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My Life, Our Times
THE SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER
Gordon Brown has been a guiding force for Britain and the world over three decades. This is his candid, poignant and deeply relevant story.
In describing his upbringing in Scotland as the son of a minister, the near loss of his eyesight as a student and the death of his daughter within days of her birth, he shares the passionately held principles that have shaped and driven him, reminding us that politics can and should be a calling to serve.
He explains how as Chancellor he equipped Britain for a globalised economy while swimming against the neoliberal tide and shows what more must be done to halt rising inequality. In his behind-the-scenes account of the financial crisis and his leading role in saving the world economy from collapse, he addresses the question of who was to blame for the crash and why its causes and consequences still beset us.
From the invasion of Iraq to the tragedy of Afghanistan, from the coalition negotiations of 2010 to the referendums on Scottish independence and Europe, Gordon Brown draws on his unique experiences to explain Britain’s current fractured condition. And by showing us what progressive politics has achieved in recent decades, he inspires us with a vision of what it might yet achieve today.
Gordon Brown has been a guiding force for Britain and the world over three decades. This is his candid, poignant and deeply relevant story.
In describing his upbringing in Scotland as the son of a minister, the near loss of his eyesight as a student and the death of his daughter within days of her birth, he shares the passionately held principles that have shaped and driven him, reminding us that politics can and should be a calling to serve.
He explains how as Chancellor he equipped Britain for a globalised economy while swimming against the neoliberal tide and shows what more must be done to halt rising inequality. In his behind-the-scenes account of the financial crisis and his leading role in saving the world economy from collapse, he addresses the question of who was to blame for the crash and why its causes and consequences still beset us.
From the invasion of Iraq to the tragedy of Afghanistan, from the coalition negotiations of 2010 to the referendums on Scottish independence and Europe, Gordon Brown draws on his unique experiences to explain Britain’s current fractured condition. And by showing us what progressive politics has achieved in recent decades, he inspires us with a vision of what it might yet achieve today.
512 pages, Hardcover
Published November 7, 2017
114 people are currently reading
630 people want to read
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Gordon Brown
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 59 reviews
December 25, 2017
I found this book most interesting. The section of the book about his time as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Tony Blair was the best part of the book. He was the longest serving Chancellor and managed to accomplish many reforms besides saving the UK in the 2008 recession and global financial crisis. He tackled the problem of child poverty and increased the old age pension. He blocked Blair from taking Britain into the Euro. He allowed the Bank of England operational independence. He increased the insurance contribution to the National Health Insurance. Brown also acknowledged his mistakes such as the 10p tax band. He also stated he failed to notice how reckless the banks had become prior to the 2008 crash.
Brown revealed his ugly side when discussing the conflict between himself and Tony Blair. He appeared to primarily blame Blair. In the section about his time as Prime Minister he appeared overwhelmed and unable to cope with crisis after crisis. I admire the fact that he was an idealist and went into politics to help the middle class.
The book is well written. When I read a political memoir, I except the person to present themselves in a possible way. Brown did that. Although in the last part of the book he came across that he was not cut out for the job as Prime Minister, but he was a great Chancellor of the Exchequer. Unlike some politicians he did not analysis his actions either positive or negative. I do appreciate the memoirs where the author is able to do an in-depth analysis of themselves, but I guess that is a fairly rare occurrence. Over all, I enjoyed the book and I learned more about the functioning of the British government. I must do a better job of reading about people in various countries.
I read this as an audiobook downloaded from Audible. Be prepared to spend some time on this book as it is twenty hours long. Gordon Kennedy does a good job narrating the book. Kennedy is a Scottish actor and audiobook narrator.
Brown revealed his ugly side when discussing the conflict between himself and Tony Blair. He appeared to primarily blame Blair. In the section about his time as Prime Minister he appeared overwhelmed and unable to cope with crisis after crisis. I admire the fact that he was an idealist and went into politics to help the middle class.
The book is well written. When I read a political memoir, I except the person to present themselves in a possible way. Brown did that. Although in the last part of the book he came across that he was not cut out for the job as Prime Minister, but he was a great Chancellor of the Exchequer. Unlike some politicians he did not analysis his actions either positive or negative. I do appreciate the memoirs where the author is able to do an in-depth analysis of themselves, but I guess that is a fairly rare occurrence. Over all, I enjoyed the book and I learned more about the functioning of the British government. I must do a better job of reading about people in various countries.
I read this as an audiobook downloaded from Audible. Be prepared to spend some time on this book as it is twenty hours long. Gordon Kennedy does a good job narrating the book. Kennedy is a Scottish actor and audiobook narrator.
August 31, 2023
Prudence with a purpose…
Gordon Brown is the last giant in British politics, last of a long line of Prime Ministers who sought power not so that they could make a fortune on the lecture circuit, but so that they could change society for the better. Their opinions of what “better” looked like varied, but they all shared a commitment and a passion to leave Britain stronger than they found it. Churchill, Wilson, Thatcher, Blair – love them or hate them, their periods in office were influential well beyond the narrow political sphere, each changing the social fabric of the UK and playing a major role on the world stage.
In this memoir, Brown lays out his philosophy for a fairer, more equal society, accepting globalisation as an incontrovertible fact but looking for ways to make it work for the weak as well as the strong, internationalist, and, above all, with the belief that the highest purpose of any politician or government should be to lift children out of poverty and give them the health and educational opportunities to achieve whatever their potential may be. He discusses the policies he put in place to achieve these aims, first as Chancellor, then as Prime Minister, and is as honest about his failures as his successes. He talks about the events, many of them external to the UK or global in nature, that restricted his ability to go at the speed he wished. And he discusses how the job of Prime Minister has changed in the age of 24-hour news where everyone wants a five-second soundbite rather than a considered debate, and where PMs are expected to be the mouthpiece on every policy decision, rather than Cabinet Ministers having responsibility for their own departments. He recognises that this makes the role more Presidential, a change he clearly rues, and that it means that a PM now has to be first and foremost a communicator, even an entertainer, certainly a celebrity, rather than the Chair of a Cabinet of equals. He is honest about his own failings in that respect.
In terms of policy, Brown is the politician I have most admired in my lifetime. It was rare for me ever to disagree with his policies, as Chancellor or PM, and his political priorities are mine too. Not too surprising, perhaps, since we both grew up in the same era, in a Scotland which still valued its place in the Union and which had Calvinism embedded into every aspect of life. Equality through education has been a pillar of Scottish ambition for generations – often mistaken as arising from the country’s socialist tendencies, but in reality more complex than that, rooted more in the Reformation than in revolution. As a son of the Manse, Brown is open about his strong religious beliefs and how they formed his political philosophy and have motivated him throughout his life. He is not, however, a proselytiser – for him, faith is personal but the ideals of faith should be universal. And for Brown, universal means looking beyond borders – he believes that rich countries have a duty to developing nations, especially with regards to ensuring universal access to education for all children. This is a cause to which he still devotes himself long after leaving the main political arena. It was also under Brown that the UK first made a legal commitment to reduce carbon emissions, the first major economy to do so, and which changed the debate from “if” to “when” and “how”.
The book is very much a political memoir. A reader hoping for juicy gossip about the Blair/Brown saga or salacious tidbits about scandals in Westminster will be disappointed. He starts with a quick run-through of his childhood and education, just enough to give the reader an understanding of the foundations on which his lifetime of service is built. He talks of the injury in his youth that left him partially sighted, and how it to some extent limited his career options and has always been a difficulty he has had to work to overcome.
Entering Parliament in 1983, he is fairly brief about the Thatcher years, discussing them only in so far as they led to Brown and Blair developing the political platform which would come to be known as New Labour, or in Blair’s more mystical phrase, the Third Way – a centrist position that attempts to achieve the aims of socialism within a globalised capitalist system. He talks about the famous “deal” the two men made when the then Labour leader John Smith unexpectedly died, that Brown would not stand against Blair for the job of Labour leader but that Blair would hand over to him at some unspecified and frequently disputed point in the future. But though one can metaphorically hear that his teeth are still grinding a little over what he saw as Blair’s refusal to fulfil his part of the deal, he doesn’t dwell on it. He praises Blair’s achievements and recognises his skills as a communicator. To many of us who had waited too long for a Labour government, it seemed they were the ideal combination – Brown with strong roots in the Labour tradition guiding economic and social policy, Blair with the ability to appeal to people who would never have thought of themselves as left-wing, and thus win elections – a thing the leftist purists would do well to remember is essential. The book left me with the impression that Brown still doesn’t fully understand how frustrating many of us found it that their time in office should be marred by a feud over who should be the alpha male.
The bulk of the book, however, is given over to a detailed discussion of the policies he put in place, or tried to, as Chancellor and then as PM. For political geeks (like me), this is fascinating and insightful, although there is not much in it that we didn’t already know. He tells us about the impact of "Events, dear boy, events!", such as the terror attacks that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq, the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease and the later global banking crash, on his ability to fulfil his agenda. And he finishes with a kind of manifesto for the future, not so much on policy, but on how democracy in our suddenly unstable Union, still wobbling from the impact of Brexit, needs to renew and strengthen itself if it is to be fit to face an uncertain future.
