Right now, we are a nation divided. I think a better title for this book might have been "One Nation, United and Stronger Than Ever". Trump does play a role in certain areas where improvements are needed, but let's be real: every President plays a role in improving areas such as health care, climate, conditions of roads and buildings, our education system, etc. It's misleading to point to Trump and infer that everything that needs improving is Trump's fault, as it's the fault of millions of us, maybe even all of us. There are many suggested improvements in voting and in other issues listed in this book: I'd like to name a few:
1) Texas's voter ID law, passed in 2011, prohibited young people from using their public-university student IDs to vote, but declared that a handgun license was a sufficient form of identification. Studies have shown the more educated one is, the more likely one is to vote liberal/democrat. Therefore, Texas was ahead of the game: lets not allow those who want higher education to vote, but let's ensure people with guns are allowed to vote. And that certainly worked in Trump's favor. I do believe a person should have some kind of ID to prove who they are and to ensure they don't vote more than once. But the proof can't be selective: Have ID? Then Vote! I like Australian's idea best. In 1924, Australia adopted a law requiring all citizens to present themselves at polls on Election Day (exceptions were allowed, such as illness or foreign travel). They didn't have to mark the ballot, but they had to pay a fine of $20 if they didn't show up. The Impact? The turnout in Australia was 60% in the early 1920s. But in the 1925 election, the turnout soared to 91%, and it has stood at over 90 % ever since.
2) Get rid of the electoral college. Metropolitan areas are going to keep growing, therefore giving smaller populated states more and more power.
3) Extend the number of pre-vote days so that those older or ill have more time to vote. In Florida, before the 2016 election, the time period to vote was shortened and Trump won Florida. But I want to say in my county, Palm Beach, where Trump has a resort, we gave Clinton about 350,000 votes, Trump received about 200,000 votes. So in my county, we knew who was more qualified.
4) Another idea proposed is to have the final voting day consist of 24 hours: Saturday noon to Sunday noon. (The reason Tuesday was chosen in the first place was because Wednesday was traditionally "market day" for the farmers.
5) The Supreme Court: do away with lifetime appointments and have single 18-year terms, staggered so that each president in a term could nominate two justices to fill posts.
6) Yes, let's Buy American. And let's start with Trump setting an example and ensure that all products of Trump's own companies should be Made In America.
7) Leave the ACA as it is until Trump and republicans come up with a promised replacement (yes, that was the campaign rhetoric). "It's a moral disaster, snatching health care away from tens of millions [of Americans] mainly to give the very wealthy a near-trillion-dollar tax cut."
8) Reinstate online privacy protection. Back in the day, we wrote letters and no one was opening most of them before delivering. Now, everything, everything about you, every piece of information in e-mails, can now be read and shared with anyone, anywhere. Technology has given us a way too communicate quickly. However, for example, I don't want any health problems I might share with a friend or cousin via a text handed out to bigpharm, cause then my text inbox would be filled, daily, with thousands of unwanted ads, and everyone in the world would know about my cholesterol count. I don't want this.
9) Allow Mueller to do his job and investigate to find out if the Russian government influenced the election. This is a HUGE issue. We gotta know the truth. Because for whoever is elected President in 2020 (and yes, absolutely, Trump could be elected again), I'd like to know for sure there was no outside interference, and I would think we all agree on that.
Again, most of the details of this book are already known or can be found anywhere on the internet. There was nothing completely jaw-dropping here. The writing is clear and concise, and again, this is a good 3 star read. And no doubt you will find issues far more impactful than the ones I mention above (all mentioned right here in this book). And although this book is interesting, there is one big flaw: how America can get to "one nation" isn't explained specifically explained, but there are lots of places to start within these pages. (And to my goodreads friends, if you're still reading another of my rambling reviews, well, thanks.)
Original Review 1/15/18:
I'll just simply quote things from this book and award this book a 3 star rating, an interesting read. "...a Russian military intelligence unit had...executed a cyberattack on at least one U.S. voting software supplier and sent spear-fishing emails to more than 100 local election officials just before the 2016 election." And then Comey started talking (again, after 14 investigations), about Hillary's emails just days before the election and Hillary STILL received 2.9 million more votes!!! And about breaking laws: Trump has acknowledged that winning the presidency has made his brand "hotter": membership for his Palm Beach resort doubled its membership fee to $200,000 after the election. That's an absolute violation of Article 2, Section 1, of the US Constitution!!!. Then the book offers some interesting fixes like 1) the revolutionary idea of counting each vote as one vote so that in America, 1=1!!! and 2) the US should rejoin the Paris Agreement climate initiative from which Trump withdrew thus joining Syria and Nicaragua as the only countries in the world not a part of the Paris Agreement!!! and 3) "We should take pride in the United States' exceptional ability to absorb newcomers, and also in their own intense desire to be American!!! Okay, all those exclamation points are mine. Most of this material is already familiar to many Americans, so there are no surprises here. And again, a good, 3-star read.
