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422 pages, Paperback
First published February 29, 2004
The truth is, however, historians have done a better job excluding African Americans from the suburbs than even white suburbanites. Scholarly neglect notwithstanding, African Americans lived in and moved to suburbs throughout the twentieth century, and black communities served as a social and spatial basis for expanded suburbanization over time. [5]
In the twentieth-century United States, race and class formation were fundamentally spatial processes as well. 25 Though scholars reveal the fluidity and contingency of social identity, as historical distinctions, race and class emerged in the form of devastating material and spatial inequality - differences marked on bodies and inscribed in the land ... The legacy of these inequities, concrete differences among living people, gave life to persistent racial and class identities through time.
On the one hand, race and class subordination branded urban and suburban space. Residential locations were not neutral with respect to social resources. Rather, they reflected positions in a sharply drawn hierarchy of metropolitan spaces that had compounding advantages or disadvantages for those who lived in them. Excluded from metropolitan locations with the greatest advantages -- for example, high-income neighbors, a robust tax base, strong public schools, rapidly climbing property values -- and restricted to those with the fewest, African Americans face persistent spatial inequalities.. Racism not only limited black access to employment, credit, and public facilities, but it ensured that most African Americans lived in a racially separate and materially unequal world.
It's pretty easy to do; I just scare me hell out of them. And that's what we did. We were not only making money, we were having fun doing what we were doing. We all liked selling real estate - if you want to call what we were doing selling real estate. And it got to a point that in order to have fun while we 'were working, we would try to outdo each other with the most outlandish threats that people would believe and chuckle at the end of the day.... I had fun at it. I'd go down the street with a [black] buyer and ask, Which house do you want? He'd pick one, and I'd ring the door bell and say, these people want to buy your house. If the lady said no, I'd say the reason they're so interested is that their cousins, aunts, mother, whatever, it's a family of twelve, are moving in across the street, and they want to be near them. Most of the time, that worked. If that didn't work, you'd say their kid just got out of jail for housebreaking, or rape, or something that would work.[245]
Here I come!
Been saving all my life
To get a nice home
For me and my wife.
White folks flee--
As soon as you see
My problems
And me!
Neighborhood's clean,
But the house is old,
Prices are doubled
When I get sold:
Still I buy.
White folks fly
Soon as you spy
My wife
And I!
- Langston Hughes, "Little Song on Housing" [209]
In the face of white racism, expressed through extraordinary efforts to limit their freedom to occupy, use, or even move through space, they battled to defend and expand the territory available to them. Against this backdrop, African Americans' spatial struggles took on a central place in the freedom movement, their strategies for economic and political empowerment, and contests over racial and class identities.
At the broadest level, this book argues for the centrality of space in the making of race and class in the twentieth century. Among the most obvious features of black suburbanization was the spatial persistence of race over time and, related to that, the consistent struggle over the meaning and advantages that adhered to the places black people lived.[291]