A serious, thoughtful book from a man who still believes that politics can change the world for the better, if we want it to. Both refreshing and depressing to be reminded of how recent it is that we had people of the calibre of Blair and Brown in power, and perhaps a timely call to arms for us to do a better job of picking our future leaders.
www.fictionfanblog.wordpress.com
Gordon Brown is the last giant in British politics, last of a long line of Prime Ministers who sought power not so that they could make a fortune on the lecture circuit, but so that they could change society for the better. Their opinions of what “better” looked like varied, but they all shared a commitment and a passion to leave Britain stronger than they found it. Churchill, Wilson, Thatcher, Blair – love them or hate them, their periods in office were influential well beyond the narrow political sphere, each changing the social fabric of the UK and playing a major role on the world stage.
In this memoir, Brown lays out his philosophy for a fairer, more equal society, accepting globalisation as an incontrovertible fact but looking for ways to make it work for the weak as well as the strong, internationalist, and, above all, with the belief that the highest purpose of any politician or government should be to lift children out of poverty and give them the health and educational opportunities to achieve whatever their potential may be. He discusses the policies he put in place to achieve these aims, first as Chancellor, then as Prime Minister, and is as honest about his failures as his successes. He talks about the events, many of them external to the UK or global in nature, that restricted his ability to go at the speed he wished. And he discusses how the job of Prime Minister has changed in the age of 24-hour news where everyone wants a five-second soundbite rather than a considered debate, and where PMs are expected to be the mouthpiece on every policy decision, rather than Cabinet Ministers having responsibility for their own departments. He recognises that this makes the role more Presidential, a change he clearly rues, and that it means that a PM now has to be first and foremost a communicator, even an entertainer, certainly a celebrity, rather than the Chair of a Cabinet of equals. He is honest about his own failings in that respect.
In terms of policy, Brown is the politician I have most admired in my lifetime. It was rare for me ever to disagree with his policies, as Chancellor or PM, and his political priorities are mine too. Not too surprising, perhaps, since we both grew up in the same era, in a Scotland which still valued its place in the Union and which had Calvinism embedded into every aspect of life. Equality through education has been a pillar of Scottish ambition for generations – often mistaken as arising from the country’s socialist tendencies, but in reality more complex than that, rooted more in the Reformation than in revolution. As a son of the Manse, Brown is open about his strong religious beliefs and how they formed his political philosophy and have motivated him throughout his life. He is not, however, a proselytiser – for him, faith is personal but the ideals of faith should be universal. And for Brown, universal means looking beyond borders – he believes that rich countries have a duty to developing nations, especially with regards to ensuring universal access to education for all children. This is a cause to which he still devotes himself long after leaving the main political arena. It was also under Brown that the UK first made a legal commitment to reduce carbon emissions, the first major economy to do so, and which changed the debate from “if” to “when” and “how”.
The book is very much a political memoir. A reader hoping for juicy gossip about the Blair/Brown saga or salacious tidbits about scandals in Westminster will be disappointed. He starts with a quick run-through of his childhood and education, just enough to give the reader an understanding of the foundations on which his lifetime of service is built. He talks of the injury in his youth that left him partially sighted, and how it to some extent limited his career options and has always been a difficulty he has had to work to overcome.
Entering Parliament in 1983, he is fairly brief about the Thatcher years, discussing them only in so far as they led to Brown and Blair developing the political platform which would come to be known as New Labour, or in Blair’s more mystical phrase, the Third Way – a centrist position that attempts to achieve the aims of socialism within a globalised capitalist system. He talks about the famous “deal” the two men made when the then Labour leader John Smith unexpectedly died, that Brown would not stand against Blair for the job of Labour leader but that Blair would hand over to him at some unspecified and frequently disputed point in the future. But though one can metaphorically hear that his teeth are still grinding a little over what he saw as Blair’s refusal to fulfil his part of the deal, he doesn’t dwell on it. He praises Blair’s achievements and recognises his skills as a communicator. To many of us who had waited too long for a Labour government, it seemed they were the ideal combination – Brown with strong roots in the Labour tradition guiding economic and social policy, Blair with the ability to appeal to people who would never have thought of themselves as left-wing, and thus win elections – a thing the leftist purists would do well to remember is essential. The book left me with the impression that Brown still doesn’t fully understand how frustrating many of us found it that their time in office should be marred by a feud over who should be the alpha male.
The bulk of the book, however, is given over to a detailed discussion of the policies he put in place, or tried to, as Chancellor and then as PM. For political geeks (like me), this is fascinating and insightful, although there is not much in it that we didn’t already know. He tells us about the impact of "Events, dear boy, events!", such as the terror attacks that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq, the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease and the later global banking crash, on his ability to fulfil his agenda. And he finishes with a kind of manifesto for the future, not so much on policy, but on how democracy in our suddenly unstable Union, still wobbling from the impact of Brexit, needs to renew and strengthen itself if it is to be fit to face an uncertain future.
A serious, thoughtful book from a man who still believes that politics can change the world for the better, if we want it to. Both refreshing and depressing to be reminded of how recent it is that we had people of the calibre of Blair and Brown in power, and perhaps a timely call to arms for us to do a better job of picking our future leaders.
www.fictionfanblog.wordpress.com
November 13, 2017
Not as appalling as the ghastly man revealed in the recent autobiography of UK politician Kenneth Clarke. The Gordon Brown story is interesting. He an ex UK Prime Minister and before that Chancellor of the Exchequer, for non Brits that quaint term means,'in charge fiscal policy and budgeting'.
Actually, in being interesting it is rather unlike the dour dreek and decidedly boring personality lacking man himself. The problem is, he was one of the worse Prime Ministers we ever had, consumed by jealously and rage, as years before he had expected to be a shoe in for the role which at the time went to the more charismatic -but in reality - vain, vacuous and self serving Tony Blair. So for around ten years Gordon was no. 2 to the weak and gullible glory seeking Blair whilst he- Blair- manipulated his wish to be 'a famous statesman'. Blair, keen to secure his place in history, and in awe of Cheney, Rumsfeld, Bush and Halliburton's business plan- killed a lot of innocent people in the process. Not really the place in history his children can be proud of...and one assumes the day will come when war crimes charges (he lied or at best accepted a known lie) will catch up with him. Either that or possibly a disgruntled victim of which there are several million. I should declare my politics are not and have never been of the Brown ilk. But whilst tanned Tony was flaunting his vanity unfairly at the global media- boring Gordon was holding the financial fort together. Setting up some useful (and thus unpopular) tax and pensions rejigs. Weathering and making some good sense during the global financial / banking collapses and generally doing a good job. Eventually when Blair moved on to cash in on his friendship with George Bush, Gordon moved in to become the Prime Minister. Unfortunately he was as inept at that as he had been adept at his previous job. Gordon's total inability to communicate and connect bad news or good with the British public created an appalled apathy amongst his own party...who in the real world mostly preferred being pale and irresponsible in opposition to being powerfully Brown. Whilst one could not and cannot trust Tony Blair (will the ex Mrs Rupert Murdoch ,Wendy Deng, and a couple of lady journalists as is the current fashion, accuse Blair of sexual opportunism?). Despite really looking, it is impossible to find enough humanity or personality in Gordon Brown to see if he could or should, be trusted with any kind of public responsibility in future. Worth reading.
Actually, in being interesting it is rather unlike the dour dreek and decidedly boring personality lacking man himself. The problem is, he was one of the worse Prime Ministers we ever had, consumed by jealously and rage, as years before he had expected to be a shoe in for the role which at the time went to the more charismatic -but in reality - vain, vacuous and self serving Tony Blair. So for around ten years Gordon was no. 2 to the weak and gullible glory seeking Blair whilst he- Blair- manipulated his wish to be 'a famous statesman'. Blair, keen to secure his place in history, and in awe of Cheney, Rumsfeld, Bush and Halliburton's business plan- killed a lot of innocent people in the process. Not really the place in history his children can be proud of...and one assumes the day will come when war crimes charges (he lied or at best accepted a known lie) will catch up with him. Either that or possibly a disgruntled victim of which there are several million. I should declare my politics are not and have never been of the Brown ilk. But whilst tanned Tony was flaunting his vanity unfairly at the global media- boring Gordon was holding the financial fort together. Setting up some useful (and thus unpopular) tax and pensions rejigs. Weathering and making some good sense during the global financial / banking collapses and generally doing a good job. Eventually when Blair moved on to cash in on his friendship with George Bush, Gordon moved in to become the Prime Minister. Unfortunately he was as inept at that as he had been adept at his previous job. Gordon's total inability to communicate and connect bad news or good with the British public created an appalled apathy amongst his own party...who in the real world mostly preferred being pale and irresponsible in opposition to being powerfully Brown. Whilst one could not and cannot trust Tony Blair (will the ex Mrs Rupert Murdoch ,Wendy Deng, and a couple of lady journalists as is the current fashion, accuse Blair of sexual opportunism?). Despite really looking, it is impossible to find enough humanity or personality in Gordon Brown to see if he could or should, be trusted with any kind of public responsibility in future. Worth reading.