Right now, we are a nation divided. I think a better title for this book might have been "One Nation, United and Stronger Than Ever". Trump does play a role in certain areas where improvements are needed, but let's be real: every President plays a role in improving areas such as health care, climate, conditions of roads and buildings, our education system, etc. It's misleading to point to Trump and infer that everything that needs improving is Trump's fault, as it's the fault of millions of us, maybe even all of us. There are many suggested improvements in voting and in other issues listed in this book: I'd like to name a few:
1) Texas's voter ID law, passed in 2011, prohibited young people from using their public-university student IDs to vote, but declared that a handgun license was a sufficient form of identification. Studies have shown the more educated one is, the more likely one is to vote liberal/democrat. Therefore, Texas was ahead of the game: lets not allow those who want higher education to vote, but let's ensure people with guns are allowed to vote. And that certainly worked in Trump's favor. I do believe a person should have some kind of ID to prove who they are and to ensure they don't vote more than once. But the proof can't be selective: Have ID? Then Vote! I like Australian's idea best. In 1924, Australia adopted a law requiring all citizens to present themselves at polls on Election Day (exceptions were allowed, such as illness or foreign travel). They didn't have to mark the ballot, but they had to pay a fine of $20 if they didn't show up. The Impact? The turnout in Australia was 60% in the early 1920s. But in the 1925 election, the turnout soared to 91%, and it has stood at over 90 % ever since.
2) Get rid of the electoral college. Metropolitan areas are going to keep growing, therefore giving smaller populated states more and more power.
3) Extend the number of pre-vote days so that those older or ill have more time to vote. In Florida, before the 2016 election, the time period to vote was shortened and Trump won Florida. But I want to say in my county, Palm Beach, where Trump has a resort, we gave Clinton about 350,000 votes, Trump received about 200,000 votes. So in my county, we knew who was more qualified.
4) Another idea proposed is to have the final voting day consist of 24 hours: Saturday noon to Sunday noon. (The reason Tuesday was chosen in the first place was because Wednesday was traditionally "market day" for the farmers.
5) The Supreme Court: do away with lifetime appointments and have single 18-year terms, staggered so that each president in a term could nominate two justices to fill posts.
6) Yes, let's Buy American. And let's start with Trump setting an example and ensure that all products of Trump's own companies should be Made In America.
7) Leave the ACA as it is until Trump and republicans come up with a promised replacement (yes, that was the campaign rhetoric). "It's a moral disaster, snatching health care away from tens of millions [of Americans] mainly to give the very wealthy a near-trillion-dollar tax cut."
8) Reinstate online privacy protection. Back in the day, we wrote letters and no one was opening most of them before delivering. Now, everything, everything about you, every piece of information in e-mails, can now be read and shared with anyone, anywhere. Technology has given us a way too communicate quickly. However, for example, I don't want any health problems I might share with a friend or cousin via a text handed out to bigpharm, cause then my text inbox would be filled, daily, with thousands of unwanted ads, and everyone in the world would know about my cholesterol count. I don't want this.
9) Allow Mueller to do his job and investigate to find out if the Russian government influenced the election. This is a HUGE issue. We gotta know the truth. Because for whoever is elected President in 2020 (and yes, absolutely, Trump could be elected again), I'd like to know for sure there was no outside interference, and I would think we all agree on that.
Again, most of the details of this book are already known or can be found anywhere on the internet. There was nothing completely jaw-dropping here. The writing is clear and concise, and again, this is a good 3 star read. And no doubt you will find issues far more impactful than the ones I mention above (all mentioned right here in this book). And although this book is interesting, there is one big flaw: how America can get to "one nation" isn't explained specifically explained, but there are lots of places to start within these pages. (And to my goodreads friends, if you're still reading another of my rambling reviews, well, thanks.)
Original Review 1/15/18:
I'll just simply quote things from this book and award this book a 3 star rating, an interesting read. "...a Russian military intelligence unit had...executed a cyberattack on at least one U.S. voting software supplier and sent spear-fishing emails to more than 100 local election officials just before the 2016 election." And then Comey started talking (again, after 14 investigations), about Hillary's emails just days before the election and Hillary STILL received 2.9 million more votes!!! And about breaking laws: Trump has acknowledged that winning the presidency has made his brand "hotter": membership for his Palm Beach resort doubled its membership fee to $200,000 after the election. That's an absolute violation of Article 2, Section 1, of the US Constitution!!!. Then the book offers some interesting fixes like 1) the revolutionary idea of counting each vote as one vote so that in America, 1=1!!! and 2) the US should rejoin the Paris Agreement climate initiative from which Trump withdrew thus joining Syria and Nicaragua as the only countries in the world not a part of the Paris Agreement!!! and 3) "We should take pride in the United States' exceptional ability to absorb newcomers, and also in their own intense desire to be American!!! Okay, all those exclamation points are mine. Most of this material is already familiar to many Americans, so there are no surprises here. And again, a good, 3-star read.
January 31, 2018
This book has some useful information in it about some specific aspects of Trumpism, but the solution offered (a new fusion party of centrist Dems and neocons) as well as the explanation for current conditions are shallow and superficial.
October 19, 2017
This is a very good book. However if you have followed what's been going on for a long, maybe not quite as good. It really didn't tell me much that I didn't already know.
April 22, 2018
By the standards of popular voting (and opinion), Donald Trump is an illegitimate President, elected to office by the quirk we know as the Electoral College where voting is informed by entitlement and gerrymandered districts, a throwback to the times where Houses of Parliament were populated by those who owed their wealth and livelihoods to the King, an poorly conceived solution to the founders' original problems associated in the 178os with approving a Constitution and forming a government.
Three Beltway Insiders, all competent and opposed to the policies and legislative initiative advanced by Donald Trump, have provided a look at the reasons Trump was elected President in the 2016 Presidential election, reasons Hillary Clinton did not win that election, and what those who oppose Trump must do to send him off and win the hearts and minds of American voters.