February 13, 2018
Wow, I had to push myself to finish this. Supposedly an autobiography, great swathes of this book are a political lecture supported by a torrent of statistics. Quite sour and bitter, even a little vindictive in parts, the book is relentlessly party political and partisan, self-promoting and self justifying. Undoubtedly, a dynamic global leader in shaping the G20 response to the financial crisis of 2008 by leading the way on recapitalisation of banks, he could not get the same widespread support on fiscal stimulus, and spends many pages on this issue.
With regard to his relationship with Tony Blair, his account seems very different to the atmosphere described in Blair's own book and in Alistair Campbell's diaries, both of which I have read. I am glad I read this book but I found it quite demanding.
With regard to his relationship with Tony Blair, his account seems very different to the atmosphere described in Blair's own book and in Alistair Campbell's diaries, both of which I have read. I am glad I read this book but I found it quite demanding.
January 7, 2025
Gordon Brown’s My Life, Our Times sounds like it is going to be more of a biography than a political memoir. In fact, it is mainly a memoir of his life in politics, though it is by no means of blow-by-blow account of diary entries, cobbled together immediately upon leaving office. Indeed, this work was not published until 2017, several years after the author ceased to play a central role in British politics. This fact, alongside reflections on later event events that dominated British politics after he left office, significantly the Scottish and Brexit referenda, make this a fascinating read for anyone with an interest in either politics or history.
This is a political history written by a Scottish historian. Pride in his origins is a thread that runs throughout the book. At the same time, Gordon Brown rather plays down his academic achievements. From Edinburgh university, he took a doctorate whose subject was the role the Labour party had played in Scottish politics. So this memoir is indeed written by a specialist, both theoretician and practitioner.
Gordon Brown’s record of service in the United Kingdom is more than impressive. He was Chancellor of the Exchequer for a decade before coming Prime Minister upon Tony Blair’s resignation. He lost the subsequent election, and My Life, Our Times has a good deal to say, though in the end not enough, on that defeat. One feels that there remains much that will never be said on the subject
Inevitably with a book like My Life, Our Time, it is the detail of the political memoir that is the most interesting. And perhaps the most interesting aspect of politics during the Brown-Blair era was the role played by the issue of the Iraq war to oust Saddam Hussein and its aftermath, the aftermath that, of course, led to Tony Blair’s resignation and also to Labour’s eventual defeat at the polls.
And on this issue, Gordon Brown describes Tony Blair’s motivation in this way. “In setting the course he did on Iraq, I believe that Tony had been intent on preserving the relationship with America. In doing so, he hoped he would be able to advance the Middle East peace process.” Personally, I am sure this is correct. If one accepts Eric Hobsbawm’s analysis of UK-US relations as laid down in post-World War II agreements, as many on the left of British politics do, then Tony Blair had no choice in the matter. Anyone who doubts this is obviously ignorant of what happened to Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson when he refused to send British troops to Vietnam in the 1960s.
Tony Blair’s support for George W. Bush’s war hinged on the stated intelligence belief that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, (WMDs), claims that a later inquiry in the UK would suggest was spurious. Gordon Brown, in a paragraph or two beyond the above quote, also writes that “If I am right that somewhere within the American system, the truth about Iraq’s lack of weapons was known, then we were not just misinformed but misled on the critical issue of WMDs.” The implication is clear, that the US president himself had been misled. These passages alone make this book worth reading!
Gordon Brown was Prime Minister when the banking crisis hit between 2007 and 2009. Indeed, he was prominent in the international attempt to cope with the fall out. Once again, the world’s economy threatened to crash and stay crashed in a depression that could last a decade, all because of the greed, self-interest, and incompetence of a small number of establishment figures who were out to purloin all they could get. Mindful of crippling debts amongst developing nations, and also aware that markets were part of the problem, not the solution, Gordon Brown took centre stage in an attempt to coordinate the international management of the crisis. He writes: “I wanted the outdated Washington consensus, which had become synonymous with neoliberalism, replaced by what I sometimes called a new London consensus, in which we explicitly abandoned the mindset of deregulation, privatization and liberalization at the core of economic policy in favour of a more balanced approach.” Subsequent events, especially those between 2010 and 2024, suggested that his approach may have been preferable to what the British electorate subsequently opted for.
Speculation as to what “might have been” is always at the forefront of a reader’s mind when confronted with a political memoir of this type. And that speculation really takes on a focus when discussing the two referenda that were offered during David Cameron’s so-called leadership of the UK. Gordon Brown was already away from the forefront of British politics, but he did play perhaps decisive role in the Scottish referendum. He was firmly on the side of Scotland remaining part of the United Kingdom, and he got his way.
In 2016, equally, he was firm on the need for the UK to vote to remain in the European Union. He was on the losing side on that occasion, as was, arguably, the United Kingdom, disunited by divisive campaign, packed with falsehoods. In a discussion that is all too short, Gordon Brown writes that “In 2007 the Sun agreed to help David Cameron by pulling away from the petition for a referendum on the Lisbon treaty. They ran campaigns on crime and Afghanistan that could not have been better written by Conservative Central office. Not that the Murdoch Empire got nothing in return. The conservatives now promised Murdoch new broadcasting laws to new to the regulator, Ofcom, … and even hinted they would advantage Sky by breaking up British Telecom.” The role that the press and its associated barons played in effectively setting the political agenda in Britain is referred to several times by the author. This description of the role the press played over the years is claimed by Gordon Brown to have played a significant part in his eventual political demise.
After the 2010 election defeat, Gordon Brown spent several days trying to form a coalition that would command majority support in the hung House of Commons. He describes in some, though again not enough, detail some of the negotiations that took place with the Liberal Party leader. “I re-emphasized that the Lib Dems and Tories had irreconcilable policies on the economy as well. (as those on Europe) But when it came to the crunch, as I found, even the rancid anti-Europeanism of the Tories did not deter him. In all our private talks, I felt that I was far more concerned than he was about the UK becoming isolated in Europe. To me, he gave the impression that he had hardly thought about this.” The coalition that the Liberals formed with the Tories put David Cameron in Downing Street, led to the 2016 referendum on European Union membership and to the electoral wilderness for the liberals for some years as a result of their supporters not being clear what the party stood for. One can appreciate why.
We can have no doubt who Gordon Brown thinks was primarily responsible for the policies of austerity, the failure of the international economic rescue package and the debacle of Brexit. Without access to power, a Tory government would never have been able to pursue their partisan political agenda. As a reader of political memoir and an observer of politics, I, like Gordon Brown, wonder why people can be so easily persuaded to vote against their own interests. Perhaps, as suggested by Gordon Brown happened to President Bush, they were and continue to be misled.
This is a political history written by a Scottish historian. Pride in his origins is a thread that runs throughout the book. At the same time, Gordon Brown rather plays down his academic achievements. From Edinburgh university, he took a doctorate whose subject was the role the Labour party had played in Scottish politics. So this memoir is indeed written by a specialist, both theoretician and practitioner.
Gordon Brown’s record of service in the United Kingdom is more than impressive. He was Chancellor of the Exchequer for a decade before coming Prime Minister upon Tony Blair’s resignation. He lost the subsequent election, and My Life, Our Times has a good deal to say, though in the end not enough, on that defeat. One feels that there remains much that will never be said on the subject
Inevitably with a book like My Life, Our Time, it is the detail of the political memoir that is the most interesting. And perhaps the most interesting aspect of politics during the Brown-Blair era was the role played by the issue of the Iraq war to oust Saddam Hussein and its aftermath, the aftermath that, of course, led to Tony Blair’s resignation and also to Labour’s eventual defeat at the polls.
And on this issue, Gordon Brown describes Tony Blair’s motivation in this way. “In setting the course he did on Iraq, I believe that Tony had been intent on preserving the relationship with America. In doing so, he hoped he would be able to advance the Middle East peace process.” Personally, I am sure this is correct. If one accepts Eric Hobsbawm’s analysis of UK-US relations as laid down in post-World War II agreements, as many on the left of British politics do, then Tony Blair had no choice in the matter. Anyone who doubts this is obviously ignorant of what happened to Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson when he refused to send British troops to Vietnam in the 1960s.
Tony Blair’s support for George W. Bush’s war hinged on the stated intelligence belief that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, (WMDs), claims that a later inquiry in the UK would suggest was spurious. Gordon Brown, in a paragraph or two beyond the above quote, also writes that “If I am right that somewhere within the American system, the truth about Iraq’s lack of weapons was known, then we were not just misinformed but misled on the critical issue of WMDs.” The implication is clear, that the US president himself had been misled. These passages alone make this book worth reading!
Gordon Brown was Prime Minister when the banking crisis hit between 2007 and 2009. Indeed, he was prominent in the international attempt to cope with the fall out. Once again, the world’s economy threatened to crash and stay crashed in a depression that could last a decade, all because of the greed, self-interest, and incompetence of a small number of establishment figures who were out to purloin all they could get. Mindful of crippling debts amongst developing nations, and also aware that markets were part of the problem, not the solution, Gordon Brown took centre stage in an attempt to coordinate the international management of the crisis. He writes: “I wanted the outdated Washington consensus, which had become synonymous with neoliberalism, replaced by what I sometimes called a new London consensus, in which we explicitly abandoned the mindset of deregulation, privatization and liberalization at the core of economic policy in favour of a more balanced approach.” Subsequent events, especially those between 2010 and 2024, suggested that his approach may have been preferable to what the British electorate subsequently opted for.