What they suggest is doable, plausible, and acceptable to me, a voter who predicted that Barack Obama would become President even before he announced his candidacy, who voted enthusiastically for him twice, who felt disappointment at certain of his decisions (among them not to engage the American people in a discussion of the morality of assassinating Osama Bin Laden, led by Obama himself, the moral law professor, and handing off the design and implementation of the Affordable Care Act to the Senate, led by Democrats who had accepted huge amounts of money from the insurance and pharmaceutical industries), and who truly believed him to be the best of the Presidents in my lifetime under conditions as difficult as those in the 1930s.
But I disagree on 2 major points and am willing to argue those points with the authors. The author first believe that Hillary Clinton lost the election because she failed to project an agenda that appealed to the most disaffected Americans, those who suffered (as all of us did) from the 2008 financial collapse but who did recover witht the rest of us, and second, that J.D. Vance described that plight of so many Americans to whom Trump made illusory promises he failed to keep and Clinton simply ignored when she did not go to them, plead her case with them, and inspire them with an economic agenda which promised to diminish the wealth and income gaps that have given the wealthy most of the benefits of economic growth, but left the vulnerable behind.
What both assertions overlook is that Hillary Clinton--the wife of the founder of the Clinton Foundation and the person who habitually accepted $500,000 checks from bankers and other lobbying groups--along with J.D. Vance were both pretty much part of that affluent, "I'm here to help you, so trust me" cadre that made their apologeas insincere to most people.
Clinton indeed lost the election because she failed to induce almost 10 percent of those who voted for Barack Obama to vote for her. Her unfavorable ratings were, at times, during the election cycle lower than Trump's even though she was perceived as perhaps the most qualified person ever to seek the Presidency and the polls supported that conclusion. She failed to articulate an economic agenda that resonated with the vulnerable.
But it was easy to see as the campaigning progressed that Mrs. Clinton was not pulling ahead of Trump in key places like Iowa, Michigan, even Pennsylvania, where it was inconceiveable that that Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and the suburbs of those cities would allow Clinton to blow Trump off the Pennsylvania map. So what happened? I believe that Republicans who would vote for cockroach if the GOP had nominated a cockroach voted exactly as they always did, and those who hated Trump but despised Clinton voted for Trump. She was destined to lose, in other words, and there is no sugarcoating that.
Three Beltway Insiders, all competent and opposed to the policies and legislative initiative advanced by Donald Trump, have provided a look at the reasons Trump was elected President in the 2016 Presidential election, reasons Hillary Clinton did not win that election, and what those who oppose Trump must do to send him off and win the hearts and minds of American voters.
What they suggest is doable, plausible, and acceptable to me, a voter who predicted that Barack Obama would become President even before he announced his candidacy, who voted enthusiastically for him twice, who felt disappointment at certain of his decisions (among them not to engage the American people in a discussion of the morality of assassinating Osama Bin Laden, led by Obama himself, the moral law professor, and handing off the design and implementation of the Affordable Care Act to the Senate, led by Democrats who had accepted huge amounts of money from the insurance and pharmaceutical industries), and who truly believed him to be the best of the Presidents in my lifetime under conditions as difficult as those in the 1930s.
But I disagree on 2 major points and am willing to argue those points with the authors. The author first believe that Hillary Clinton lost the election because she failed to project an agenda that appealed to the most disaffected Americans, those who suffered (as all of us did) from the 2008 financial collapse but who did recover witht the rest of us, and second, that J.D. Vance described that plight of so many Americans to whom Trump made illusory promises he failed to keep and Clinton simply ignored when she did not go to them, plead her case with them, and inspire them with an economic agenda which promised to diminish the wealth and income gaps that have given the wealthy most of the benefits of economic growth, but left the vulnerable behind.
What both assertions overlook is that Hillary Clinton--the wife of the founder of the Clinton Foundation and the person who habitually accepted $500,000 checks from bankers and other lobbying groups--along with J.D. Vance were both pretty much part of that affluent, "I'm here to help you, so trust me" cadre that made their apologeas insincere to most people.
Clinton indeed lost the election because she failed to induce almost 10 percent of those who voted for Barack Obama to vote for her. Her unfavorable ratings were, at times, during the election cycle lower than Trump's even though she was perceived as perhaps the most qualified person ever to seek the Presidency and the polls supported that conclusion. She failed to articulate an economic agenda that resonated with the vulnerable.
But it was easy to see as the campaigning progressed that Mrs. Clinton was not pulling ahead of Trump in key places like Iowa, Michigan, even Pennsylvania, where it was inconceiveable that that Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and the suburbs of those cities would allow Clinton to blow Trump off the Pennsylvania map. So what happened? I believe that Republicans who would vote for cockroach if the GOP had nominated a cockroach voted exactly as they always did, and those who hated Trump but despised Clinton voted for Trump. She was destined to lose, in other words, and there is no sugarcoating that.
November 7, 2019
This was a good book containing excellent information on Trump and Trumpism and how as a nation and as individuals we can move forward to resolve the issues which led to a Trump presidency. The book is divided into two parts. The first is an analysis of the history and events which led to the election of Trump. The second is a discussion of how to begin to resolve the many aspects of our economy and our government that plagued us prior to the election of 2016 and continue to cause inequities in our country today. I would have given this book five stars but it left we with wanting more. This is hard to describe, but I felt, the authors could have expanded the second secton of the book. It was a worthwhile read and those interested in this topic would certainly find new analysis within it's pages.
October 12, 2017
It's easy to like a political book when you agree with everything the writers say. I appreciate that these liberal journalists not only clearly described the problems that led to Trumpism but also offered solutions. I especially liked the recommendations for eliminating the rigged electoral college, but I wish they had told us how we can change the way Senators are allocated so that sparsely populated Wyoming and densely populated California won't have the same number of Senators.
October 17, 2017
I had hoped for a bit more optimism, but I guess I'll take what I can get.
November 6, 2017
Interesting, by turns frustrating and enlightening, book. Some of the insights shared by the three authors are intriguing: how, for example, the rise of the suburban shopping mall altered the advertising structures (and thus revenue) of the daily newspaper (which, by the way, until fairly recent times, was always a partisan instrument). They point the finger at former House Speaker Newt Gingrich as the person most responsible for changing the atmosphere in Washington from one of coalition and cooperation to one of "partisan militancy." Part of the book gives the authors' reasons for considering Donald Trump a dangerous man as President; part of the book analyzes the reasons for his success; the final part makes some concrete suggestions as to how things can be changed for the better. Some of the suggestions are IMHO good ones -- moving Election Day to a Saturday (to maximize turnout) and making it a national holiday, for example. Others I find less commendable: amending the Constitution to provide for Supreme Court term limits (to prevent especially ideological Presidents from appointing younger judges) (I believe it might be better to have mandatory minimum ages for Supreme Court justices). -- The book is thoroughly documented and provokes thought (and, in my case, at least, much emotion).
January 10, 2018
When I started reading this I wondered was there anything new to learn? There certainly is, I think the description of why folks voted for Trump was excellent and how the Democrats did not address this important part of our population was also good. The authors range from liberal to moderate conservative but there also were quotes from folks in the Tea Party movement. The election of Trump is a symptom of larger problems with the body politic and need to be addressed. The authors don't leave the reader hanging, they address possible solutions.
November 9, 2017
I wasn't sure I wanted to read this book because I didn't particularly want to read a Trump bashing book. I am so GLAD that I read it anyway. I would encourage even Pres Trump supporters to read this book as some excellent suggestions and ideas are offered that would benefit everyone. Numerous times I found myself saying, "What a terrific idea!--I hadn't thought of that!" I would like to read the book again and ponder more on what I can personally do.
January 11, 2018
Read this book.
This is an essential read for Trump’s presidency and really, probably after it as well. If you read no other political book during this era, read this one. It does not have new diagnoses of Trumpism, but it does have new and fascinating broad policy proposals for correcting, reinforcing, and redirecting our democracy towards more equitable and purely democratic ideals.
This is an essential read for Trump’s presidency and really, probably after it as well. If you read no other political book during this era, read this one. It does not have new diagnoses of Trumpism, but it does have new and fascinating broad policy proposals for correcting, reinforcing, and redirecting our democracy towards more equitable and purely democratic ideals.
January 16, 2018
The title markets the book to those who do not want Trump as president. The content supports this. It tells you what you want to hear. There are some interesting talking points, but overall the book lacks depth and direction.
February 15, 2018
A rehashing of Trumps first year. Some good comments/lines.
January 14, 2018
A thoughtful book with policies that our democracy should incorporate. Strategies for civic-minded citizens.
February 22, 2018
Tepid critique of "Trumpism" and how to defeat it.
June 6, 2019
Everyone has an opinion of President Trump’s foibles. Here the authors offer their opinions.
Read
October 9, 2017Review One Nation After Trump E.J. Dionne, Norman Ornstein, and Thomas Mann
What follows Trump and Trumpism?
I happened upon this book in The Bunch of Grapes, an independent bookstore in Martha’s Vineyard which I have never left without finding a writing treasure. I picked up and put down the book several times. Did I really want to delve any further into the Trump quagmire? I finally let my sense of obligation to my country overcome the increasing trepidation I have felt since the last election day.
I feared it might just be another diatribe against Trump. I imagined everything the authors might say. Once I began the book, I discovered that they had a plan which made sense to me and offered hope for the future of our country.
They distinguished between the person of Donald Trump and his disregard for the traditions, values and customs of our country and the movement of Trumpism which has taken on a life of its own and created its own horrors.
Part one chronicles the descent of the disaffected into a world of resentment, cynicism and anger about the loss of standing, chiefly of white males who have declined from the relative prosperity they had achieved over many decades. This dissatisfaction has focused on nonwhites and immigrants as the reason for their decline. Their white plight has resulted in a combination of racism directed toward minorities who could further erode their economic wellbeing and protectionism from those who would come to their country and take what little they had left. In addition to explaining the nature of this movement, the authors also demonstrate how cultural, economic and political trends have fueled the rise of Trumpism over a period of decades.
The second part of the book outlines possibilities for moving forward as a society rather than disintegrating into irrelevance. They suggest ways that patriotism can be reborn, how a new civil society can be reborn and how conservative and progressive ways of thought can come together to restore our standing with ourselves and with other nations while bringing hope to disaffected white males as well as the groups against which they rail.
In my opinion, this book is a comprehensive, thoroughly researched manual for understanding the state to which we have descended and ways we can all work together to bring ourselves back to our roots and convictions.
What follows Trump and Trumpism?
I happened upon this book in The Bunch of Grapes, an independent bookstore in Martha’s Vineyard which I have never left without finding a writing treasure. I picked up and put down the book several times. Did I really want to delve any further into the Trump quagmire? I finally let my sense of obligation to my country overcome the increasing trepidation I have felt since the last election day.
I feared it might just be another diatribe against Trump. I imagined everything the authors might say. Once I began the book, I discovered that they had a plan which made sense to me and offered hope for the future of our country.