Speculation as to what “might have been” is always at the forefront of a reader’s mind when confronted with a political memoir of this type. And that speculation really takes on a focus when discussing the two referenda that were offered during David Cameron’s so-called leadership of the UK. Gordon Brown was already away from the forefront of British politics, but he did play perhaps decisive role in the Scottish referendum. He was firmly on the side of Scotland remaining part of the United Kingdom, and he got his way.
In 2016, equally, he was firm on the need for the UK to vote to remain in the European Union. He was on the losing side on that occasion, as was, arguably, the United Kingdom, disunited by divisive campaign, packed with falsehoods. In a discussion that is all too short, Gordon Brown writes that “In 2007 the Sun agreed to help David Cameron by pulling away from the petition for a referendum on the Lisbon treaty. They ran campaigns on crime and Afghanistan that could not have been better written by Conservative Central office. Not that the Murdoch Empire got nothing in return. The conservatives now promised Murdoch new broadcasting laws to new to the regulator, Ofcom, … and even hinted they would advantage Sky by breaking up British Telecom.” The role that the press and its associated barons played in effectively setting the political agenda in Britain is referred to several times by the author. This description of the role the press played over the years is claimed by Gordon Brown to have played a significant part in his eventual political demise.
After the 2010 election defeat, Gordon Brown spent several days trying to form a coalition that would command majority support in the hung House of Commons. He describes in some, though again not enough, detail some of the negotiations that took place with the Liberal Party leader. “I re-emphasized that the Lib Dems and Tories had irreconcilable policies on the economy as well. (as those on Europe) But when it came to the crunch, as I found, even the rancid anti-Europeanism of the Tories did not deter him. In all our private talks, I felt that I was far more concerned than he was about the UK becoming isolated in Europe. To me, he gave the impression that he had hardly thought about this.” The coalition that the Liberals formed with the Tories put David Cameron in Downing Street, led to the 2016 referendum on European Union membership and to the electoral wilderness for the liberals for some years as a result of their supporters not being clear what the party stood for. One can appreciate why.
We can have no doubt who Gordon Brown thinks was primarily responsible for the policies of austerity, the failure of the international economic rescue package and the debacle of Brexit. Without access to power, a Tory government would never have been able to pursue their partisan political agenda. As a reader of political memoir and an observer of politics, I, like Gordon Brown, wonder why people can be so easily persuaded to vote against their own interests. Perhaps, as suggested by Gordon Brown happened to President Bush, they were and continue to be misled.
November 9, 2022
I think this book really sums up Gordon Brown as a decent man who dedicated his life to public service, and even now continues to make the world a better place.
We get an insight into Brown’s time as Chancellor and PM, and he speaks passionately about the injustices which he tried to tackle when in office. Ironically, given the book is so well written, Brown argues his main problem was not delivery, but communication, and yet one cannot fail to see the deep desire to change the country for the better embedded in his life.
We get an insight into Brown’s time as Chancellor and PM, and he speaks passionately about the injustices which he tried to tackle when in office. Ironically, given the book is so well written, Brown argues his main problem was not delivery, but communication, and yet one cannot fail to see the deep desire to change the country for the better embedded in his life.
December 27, 2022
Gordon is a bit of a dream boat. A thoughtful, reflective account of his time in politics, the strong moral underpinnings which drove his life's work, and reflections for the future.
January 4, 2018
This is one of the more curious autobiographies I have read. I personally always liked Brown and -fun fact- 2010 is the only time I've voted Labour (I always back a winner). Brown comes across as a highly intelligent and thoughtful man, with a genuine concern for domestic and global inequalities and more importantly realistic and creative ways to ease them. I agree with him, that had Blair retired earlier, perhaps by as little as a year, Brown would have been able to make a better impression with the electorate before the financial crash and possibly secured a 4th term for Labour. I also agree with him, that had his government not acted the way they did in terms of the crash, we would have faced another great depression and even armed civil strife.
Yet.
This is a sour, bitter tomb, with perceived slights from various political and financial opponents documented at every turn. He says things like 'I alone foresaw the long-term consequences of the policy, while others merely tinkered with the short-term effects' which really began to grate. Brown was ALWAYS ALWAYS right, and everyone else involved a nuisance to be ignored or contained. He also makes the slightly bizarre claim that as Chancellor he 'had total autonomy over social, domestic and economic policy' What exactly were the rest of the cabinet doing? Making the tea and getting in Brown's way? He is also quick to distance himself from the decision to go into Iraq, which considering his insistence that he was the brains behind every major decision in Government, is quite hard to believe.
For all that though, I do think our politics is poorer without Brown. I don't feel Cameron, Osbourne, May, Hammond, or even Corbyn and McDonnell understand this country in the way Brown does, or have as much insight into the steps we should take to make it a better one.
(I would have given it 5 stars but it was also bloody heavy to hold)
Yet.
This is a sour, bitter tomb, with perceived slights from various political and financial opponents documented at every turn. He says things like 'I alone foresaw the long-term consequences of the policy, while others merely tinkered with the short-term effects' which really began to grate. Brown was ALWAYS ALWAYS right, and everyone else involved a nuisance to be ignored or contained. He also makes the slightly bizarre claim that as Chancellor he 'had total autonomy over social, domestic and economic policy' What exactly were the rest of the cabinet doing? Making the tea and getting in Brown's way? He is also quick to distance himself from the decision to go into Iraq, which considering his insistence that he was the brains behind every major decision in Government, is quite hard to believe.
For all that though, I do think our politics is poorer without Brown. I don't feel Cameron, Osbourne, May, Hammond, or even Corbyn and McDonnell understand this country in the way Brown does, or have as much insight into the steps we should take to make it a better one.
(I would have given it 5 stars but it was also bloody heavy to hold)
February 23, 2018
The book almost echoes my feelings about Gordon Brown: I wanted to like it, but it was sometimes a struggle to do so.
There is much to be admired about the book. There is little attempt at self-justification, no settling of scores, and not too much setting straight of the record. It also amplifies what I have long believed, namely that whatever the causes of the global economic crisis, he was the one world leader with a plan to put it right. His commitment to social justice is clear, and it seems obvious that he did his very best to make life better for or as many people as he could.
His early years and rise to political prominence are well-written and engaging. Thereafter, the book is neither an autobiography nor a political manifesto, but falls somewhere between the two. There is little information about, for example his pact and subsequent relationship with Tony Blair, nor even the first historic election victory. His real interest lies in the economy, and his description is rich in facts, most of which were over my head. On the other hand, whilst I was hoping for some factual explanation in respect of the oft-made allegation that he borrowed the country into debt, his denial is fulsome but far too brief.
His account of the lost election and the subsequent negotiations is excellent, but thereafter the book seems to drift into political philosophy, and his views on the world generally.
Gordon Brown comes across as a genuine person committed to making the world a better place, regardless of his own popularity. He shows good insight into his own shortcomings, but in the context of a political autobiography, it falls short. But, if seen as the honest reflections of a political titan, it's first class.
There is much to be admired about the book. There is little attempt at self-justification, no settling of scores, and not too much setting straight of the record. It also amplifies what I have long believed, namely that whatever the causes of the global economic crisis, he was the one world leader with a plan to put it right. His commitment to social justice is clear, and it seems obvious that he did his very best to make life better for or as many people as he could.
His early years and rise to political prominence are well-written and engaging. Thereafter, the book is neither an autobiography nor a political manifesto, but falls somewhere between the two. There is little information about, for example his pact and subsequent relationship with Tony Blair, nor even the first historic election victory. His real interest lies in the economy, and his description is rich in facts, most of which were over my head. On the other hand, whilst I was hoping for some factual explanation in respect of the oft-made allegation that he borrowed the country into debt, his denial is fulsome but far too brief.
His account of the lost election and the subsequent negotiations is excellent, but thereafter the book seems to drift into political philosophy, and his views on the world generally.
Gordon Brown comes across as a genuine person committed to making the world a better place, regardless of his own popularity. He shows good insight into his own shortcomings, but in the context of a political autobiography, it falls short. But, if seen as the honest reflections of a political titan, it's first class.
June 3, 2021
I'm working through the memoirs of former prime ministers. I've now finished Tony Blair and Gordon Brown and I admit that I found Brown to be a much more likeable person with deeply-held beliefs. I may not agree with him on every point he made, but he put forward some really excellent thoughts and it was a shame that his time at Downing St. was so short. Unlike the Blair book, Brown rarely threw his political nemesis under the bus, and when he did, he always did so with class.
June 27, 2025
Reading My Life, Our Times by Gordon Brown is not a neutral experience. It is a profoundly upsetting one — not because it’s a bad book (it isn’t), but because it’s full of everything that could have been. If you, like me, are politically obsessive, mentally unwell, and autistic-coded in your love for Gordon Brown, this book will completely destroy you.
Brown writes with seriousness, moral clarity, and a relentless sense of duty — all the things that made him a terrible media figure and an exceptional statesman. There is a kind of tragic decency in every chapter: from the global financial crash to the Scottish independence referendum, Brown consistently puts public service above personality, which makes it even more painful when you realise how sidelined he was by his own party, his colleagues, and history itself.