They distinguished between the person of Donald Trump and his disregard for the traditions, values and customs of our country and the movement of Trumpism which has taken on a life of its own and created its own horrors.
Part one chronicles the descent of the disaffected into a world of resentment, cynicism and anger about the loss of standing, chiefly of white males who have declined from the relative prosperity they had achieved over many decades. This dissatisfaction has focused on nonwhites and immigrants as the reason for their decline. Their white plight has resulted in a combination of racism directed toward minorities who could further erode their economic wellbeing and protectionism from those who would come to their country and take what little they had left. In addition to explaining the nature of this movement, the authors also demonstrate how cultural, economic and political trends have fueled the rise of Trumpism over a period of decades.
The second part of the book outlines possibilities for moving forward as a society rather than disintegrating into irrelevance. They suggest ways that patriotism can be reborn, how a new civil society can be reborn and how conservative and progressive ways of thought can come together to restore our standing with ourselves and with other nations while bringing hope to disaffected white males as well as the groups against which they rail.
In my opinion, this book is a comprehensive, thoroughly researched manual for understanding the state to which we have descended and ways we can all work together to bring ourselves back to our roots and convictions.
July 19, 2018
One might assume from the seemingly tongue-in-cheek subtitle to this book that it is an anti-45 screed, but actually, One Nation After Trump is something else altogether. It is laid out in two parts, the first being an overview of "Trumpism" and all of the factors that led to the result of the 2016 presidential election. The second part is titled "The Way Forward" and is a reasoned, foot-noted, eloquent proposal/plan for how those who did not vote for the current president (and those who did) can move forward with a positive personal and political agenda that eschews the current atmosphere that is dominated by "truthiness", authoritarianism, fake populism, and xenophobia.
The main thrust of this second section, which will be to the relief of some and chagrin of others, is that to really move forward and enact a hopeful vision of America, all of America's citizens must exercise a healthy dose of empathy for those they disagree with. Those who voted for the current president and those who didn't, must snap out of the vitriolic spell they are under and try to comprehend why people they can't understand are acting in ways they can't currently fathom. Just because you disagree with someone's position on a certain topic, doesn't mean you can't take time to understand why they hold that position. It doesn't mean you have to agree with them, just that you really take time to consider their worldview and why they feel the way they do.
The plan laid out is sweeping in scope and touches just about every part of society, utilizing concepts and approaches that range from conservative to moderate to liberal - encompassing both nationalist and globalist outlooks, private sector and government funded initiatives - all together to form one overarching approach that would benefit the entire U.S. population.
The opening and closing of the book both highlight the traditional motto of the United States - E Pluribus Unum (Out of many, one) to laser focus on what is (or should be) the most important aspect of American society. Diversity is our strength, not our weakness. This refers NOT just to ethnic diversity but also economic, idealistic, regional and cultural diversity of all types - working together to support one another. Our society, despite the clarion call issuing forth from certain manic sectors of society, is NOT a zero-sum game. In fact, when all parts of society are working towards the same goal(s) it can quickly become a win-win scenario, which is exactly what the authors lay out in detail here. Instead of picking one way of approaching a problem, being open to multiple, interlocking and complementary approaches usually leads to the best outcome for all parties.
There is a long tradition in the U.S. and worldwide throughout history of would-be leaders and politicians who exploit human tendencies towards fear, isolation, protectionism, and prejudice to extract quick and dirty political gain, as well as control once in a position of power. This is always in detriment to the society being manipulated, but sadly, usually a very effective means to manipulate a society or electorate without needing to resort to the hard work of actually implementing (or even thinking about) actual programs or proposals that would, say, lift wages, improve infrastructure, reduce unemployment, raise birth rates and/or lower mortality rates, create jobs or even instill goodwill towards our fellow man. It's easier to scare people than it is to inspire them.
One Nation After Trump refuses to be cowed by the current political atmosphere and instead urges not just those who are unhappy with our current president but also (more importantly) those who ARE happy with him to turn away from divisive thoughts and behaviors in order to embrace the ideals the United States of America was founded on.
"Out of many, one."
"We, the people... in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
"We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
Or in the (literally) immortal words of Jesus: "Do not repay evil with evil or insult with insult. On the contrary, repay evil with blessing, because to this you were called so that you may inherit a blessing." 1 Peter 3:9
Instead of just dismissing someone who voted for "the other" candidate, engage them. Stop talking and start listening. Refuse to be goaded into picking one side and hating those on the other side. Break the shackles of dogmatic ideology and think beyond the borders offered to you by leaders of any party. It's only when we, as a society, appeal to the "better angels of our nature" that the magic really happens. The U.S.A. has been through some very ugly, divided and bitter times in the past and we have always emerged stronger and better, more connected and not less, aiming higher instead of lower, thinking bigger instead of smaller. We will prevail together, or not prevail at all.
The main thrust of this second section, which will be to the relief of some and chagrin of others, is that to really move forward and enact a hopeful vision of America, all of America's citizens must exercise a healthy dose of empathy for those they disagree with. Those who voted for the current president and those who didn't, must snap out of the vitriolic spell they are under and try to comprehend why people they can't understand are acting in ways they can't currently fathom. Just because you disagree with someone's position on a certain topic, doesn't mean you can't take time to understand why they hold that position. It doesn't mean you have to agree with them, just that you really take time to consider their worldview and why they feel the way they do.
The plan laid out is sweeping in scope and touches just about every part of society, utilizing concepts and approaches that range from conservative to moderate to liberal - encompassing both nationalist and globalist outlooks, private sector and government funded initiatives - all together to form one overarching approach that would benefit the entire U.S. population.
The opening and closing of the book both highlight the traditional motto of the United States - E Pluribus Unum (Out of many, one) to laser focus on what is (or should be) the most important aspect of American society. Diversity is our strength, not our weakness. This refers NOT just to ethnic diversity but also economic, idealistic, regional and cultural diversity of all types - working together to support one another. Our society, despite the clarion call issuing forth from certain manic sectors of society, is NOT a zero-sum game. In fact, when all parts of society are working towards the same goal(s) it can quickly become a win-win scenario, which is exactly what the authors lay out in detail here. Instead of picking one way of approaching a problem, being open to multiple, interlocking and complementary approaches usually leads to the best outcome for all parties.
There is a long tradition in the U.S. and worldwide throughout history of would-be leaders and politicians who exploit human tendencies towards fear, isolation, protectionism, and prejudice to extract quick and dirty political gain, as well as control once in a position of power. This is always in detriment to the society being manipulated, but sadly, usually a very effective means to manipulate a society or electorate without needing to resort to the hard work of actually implementing (or even thinking about) actual programs or proposals that would, say, lift wages, improve infrastructure, reduce unemployment, raise birth rates and/or lower mortality rates, create jobs or even instill goodwill towards our fellow man. It's easier to scare people than it is to inspire them.
One Nation After Trump refuses to be cowed by the current political atmosphere and instead urges not just those who are unhappy with our current president but also (more importantly) those who ARE happy with him to turn away from divisive thoughts and behaviors in order to embrace the ideals the United States of America was founded on.
"Out of many, one."
"We, the people... in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
"We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
Or in the (literally) immortal words of Jesus: "Do not repay evil with evil or insult with insult. On the contrary, repay evil with blessing, because to this you were called so that you may inherit a blessing." 1 Peter 3:9
Instead of just dismissing someone who voted for "the other" candidate, engage them. Stop talking and start listening. Refuse to be goaded into picking one side and hating those on the other side. Break the shackles of dogmatic ideology and think beyond the borders offered to you by leaders of any party. It's only when we, as a society, appeal to the "better angels of our nature" that the magic really happens. The U.S.A. has been through some very ugly, divided and bitter times in the past and we have always emerged stronger and better, more connected and not less, aiming higher instead of lower, thinking bigger instead of smaller. We will prevail together, or not prevail at all.
October 18, 2017
I received a copy of this audiobook through a Goodreads giveaway.
This is basically a well researched post mortem of the national and international crisis that is the result of the 2016 election- the election of Trump. I found it an informative walk through recent history. The authors avoid oversimplifying the motives of Trump voters. The last part of the book is a call to action to mend our broken democracy which offer some hope for those of us who want to wake up from this nightmare. This book worked well in audio format and got me through some long commutes.
This is basically a well researched post mortem of the national and international crisis that is the result of the 2016 election- the election of Trump. I found it an informative walk through recent history. The authors avoid oversimplifying the motives of Trump voters. The last part of the book is a call to action to mend our broken democracy which offer some hope for those of us who want to wake up from this nightmare. This book worked well in audio format and got me through some long commutes.
January 11, 2018
Another wonderful book to help us through the resistance. Highly recommended.
December 19, 2017
I have always enjoyed and respected Norm Ornstein. This one, with EJ Dionne did not disappoint. They did not employ easy shortcuts, or resort to name-calling.
This was another well researched and carefully crafted description of the difficult disruption we are currently living and recommended remedies for the future.
This was another well researched and carefully crafted description of the difficult disruption we are currently living and recommended remedies for the future.
October 26, 2017
A trio of respected scholars provide an intelligent analysis of how and why America elected Donald Trump, examining the cultural, economic and electoral factors behind Trump’s victory. Written from a progressive perspective, the book’s final chapters comprise a manifesto for change, concluding that “the rise of Trump underscores the need for a new era of democratic reform rivaling the most transformative periods in our nation’s history.”
March 21, 2019
There was a lot of stuff in the first part that was a re-hash of the events of 2016 and the first year or so of 45. Still, I didn't mind, because it's intellectually useful to have a catalog of outrages, to cut through the inevitable numbness that sets in with sheer repetition.
Even though this book is about "Trumpism", it's not really about 45: Trump is too lazy to understand his parties' policies, and too incompetent and self-absorbed to fight for those policies. His (fake) populism derives not from any set of core beliefs, but is rather a kind of self-marketing strategy. The success of this strategy speaks to a reservoir of genuine populist sentiment whose existence should tell the elites that "the system is not working".
The last section of the book turns optimistic and forward-looking, and contains prescriptions for where we go from here. I see some have dismissed these prescriptions as unhelpful or vague. I actually did find that there were actionable items, depending on one's ambition and skills. To be sure, there were high-minded prescriptions for more "deliberative democracy" and a resurrection of "the lost art of argument", genuine argument being a form of education.
But he quoted an Obama speech, which Obama delivered in the weeks after the election and prior to the end of his term. Obama exhorted Americans to take responsibility for the health of our democracy: "show up, dive in, stay at it". And following this he mentions several non-government organizations that citizens can get involved with, such as Indivisible.
Wrapping up, he returns again to general exhortations for (among others) "fusionism", the putting aside of traditional partisan disagreements in order to deal with the "Trump emergency". He speculates about how current conservative dissidents may follow a path similar to the "neo-cons" who emerged in the 1960s in reaction to perceived liberal over-reach. In his synthesis, these neo-conservatives spent a decade or more pretending to still be liberals before becoming part of the Reagan revolution. It's possible that voices such as David Frum and many others may ultimately become a distinct group like "neo-moderates". An arresting idea is that the important disagreements today are not "Liberal versus Conservative", but "Liberty versus not".