And yes, I’m going to say it: I hate Tony Blair. Reading this memoir only deepened my resentment. Brown never explicitly slags him off — he’s too dignified for that — but the silence around the betrayals, the emotional restraint, and the refusal to fully unpack the agony of being kept from leadership for a decade… it’s loud. It’s screaming. And I am also screaming. At my ceiling. At night. Often. Because of this book.
There are passages in My Life, Our Times that feel less like a political memoir and more like a study in moral injury. You see a man who genuinely believes in redistribution, global cooperation, and serious economic policy trying to survive in a political culture obsessed with image, spin, and Blair’s smirking charisma. It is depressing — no, it’s enraging. And it’s made worse by how much of his legacy has been erased or misunderstood. He saved the banks. He kept the UK together. He set up the Department for International Development. And yet we treat him like a sad footnote.
If you are interested in politics, economics, or devastating emotional repression wrapped in Calvinist self-discipline, read My Life, Our Times. Just prepare to cry, spiral, and rework your UCAS statement twelve times because you can’t stop quoting Gordon Brown. I haven’t known peace since.
Brown writes with seriousness, moral clarity, and a relentless sense of duty — all the things that made him a terrible media figure and an exceptional statesman. There is a kind of tragic decency in every chapter: from the global financial crash to the Scottish independence referendum, Brown consistently puts public service above personality, which makes it even more painful when you realise how sidelined he was by his own party, his colleagues, and history itself.
And yes, I’m going to say it: I hate Tony Blair. Reading this memoir only deepened my resentment. Brown never explicitly slags him off — he’s too dignified for that — but the silence around the betrayals, the emotional restraint, and the refusal to fully unpack the agony of being kept from leadership for a decade… it’s loud. It’s screaming. And I am also screaming. At my ceiling. At night. Often. Because of this book.
There are passages in My Life, Our Times that feel less like a political memoir and more like a study in moral injury. You see a man who genuinely believes in redistribution, global cooperation, and serious economic policy trying to survive in a political culture obsessed with image, spin, and Blair’s smirking charisma. It is depressing — no, it’s enraging. And it’s made worse by how much of his legacy has been erased or misunderstood. He saved the banks. He kept the UK together. He set up the Department for International Development. And yet we treat him like a sad footnote.
If you are interested in politics, economics, or devastating emotional repression wrapped in Calvinist self-discipline, read My Life, Our Times. Just prepare to cry, spiral, and rework your UCAS statement twelve times because you can’t stop quoting Gordon Brown. I haven’t known peace since.
December 2, 2024
I bloody love Gordon Brown. I just want to find someone who looks at me like he did at Tony back in 97 , or who is as passionate about me as he is about economic policy😢
Compared to Blair’s book, which I read not too long ago, this showed Brown to be a thoroughly decent person who puts people at the centre of his politics. Out of all the modern prime ministers, I still believe Brown to be the one who cared the most. It will forever be a bit of a shame he never got his full moment of glory.
Well written and while overly long, I listened it on my commute to work and found it perfect to tune out the stresses of the day with.
4.5 (maybe 2025 we will finally get half ratings?)
Compared to Blair’s book, which I read not too long ago, this showed Brown to be a thoroughly decent person who puts people at the centre of his politics. Out of all the modern prime ministers, I still believe Brown to be the one who cared the most. It will forever be a bit of a shame he never got his full moment of glory.
Well written and while overly long, I listened it on my commute to work and found it perfect to tune out the stresses of the day with.
4.5 (maybe 2025 we will finally get half ratings?)
October 31, 2023
On the good side is generally a positive politics, down side is it misses out elements such as the idea we were beyond boom and bust and things like Yarl's Wood. Overall ended up agreeing with much more than I expected to.
February 17, 2018
This is a solid book, in every sense, and not the easiest of reads but it is worth the effort. Brown should have been born a century earlier, in a non-digital age, where politicians were valued for their principles and policies rather than how empathic they were. He was a great Chancellor but failed as Prime Minister and he offers too many excuses for that. Blair was too much the glib media darling, Brown was too cerebral; if they could have merged into one they would have been phenomenal as it is they were 2 flawed beings who for a time worked well together.
January 10, 2021
Took me waaaay too long but glad to finish, enjoyed it overall. He’s a bit preachy at times and sometimes it feels like he’s using this book to blame others for failings in office, but mainly v interesting esp the bits about coordinating global response to the global financial crisis
July 10, 2018
I want to like Gordon Brown. If I met him, I suspect I would. But he doesn’t come across well on the telly, and for large chunks of this book, he doesn’t come across well in print either.
The book’s message can be summarised as, “I’m a serious guy with the misfortune to live in a frivolous time”. With a subtext of “Tony shafted me”.
Having just read Tony Blair’s autobiography, I found it hard to avoid concluding that he’d already told much the same story, with greater insight and humour. Gordon Brown seems to avoid taking responsibility for rather a lot - time and again, he describes situations in which he was somehow kept in the dark until it was too late. And no doubt that does happen to politicians, but that in itself is surely the responsibility of the PM to sort out?
The most engaging chapters are those where Brown opens up a little about his emotions, not least about the death of his wee baby girl. It’s the one section of the book where he seems truly human, and you can’t help but grieve with him at such a terrible loss.
That aside, it’s hard to go on a journey with him, because he focuses so much on detail and policy, and so little on the character and anecdote which this reader, at least, needs to remain engaged. His account of the banking crisis is undoubtedly accurate and informed, but it is in parts as dry as toast.
He is, no doubt, a decent chap, and one who went into politics for all the right reasons. But he is, as I think he would admit, a twentieth century politician.
The book’s message can be summarised as, “I’m a serious guy with the misfortune to live in a frivolous time”. With a subtext of “Tony shafted me”.
Having just read Tony Blair’s autobiography, I found it hard to avoid concluding that he’d already told much the same story, with greater insight and humour. Gordon Brown seems to avoid taking responsibility for rather a lot - time and again, he describes situations in which he was somehow kept in the dark until it was too late. And no doubt that does happen to politicians, but that in itself is surely the responsibility of the PM to sort out?
The most engaging chapters are those where Brown opens up a little about his emotions, not least about the death of his wee baby girl. It’s the one section of the book where he seems truly human, and you can’t help but grieve with him at such a terrible loss.
That aside, it’s hard to go on a journey with him, because he focuses so much on detail and policy, and so little on the character and anecdote which this reader, at least, needs to remain engaged. His account of the banking crisis is undoubtedly accurate and informed, but it is in parts as dry as toast.
He is, no doubt, a decent chap, and one who went into politics for all the right reasons. But he is, as I think he would admit, a twentieth century politician.
February 23, 2018
4 stars for the book ,5 stars for the man, and 5 stars for revealing the man, By that I mean that the book is just so typical of him. Brilliant on detail, when we don't want it (see the whole chapter on tax credits!), but Brown just carries on because he knows that tax credits were vital in getting swathes of people working again and changing generations of people, so he ploughs on with unreadable stuff. He knows its unreadable but ploughs on because he knows its important and that is what counts. So for the book it's not great, but for revealing the man, without him talking about himself it's actually excellent. There are more readable chapters, his life as a young man is good as is his thinking on religion. His work as PM is great too. There are bits where you think his wife has told him to put that line in (eg about the nanny or some of the stories about his kids). He really doesn't like Cameron, or Clegg and is pretty damning of Blair. Let's face it he pretty much singlehandedly led the recovery against 2008 recession worldwide. He was driven out by Murdoch and the mistakes of Blair. He should have been the leader in 95 and had he been then or re-elected in 2010 we would not be in the mess we are. Much of what still is good in the public sphere very much has Brown's finger prints on it and this book does show it. Yes, like the man it;s turgid in places but in places it is lucid and very persuasive, like the man.
June 4, 2018
Thoughtful, incredibly analytical book, not exactly a primer for those becoming interested in politics. Quite heavy going in places, particularly in-depth analysis of seemingly all decisions taken at the Treasury. The 2008 crash is well described, with Brown's finest moment at number 10 in leading a global action plan.
Little revelation about the personalities he encountered and in particular the love/hate relationship with Tony Blair. More a collection of heavy going political essays than memoirs, for which he makes no apology. Clearly an incredibly focused politician who, more than most, held power long enough to implement many of his ideas.
Little revelation about the personalities he encountered and in particular the love/hate relationship with Tony Blair. More a collection of heavy going political essays than memoirs, for which he makes no apology. Clearly an incredibly focused politician who, more than most, held power long enough to implement many of his ideas.
January 1, 2018
Anyone reading this is likely to have already read some of the many books on the 1997-2010 Labour Government and so simply doesn’t need to also read this one. There’s very little new in here - remarkably given Gordon Brown’s unique vantage point - and so this is definitely one to either get from a library or when it inevitably goes to 99p on Kindle.
January 6, 2018
I have had the pleasure of witnessing, studying and in some cases even meeting some political giants who have left a mark on British society for good or worse. Most of my peers during university and even myself were more attracted to Tony Blair for his charisma and how he made New Labour electable. Yet, as I grew older and in some cases wiser Gordon Brown who as a former Prime Minister and the longest-serving Chancellor has been a driving force for at least three decades became more the politician I was interested in studying. As Jonathan Powell wrote "Gordon Brown was a big beast in an era when there were big beasts in British politics rather than the minnows and charlatans we have today." History has been unkind to Gordon Brown for many reasons, My Life Our Times is an attempt by Brown himself to set the record straight, give his version of events and shed light on his own thought processes.