A ringing closing idea is that we must work to restore the dignity and the majesty of self-government. That's an inspiring idea. I'm not a "joiner" by nature, but I went to Indivisible.org, found a local chapter, and signed up. Count me in!
Even though this book is about "Trumpism", it's not really about 45: Trump is too lazy to understand his parties' policies, and too incompetent and self-absorbed to fight for those policies. His (fake) populism derives not from any set of core beliefs, but is rather a kind of self-marketing strategy. The success of this strategy speaks to a reservoir of genuine populist sentiment whose existence should tell the elites that "the system is not working".
The last section of the book turns optimistic and forward-looking, and contains prescriptions for where we go from here. I see some have dismissed these prescriptions as unhelpful or vague. I actually did find that there were actionable items, depending on one's ambition and skills. To be sure, there were high-minded prescriptions for more "deliberative democracy" and a resurrection of "the lost art of argument", genuine argument being a form of education.
But he quoted an Obama speech, which Obama delivered in the weeks after the election and prior to the end of his term. Obama exhorted Americans to take responsibility for the health of our democracy: "show up, dive in, stay at it". And following this he mentions several non-government organizations that citizens can get involved with, such as Indivisible.
Wrapping up, he returns again to general exhortations for (among others) "fusionism", the putting aside of traditional partisan disagreements in order to deal with the "Trump emergency". He speculates about how current conservative dissidents may follow a path similar to the "neo-cons" who emerged in the 1960s in reaction to perceived liberal over-reach. In his synthesis, these neo-conservatives spent a decade or more pretending to still be liberals before becoming part of the Reagan revolution. It's possible that voices such as David Frum and many others may ultimately become a distinct group like "neo-moderates". An arresting idea is that the important disagreements today are not "Liberal versus Conservative", but "Liberty versus not".
A ringing closing idea is that we must work to restore the dignity and the majesty of self-government. That's an inspiring idea. I'm not a "joiner" by nature, but I went to Indivisible.org, found a local chapter, and signed up. Count me in!
April 12, 2018
TITLE: One Nation After Trump: A Guide for the Perplexed, the Disillusioned, the Desperate, and the Not-Yet Deported
WHY I CHOSE THIS BOOK: It meets my reading challenge being connected to the book before it, The New Freedom, both being about or by a UA president
REVIEW: You would think this book would be very depressing. It certainly had its moments of being a bit depressing and reminding you of things that make you angry. But on the whole it was inspiring and hopeful. Three different investigative journalists analyze the rise of Trump and talk about what we need to do combat his influence. Unlike reading a book by Bill O'Reilly or Glenn Beck that feels like it is all opinion and no research, this book was well researched and referenced. How refreshing. I particularly liked the section done by E.J. Dione. He just seemed the most coherent and offered the most practical solutions. I appreciated his we all had a role to play in the disaster that is Trump's shocking election and disastrous presidency. Not that certain factors and people didn't play a larger role but you can't just point to one thing. His idea that to affect change moving forward we have to show compassion to those who made a choice we think horrible and that we have to try to understand where they are coming from. I can hear what some of you are saying. I will not legitimize stupidity and hate. They don't try to understand me. I don't think he is saying that. Having compassion does not mean you don't hold people accountable. It doesn't mean you don't expect them to be informed and compassionate themselves. It does mean that when you hold them accountable you don't do so with anger/hatred but with compassion which allows them grace and you to be flexible where you need to be. It means you go beyond name calling while holding people accountable for their actions and ideas. We should try to understand not just for their sake but for our sake. Understanding doesn't mean determining what someone did or thought was okay - just understanding the why. Understanding the why because even if it doesn't excuse the what it both might bring to light a legitimate grievance - again doesn't mean it justifies their actions but it still may be something that should be redressed - and understanding might help us combat those negative actions/feelings. You don't want to become the evil that you are fighting.
REVIEW STILL PROGRESS
WHY I CHOSE THIS BOOK: It meets my reading challenge being connected to the book before it, The New Freedom, both being about or by a UA president
REVIEW: You would think this book would be very depressing. It certainly had its moments of being a bit depressing and reminding you of things that make you angry. But on the whole it was inspiring and hopeful. Three different investigative journalists analyze the rise of Trump and talk about what we need to do combat his influence. Unlike reading a book by Bill O'Reilly or Glenn Beck that feels like it is all opinion and no research, this book was well researched and referenced. How refreshing. I particularly liked the section done by E.J. Dione. He just seemed the most coherent and offered the most practical solutions. I appreciated his we all had a role to play in the disaster that is Trump's shocking election and disastrous presidency. Not that certain factors and people didn't play a larger role but you can't just point to one thing. His idea that to affect change moving forward we have to show compassion to those who made a choice we think horrible and that we have to try to understand where they are coming from. I can hear what some of you are saying. I will not legitimize stupidity and hate. They don't try to understand me. I don't think he is saying that. Having compassion does not mean you don't hold people accountable. It doesn't mean you don't expect them to be informed and compassionate themselves. It does mean that when you hold them accountable you don't do so with anger/hatred but with compassion which allows them grace and you to be flexible where you need to be. It means you go beyond name calling while holding people accountable for their actions and ideas. We should try to understand not just for their sake but for our sake. Understanding doesn't mean determining what someone did or thought was okay - just understanding the why. Understanding the why because even if it doesn't excuse the what it both might bring to light a legitimate grievance - again doesn't mean it justifies their actions but it still may be something that should be redressed - and understanding might help us combat those negative actions/feelings. You don't want to become the evil that you are fighting.
REVIEW STILL PROGRESS
January 20, 2018
The author poses some good questions about what comes next, but fails to appreciate the extent of the damage to our country and the very idea of democracy that has occurred in just a year. The country will be very different from the one imagined in this book. More salient is Plato's description of how a democracy turns into a tyranny in The Republic. Plato describes not only what happened, what is happening, but also what to expect to happen.
The following are some tidbits of interesting info from the Dionne's book:
"Disorienting the public by blurring the line between fact and falsehood, Alexander Hamilton warned is the trick of the despot whose 'object is to throw things into confusion that he may ride the storm and direct the whirlwind'. It should be clear now that false balances does not serve truth" (63).
"Nikita Khrushchev ordered that the phrase 'enemies of the people' not be used in the USSR because it could encourage murder" (95).
"Peter Pomerantsev wrote in Nothing Is True and Everything is Possible, his book about the Russian media and propaganda landscape, 'the Kremlin has finally mastered the art of fusing reality TV and authoritarianism to keep the great, 140 million-strong population entertained, distracted, constantly exposed to geopolitical nightmares, which if repeated enough times can become infectious" (98).
"Sarah Posner noted in an insightful article in the New Republic, that white southern evangelicals had moved to the Republican Party and political conservatism in the 1960s--long before there was a religious right--in reaction to the passage of civil rights laws under Lyndon Johnson. She noted a galvanizing event in the history of the religious right:the Internal Revenue Service's decision to revoke the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University and other religious schools that discriminated against non-whites. The term 'religious liberty' was linked to segregation" (166).
"'America First' . . . describes an attitude, not a purpose, and it substitutes selfishness for realism" (208).
The following are some tidbits of interesting info from the Dionne's book:
"Disorienting the public by blurring the line between fact and falsehood, Alexander Hamilton warned is the trick of the despot whose 'object is to throw things into confusion that he may ride the storm and direct the whirlwind'. It should be clear now that false balances does not serve truth" (63).
"Nikita Khrushchev ordered that the phrase 'enemies of the people' not be used in the USSR because it could encourage murder" (95).
"Peter Pomerantsev wrote in Nothing Is True and Everything is Possible, his book about the Russian media and propaganda landscape, 'the Kremlin has finally mastered the art of fusing reality TV and authoritarianism to keep the great, 140 million-strong population entertained, distracted, constantly exposed to geopolitical nightmares, which if repeated enough times can become infectious" (98).
"Sarah Posner noted in an insightful article in the New Republic, that white southern evangelicals had moved to the Republican Party and political conservatism in the 1960s--long before there was a religious right--in reaction to the passage of civil rights laws under Lyndon Johnson. She noted a galvanizing event in the history of the religious right:the Internal Revenue Service's decision to revoke the tax-exempt status of Bob Jones University and other religious schools that discriminated against non-whites. The term 'religious liberty' was linked to segregation" (166).
"'America First' . . . describes an attitude, not a purpose, and it substitutes selfishness for realism" (208).
June 20, 2019
This is a book well worth the time of anyone who wonders what can be done about the disastrous presidency of Donald Trump.
The authors are already well known, to me and to most people who read about politics. I've been reading Dionne for three decades now in the Wpost, and reading Ornstein and Mann for almost as long. O and M proved more than a decade ago that the change in Washington was mostly a product of asymmetric polarization.
Here, the 3 authors seamlessly weave the tale of Trump's rise, seek to explain how he won, and assess his early months in office. They tell many previously told tales, but they tell them so well they are forgiven. And even for someone who followed Trump obsessively, like me, there are new insights and moments.
The real virtue of the book is the very long section about what is to be done. An earlier O and M book had a lamentably short set of recommendations. This one cannot be accused of the same. I don't agree with all their prescriptions, but it is the best part of the book. There are many diagnoses of the Trump phenom, but very few paths out. This is one. In particular, there emphasis on "never-trumpers" as an important movement even though they are small in number is interesting and I think right. They compare them to the Neocons, who were never large in number but blazed an intellectual trail that changed politics from 1975-2008.
Also worth noting is the ease with which they integrate (and attribute) political science research into their work. They go beyond the headlines and into the academic findings.
Highly recommended.
The authors are already well known, to me and to most people who read about politics. I've been reading Dionne for three decades now in the Wpost, and reading Ornstein and Mann for almost as long. O and M proved more than a decade ago that the change in Washington was mostly a product of asymmetric polarization.
Here, the 3 authors seamlessly weave the tale of Trump's rise, seek to explain how he won, and assess his early months in office. They tell many previously told tales, but they tell them so well they are forgiven. And even for someone who followed Trump obsessively, like me, there are new insights and moments.
The real virtue of the book is the very long section about what is to be done. An earlier O and M book had a lamentably short set of recommendations. This one cannot be accused of the same. I don't agree with all their prescriptions, but it is the best part of the book. There are many diagnoses of the Trump phenom, but very few paths out. This is one. In particular, there emphasis on "never-trumpers" as an important movement even though they are small in number is interesting and I think right. They compare them to the Neocons, who were never large in number but blazed an intellectual trail that changed politics from 1975-2008.
Also worth noting is the ease with which they integrate (and attribute) political science research into their work. They go beyond the headlines and into the academic findings.
Highly recommended.
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