Gordon Brown describes his upbringing as the son of a minister had designed his belief of the duty to serve for social justice shaped his childhood, adulthood and his politics. He mentions how his near loss of his eyesight as a student at Edinburgh University was something he accepted he had to live with. His entry into Scottish politics and subsequent election to parliament in 1983, his partnership with Tony Blair in making Labour electable, in office as Chancellor and subsequently as Prime Minister all give insight into his own perspectives. His biography touches his own tragedies such as the death of his daughter and his own personal relationship with allies and adversaries.
Gordon Brown in My Life Our Times laments on his successes as Chancellor and the achievements of introducing the minimum wage, providing greater tax credits, prudence, the Bank of England independence and the refinancing of the National Health Service. In detail, he mentions how during his ten years as Chancellor he equipped Britain to have an important role in the world economy with London as the financial giant. Yet, some may argue he failed to see the excess greed and economic uncertainty to hit the world in 2008, something he partially admits to not going far enough to regulate the economy and to rein in the bankers.
Brown uses the opportunity on a number of occasions throughout the book to mention how he felt he was the wrong kind of politician for this age as someone devoid of spin and the failure to communicate the successes he made to save the British economy ahead of the 2010 election. In 2008, I had the privilege of interview Gordon Brown on a Leicester estate at a carefully managed photocall with to one family who had benefited from his tax credits programme. What I noticed while observing Brown was that here was a man with immense intellect yet he lacked empathy in relating to people. While he was talking to the family and local party officials he immediately went into policy jargon of tax-credits and its universal benefits, which no doubt this particular family and thousand others were grateful of yet he was not comfortable doing small talk as the media scrum were filming him drinking tea and having a chat. The ill-fated election call that never was had a poster ready saying “Not Flash, Just Gordon” which made sense. Yet, in the world of 24-hour media and social media, which takes in more than just speeches, as a bit of flash is essential. Gordon Brown does admit to not taking his message out clearly, but he also blames events, individuals and other forces for his weaknesses. Yes, the media were against him, but too often, he would blame others for his failures rather than take some responsibility. Gordon Brown as Chancellor had fallen out with many of his colleagues who he saw as a threat to his quest in becoming Prime Minister. He blamed Peter Mandelson (they patched up by 2009) for backing Tony Blair. He saw off potential leadership rivals like John Reid, Charles Clarke, Alan Milburn and David Miliband by undermining their roles as Cabinet minister, thus making them look weak. Even as Prime Minister his own chancellor and one-time friend, Alistair Darling faced his wrath.
The loss of the 2010 election, according to Gordon Brown was because Tony Blair stayed on far too long as Prime Minister and should have gone earlier so Brown could have been able to roll out his ideas. He blames Blair for outstaying his tenure at PM and how New Labour was perceived as old and exhausted. He blames the party coffers for being depleted so Labour could not match Conservative campaign methods, candidates were blamed for giving up ahead of election day, and he blamed Nick Clegg for spurning the idea of a progressive coalition in favour of a Tory-Lib Dem coalition. However, the irony was Brown had ten years to prepare himself as Prime Minister and show a change in direction from the Blair years, plus one can’t take credit for the successes from 1997-2007 and then blame others for the failures.
Gordon Brown also attempts to stand afar from the collective failures of the War in Iraq, citing he did not want another battle with Number 10 during the period leading up to the war in Iraq. Yet, if Gordon Brown have reservations as we are led to believe regarding the war and its legality, he should have demanded answers from Tony Blair rather than stand in unison as a silent accomplice; it would have actually helped him to show a clear difference between Tony Blair and himself, personally and politically. However, as I was reading the chapter on the Iraq war, reading between the lines the interpretation could be Brown himself chose to stand afar over Iraq, hoping its outfall will the sword on which Tony Blair would fall and thus resign as Prime Minister and pave way for a Brown premiership.
Like many students of New Labour and the infighting between the Brown and Blair camps, it would have been prudent for Gordon Brown to talk about his own loyal band of followers such as Charlie Whelan (who does not get many mentions), Damien McBride and others and their and how it all affected his own standing. There was less mention of those incidents, yet quite rightly; glowing references were given to Ed Balls, Sue Nye, Ed Miliband and Shriti Vadera and other for their contributions. There was also little mention of Peter Mandelson and his role during the leadership battles with Tony Blair and Mandelson’s return to British politics in 2009 to help his one-time friend. Brown also absolves himself from any real responsibility from the struggles between Tony Blair and himself, which straddled British politics for over a decade. Both men led British politics for thirteen years together or separately, yet half of the time was spent between both sides squabbling over legacy and succession plans, which led to some severe alterations. Both men needed each other, hence why Blair could not carry out the threats to sack Brown, or for Brown to actually mount a leadership election and defeat Blair. However, as Gordon Brown stated in the book that no political friendship among senior ranks of politics had ever lasted, the fact their political friendship and partnership lasted long enough in itself a testament.
Brown takes great pride in his good work in averting a financial crisis of 2009, I remember someone at the time referring to Gordon Brown as the world's Chancellor as during the G20 summit his prudent way of understanding finances and economies and the persuasion to get the Americans to lead the fightback was instrumental. I thoroughly enjoyed reading the chapters where he described how he along with averted an implosion of the banking system. This was Brown's finest hour where he used his skills harnessed at the Treasury He was most effective as prime minister when he could go back to being chancellor.
My Life Our Times however is a book where Gordon Brown has attempted set the record straight and highlight many of his successes as Chancellor, Prime Minister and as now an elder statesman. I remember watching Gordon Brown's speech during the Scottish Referendum in 2014 in a hotel room in Chicago, where I felt the “Yes” vote was going to win, yet on that day, I believed I witnessed one of the greatest political speeches in modern history. The "No" campaign was in trouble and many commentators believed his late intervention in the referendum campaign halted a slide of Labour supporters who had been planning to vote for independence. Brown was a formidable orator and his 2010 speech at Citizens UK assembly also stood out which shows he had the charisma to influence yet he lacked the emotional intelligence for the one to one situations as we saw in 2010 when he referred to pensioner Gillian Duffy as a “sort of bigoted woman”.
Gordon Brown is no doubt a shy man who himself wrote “was brought up to contain, even suppress, my inner feelings in public”. He feels that disadvantage of a lack of empathy had failed to persuade the British people” during the General Election of 2010 of his successes and pledges. Yet he does believe himself to be a politician “out of season” who could not quite master the skills of spin, communications and public realisations of leadership. Gordon Brown was one of the most formidable chancellors that Britain has ever seen, however he instead devoured time and energy in the destructively obsessive pursuit of becoming Prime Minister, a job when he achieved his dream it overwhelmed him, but not all due to himself but due to events as well which were beyond his control.
Gordon Brown is a thinker and his writings and speeches show that high intellect of substance rather than rhetoric. His final two chapter on faith in the public square and his role in Labour highlights his thought processes for change even though he is not in public office he is still in serving society. Some have accused Gordon Brown of trying to jostle himself as a left-wing socialist praising Jeremy Corbyn's leadership, I don’t think Gordon Brown is a full paid up member of the Corbyn leadership, he is just pragmatic in understanding the future of the country and in young people in particular. Gordon Brown acknowledges challenges Britain is facing in 2017 are not the challenges Britain faced in 1997. Brown is pragmatic in knowing New Labour politics will not solve the problems of Brexit, immigration, right-wing populism and the growing inequalities within society and will not attract young people in the same way Corbyn has, this is not a betrayal of beliefs but a belief of credible radical ideas easy to implement in government only through conversation and ideas. Gordon Brown describes how to meet the challenge of pursuing a radical agenda within a credible party of government, which is a subtle message to Jeremy Corbyn and John MacDonnell.
I have read many books on New Labour from memoirs, diaries and analysis, My Life Our Times is by far the best political memoir in recent years. It gives insight into a man who grew up in a religious household where it was engrained into his mind the importance to serve society. Gordon Brown is a thinking man's politician; quite possibly, in another era, Gordon Brown would have been a formidable Prime Minister, but one thing for certain he will always be remembered as the Iron Chancellor and his achievements.
August 27, 2024
As biased as I might be, no one can deny that the era of New Labour was a period when most of the prominent politicians of the age were truly interested in policy and had an idea of a country they wanted to govern and improve. Underneath a lot of the spin and media management, good strategy and polling, there was genuine interest in a policy program and an agenda for government that was meant to help the people they served. That has not been the case since and this level of attention to policy detail is extremely rare almost everywhere around the world. This book is an example of this because one might like or dislike Gordon Brown, but no one can deny his intellect and abilities in the realm of economic policy (albeit aided by having Ed Balls on his side for more than a decade).
Among political biographies, this one is rather on the better side - well structured (focusing on issues & topics, rather than going purely linearly through time), less about settling scores than about making an argument about Gordon’s view of the world (to which the last 10-ish % of the book are dedicated) and of the economic and social policies they pursued. Gordon tries to make a case that they tried to suggest changes to the global banking system before the 2008 crisis, but was not listened to - I must say unconvincingly.
Tony Blair is mentioned frequently, but besides the 1994 leadership race, feuds over NHS around 2003 and then Tony leaving after the 2005 election, there is not a lot of dirt thrown on him, besides remarks on a few places that Tony or his people approached Gordon with some outlandish idea that is hinted to be either too neoliberal or cronyist. But nowhere is the level that would be indicated in biographies of the likes of Peter Mandelson (who is interestingly only briefly mentioned but without any talk about his comeback in 2008), with the exception of the Iraq war, where Gordon tries to exonerate himself by making an argument that he basically did not know much at the time. Much more is thrown at the Coalition figures like Nick Clegg and David Cameron, and especially George Osborne.
The last chapters are great in outlying a vision for Gordon’s view of the role of ethics, religion and nationalism in politics. Having this level of perspective by a former politician who is no longer running for anything is, again, very rare. While in the chapters on his time as Chancellor, there is a lot of space dedicated to arguments for key policies like the children tax credits, baby bonds or the new deal for workers, the first and last parts focus on the ideological underpinnings of his key policies.
The legacy of the New Labour project as a modernising force - and who represented it most - will be, naturally always, disputed. And whether GB was more on the soft left of the New Labour project or just more personally tied to its Scottish origins and through his father a rather moralising figure, I am left with a respect for his intellect, convictions and dedication - even if one might not always fully agree with some of his actions or positions. What is, however, clear from the book, is Gordon’s drive for modernisation through the Labour party was, using John Prescott’s words, ‘applying our ever-present values for the setting’. And that is always admirable.
Among political biographies, this one is rather on the better side - well structured (focusing on issues & topics, rather than going purely linearly through time), less about settling scores than about making an argument about Gordon’s view of the world (to which the last 10-ish % of the book are dedicated) and of the economic and social policies they pursued. Gordon tries to make a case that they tried to suggest changes to the global banking system before the 2008 crisis, but was not listened to - I must say unconvincingly.
Tony Blair is mentioned frequently, but besides the 1994 leadership race, feuds over NHS around 2003 and then Tony leaving after the 2005 election, there is not a lot of dirt thrown on him, besides remarks on a few places that Tony or his people approached Gordon with some outlandish idea that is hinted to be either too neoliberal or cronyist. But nowhere is the level that would be indicated in biographies of the likes of Peter Mandelson (who is interestingly only briefly mentioned but without any talk about his comeback in 2008), with the exception of the Iraq war, where Gordon tries to exonerate himself by making an argument that he basically did not know much at the time. Much more is thrown at the Coalition figures like Nick Clegg and David Cameron, and especially George Osborne.
The last chapters are great in outlying a vision for Gordon’s view of the role of ethics, religion and nationalism in politics. Having this level of perspective by a former politician who is no longer running for anything is, again, very rare. While in the chapters on his time as Chancellor, there is a lot of space dedicated to arguments for key policies like the children tax credits, baby bonds or the new deal for workers, the first and last parts focus on the ideological underpinnings of his key policies.
The legacy of the New Labour project as a modernising force - and who represented it most - will be, naturally always, disputed. And whether GB was more on the soft left of the New Labour project or just more personally tied to its Scottish origins and through his father a rather moralising figure, I am left with a respect for his intellect, convictions and dedication - even if one might not always fully agree with some of his actions or positions. What is, however, clear from the book, is Gordon’s drive for modernisation through the Labour party was, using John Prescott’s words, ‘applying our ever-present values for the setting’. And that is always admirable.
August 22, 2024
If you're looking for the sort of in depth book that John Major wrote about his time in politics, well you won't get that with this shorter memoir. It instead looks at specific moments and polices that the former PM wants to go into in detail, rather than a brief bit about a lot of different things. It means that there are bits that you'd have liked to hear his opinion on that he only mentions in passing. To be fair, he had a very long political career so the book would be huge if he went into all of it. However he does tackle a lot of interesting things.
Yes he talks in detail about his infamous deal with Tony Blair, in the aftermath of John Smith's death. He is adamant that Tony offered two things to avoid Gordon fighting him for the leadership. One was total control of social and economic policy as Chancellor after an election win and the other was to stand down in his second term to let Gordon go for the leadership. Gordon talks about the media helping Tony's campaign while running him down, smears and allegations and dirty tricks employed to force him to step down. It sounds like a carrot and stick approach and it was probably true in my opinion. I'm not surprised either that Gordon accuses Tony of changing his mind on both his parts of the deal that were made.
Gordon talks about the loss of his baby daughter Jennifer. This was a tragic and heart-breaking part of the book, and I really felt for him and Sarah, having to deal with your grief in such a public manner. It was a sad thing to read the details on but he doesn't shy away from the effect that it had on him at the time, and also in his work to help other families in similar circumstances. He talks also about the joy of having his two sons and how they kept him grounded.
He devotes a chapter to Iraq, talking about what he knew at the time, what he discovered later and the information that was kept from him. He is scathing about the intelligence gathering, what the Americans shared and what they covered up. I was surprised by how much he was kept out of the loop except when more money was required for the campaign. He talks about wishing he had done more to express doubts in what he was being told but admits he felt no grounds to disbelieve the intelligence that was being shown to them. I think his anger and doubts built later when he heard the evidence at the enquiry.
I was less interested in the more technical aspects of the financial collapse-I'm no economist so it wasn't the topic that interested me but of course it was going to form an important part of the book. Details about meetings with foreign leaders on various subjects were also less interesting but I understand why he included them. I did find it interesting to read about his thoughts on the two referendums and on the coalition talks after the 2010 election. And yes he does include the moment where he calls the Labour voter a bigot, so at least he had the guts to talk about that and other mistakes he made in office.
Overall it was a decent read and it was worth getting the book to read about those topics that I was most interested in. I intend to read more about the Brown-Blair feuds in other books and judge for myself where the truth perhaps lies.
Yes he talks in detail about his infamous deal with Tony Blair, in the aftermath of John Smith's death. He is adamant that Tony offered two things to avoid Gordon fighting him for the leadership. One was total control of social and economic policy as Chancellor after an election win and the other was to stand down in his second term to let Gordon go for the leadership. Gordon talks about the media helping Tony's campaign while running him down, smears and allegations and dirty tricks employed to force him to step down. It sounds like a carrot and stick approach and it was probably true in my opinion. I'm not surprised either that Gordon accuses Tony of changing his mind on both his parts of the deal that were made.
Gordon talks about the loss of his baby daughter Jennifer. This was a tragic and heart-breaking part of the book, and I really felt for him and Sarah, having to deal with your grief in such a public manner. It was a sad thing to read the details on but he doesn't shy away from the effect that it had on him at the time, and also in his work to help other families in similar circumstances. He talks also about the joy of having his two sons and how they kept him grounded.
He devotes a chapter to Iraq, talking about what he knew at the time, what he discovered later and the information that was kept from him. He is scathing about the intelligence gathering, what the Americans shared and what they covered up. I was surprised by how much he was kept out of the loop except when more money was required for the campaign. He talks about wishing he had done more to express doubts in what he was being told but admits he felt no grounds to disbelieve the intelligence that was being shown to them. I think his anger and doubts built later when he heard the evidence at the enquiry.
I was less interested in the more technical aspects of the financial collapse-I'm no economist so it wasn't the topic that interested me but of course it was going to form an important part of the book. Details about meetings with foreign leaders on various subjects were also less interesting but I understand why he included them. I did find it interesting to read about his thoughts on the two referendums and on the coalition talks after the 2010 election. And yes he does include the moment where he calls the Labour voter a bigot, so at least he had the guts to talk about that and other mistakes he made in office.
Overall it was a decent read and it was worth getting the book to read about those topics that I was most interested in. I intend to read more about the Brown-Blair feuds in other books and judge for myself where the truth perhaps lies.
September 27, 2020
As in every aspect of life there are people who want to do good, succeed and serve while others who only want to serve themselves. This happens in every profession and yet we hold politicians to a standard that most of us cannot keep. Drs, lawyers, teachers, CEOs etc are not held to the same fire and yet they too are there to serve. Yes, even big big companies- we need to change how we view the world and how it’s run in order to make it better for everyone. How can we have a decent society if some want to do good for others while others grow up to do service only for their own gain.
Brown has always been in service to others and yet that wasn’t always enough to make sure things got done and policies through. Sitting on our sofa/couch and getting upset at the struggles of government doesn’t make us good citizens, taking action and thoughtful debate does. This is a strange world we live in now and I wonder how Gordon would have steered through these muddy waters. Governing isn’t easy and if you think it is you are delusional. It takes much energy, heart, soul, clarity, honesty and integrity and yet we think all of this can come up in one person wrapped in a bow. It takes many people with many talents and many backgrounds to come together and build something great. I believe Brown is one of these people and that his team and family fought the good fight. He is a highly intelligent person with empathy and compassion. He was never going to be loved by the ‘press’ His presence unnerved them, his words hit home but their desire to infiltrate his family was an act that shames the very profession they are in. Again they served themselves and not the people.
This insight into government is much needed and Brown does a great job detailing his triumphs and struggles. He was unquestionably the best Chancellor of our time, and as PM he did his very very best.
Blair was full of charisma and charm with an underlying dodginess that made me believe the man behind the smile wasn’t always sincere or honest but we needed a change and Blair could provide it. But like all shiny new things, they loose there appeal and we seek the steady and reliable. Brown, is a man who wears his heart on his sleeve and you’ll know if he’s in your corner or not. I’d rather have Brown.
Brown has always been in service to others and yet that wasn’t always enough to make sure things got done and policies through. Sitting on our sofa/couch and getting upset at the struggles of government doesn’t make us good citizens, taking action and thoughtful debate does. This is a strange world we live in now and I wonder how Gordon would have steered through these muddy waters. Governing isn’t easy and if you think it is you are delusional. It takes much energy, heart, soul, clarity, honesty and integrity and yet we think all of this can come up in one person wrapped in a bow. It takes many people with many talents and many backgrounds to come together and build something great. I believe Brown is one of these people and that his team and family fought the good fight. He is a highly intelligent person with empathy and compassion. He was never going to be loved by the ‘press’ His presence unnerved them, his words hit home but their desire to infiltrate his family was an act that shames the very profession they are in. Again they served themselves and not the people.
This insight into government is much needed and Brown does a great job detailing his triumphs and struggles. He was unquestionably the best Chancellor of our time, and as PM he did his very very best.
Blair was full of charisma and charm with an underlying dodginess that made me believe the man behind the smile wasn’t always sincere or honest but we needed a change and Blair could provide it. But like all shiny new things, they loose there appeal and we seek the steady and reliable. Brown, is a man who wears his heart on his sleeve and you’ll know if he’s in your corner or not. I’d rather have Brown.
October 20, 2025
I have to say I love Gordon Brown even more after reading this. Since I became aware of his premiership I was always under the impression that he was much wronged by the tumultuous events that he faced, and that criticism of his handling of the financial crisis was unfounded. It really does seem like he 'saved the world' as he once blundered in PMQs - I was becoming exhausted just reading about how much work went into the coordination of the domestic and international response.
His stewardship of the crisis as described in this book has definitely re-affirmed this for me. Of course, being autobiographical, you can't necessarily take everything at face value. But his laying out of the facts makes it clear that a Brown premiership post-2010 would have made for a much stronger, prosperous and greater Britain than we have suffered under Tory austerity.
Certainly, this is a book of deep introspection. In many ways, like on Iraq as well as on economic confrontations as Chancellor, he is very critical of his own actions, whilst making reasonable justification for the decisions he made. But he does lay out a great case for how in so many ways, the 1997-2010 Labour government did wonderful things for the country.
It can be a bit dry in areas such as a bit of droning on fiscal policy, and I do think that in parts there is a touch of spitefulness that felt out of place with the vision that this book was setting out, but he does manage to beautifully tie together his own personal experiences of government to a way forward for the country.
“And although I am no longer a candidate for office, I write as a Labour Party voter and member whose thoughts are focused not on the day-to-day Westminster infighting but on the longer term: the world of 2025 when my sons will be eighteen and twenty-one years old.”
Unfortunately, the world of 2025 - as made most evident by the surging of Reform UK in the polls - is not the one that Brown wanted when he was in office, nor when he wrote this book nearly a decade ago, nor the one he wants now as he continues to campaign against child poverty. But the messages and lessons of his government still ring true and will be important for any left-wing vision in this country.
His stewardship of the crisis as described in this book has definitely re-affirmed this for me. Of course, being autobiographical, you can't necessarily take everything at face value. But his laying out of the facts makes it clear that a Brown premiership post-2010 would have made for a much stronger, prosperous and greater Britain than we have suffered under Tory austerity.
Certainly, this is a book of deep introspection. In many ways, like on Iraq as well as on economic confrontations as Chancellor, he is very critical of his own actions, whilst making reasonable justification for the decisions he made. But he does lay out a great case for how in so many ways, the 1997-2010 Labour government did wonderful things for the country.
It can be a bit dry in areas such as a bit of droning on fiscal policy, and I do think that in parts there is a touch of spitefulness that felt out of place with the vision that this book was setting out, but he does manage to beautifully tie together his own personal experiences of government to a way forward for the country.
“And although I am no longer a candidate for office, I write as a Labour Party voter and member whose thoughts are focused not on the day-to-day Westminster infighting but on the longer term: the world of 2025 when my sons will be eighteen and twenty-one years old.”
Unfortunately, the world of 2025 - as made most evident by the surging of Reform UK in the polls - is not the one that Brown wanted when he was in office, nor when he wrote this book nearly a decade ago, nor the one he wants now as he continues to campaign against child poverty. But the messages and lessons of his government still ring true and will be important for any left-wing vision in this country.
November 20, 2017
Hmmm, no. I sometimes wonder about autobiographies, because I sometimes feel that you get the Lake Wobegon Effect (where "all the women are strong, all the men are good looking, and all the children are above average") in them. That view of life could be said to apply to this book.
I mean no offence by this, because Gordon Brown's achievement (he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister) was impressive, but he was social awkward I think and had a view of himself that didn't chime with what others said. That he didn't address this (other than talking about one row with Tony Blair -who had talked about thinking about sacking him for years- probably does confirm this view, to my mind at least, as it attests to a certain lack of self awareness being present.
So, what was the book like? It probably had the right balance between growing up (maybe 25 to 30% of the book), his early political years, his time as Chancellor, and Prime Minister, and his views on what happened after he left office.
One of my two grumbles would focus on the fact he seems convinced he could have maybe won the leadership election against Tony Blair (and not just split the progressive vote), and definitely won had Tony Blair not entered. I kind of doubt this, as it beggars the question if you thought that, why didn't you enter?
My other grumble focuses on what he did in the heat of the financial crisis, arguing that raising public spending in the poor times and allowing the market to take over in good times. He then goes on to concede that he was spending in the good times too, and dismissed any thought that this was incongruous with what he did later in 2 or 3 paragraphs.
All in all it's not a bad book, but you'll be feeling a bit irritated by how he sees himself by the end of the book I think.
I mean no offence by this, because Gordon Brown's achievement (he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister) was impressive, but he was social awkward I think and had a view of himself that didn't chime with what others said. That he didn't address this (other than talking about one row with Tony Blair -who had talked about thinking about sacking him for years- probably does confirm this view, to my mind at least, as it attests to a certain lack of self awareness being present.
So, what was the book like? It probably had the right balance between growing up (maybe 25 to 30% of the book), his early political years, his time as Chancellor, and Prime Minister, and his views on what happened after he left office.
One of my two grumbles would focus on the fact he seems convinced he could have maybe won the leadership election against Tony Blair (and not just split the progressive vote), and definitely won had Tony Blair not entered. I kind of doubt this, as it beggars the question if you thought that, why didn't you enter?
My other grumble focuses on what he did in the heat of the financial crisis, arguing that raising public spending in the poor times and allowing the market to take over in good times. He then goes on to concede that he was spending in the good times too, and dismissed any thought that this was incongruous with what he did later in 2 or 3 paragraphs.
All in all it's not a bad book, but you'll be feeling a bit irritated by how he sees himself by the end of the book I think.
July 7, 2021
A redemption autobiography by one of Englands greatest chancellors and politicians.
This book should have been 5 stars but as many pointed out it a filled with a lot of dry statistics and technical jargon that only truly hardcore political fans would probably understand, but within these pages lay the true dedication from a long-serving and truly dedicated politician.
His diaries were packed end to end with very little in the way of sleep, his health and time with the people he loved truly impacted by his workload, he had sleepless nights during epidemics, he worked tirelessly trying to bring soldiers back to Britain & he brought the world together to stop a deep recession turning into a depression.
Then how the right-wing press worked 24/7 in repeatedly attacking and ruining him with lies, untruths, misreporting and even undermining what he did during the recession.
In no way is he ever trying to explain away his faults, if anything, he puts everything thing he did wrong on the front street and he then explains what happened in reality and how it was misconstrued through the lens of the media and opposition parties.
This is not a book that would appeal to everyone, however, if you're interested in reading the truth about what happened to Labour Party and Gordon Brown in the 2000s, which leads towards the shower we gave in government today, this is the book for you.
The conclusion I drew from reading this book is that the government has gotten lazier as we moved away from the Blair/Brown years, I cannot imagine that either Cameron or Boris kept up the same pace of that of Gordon Brown which at times appeared almost superhuman, the knock-on is that any party who tries to go beyond a handful of policies would appear to be promising unicorns, yet New Labour did it and in here you'll see how.
This book should have been 5 stars but as many pointed out it a filled with a lot of dry statistics and technical jargon that only truly hardcore political fans would probably understand, but within these pages lay the true dedication from a long-serving and truly dedicated politician.
His diaries were packed end to end with very little in the way of sleep, his health and time with the people he loved truly impacted by his workload, he had sleepless nights during epidemics, he worked tirelessly trying to bring soldiers back to Britain & he brought the world together to stop a deep recession turning into a depression.
Then how the right-wing press worked 24/7 in repeatedly attacking and ruining him with lies, untruths, misreporting and even undermining what he did during the recession.
In no way is he ever trying to explain away his faults, if anything, he puts everything thing he did wrong on the front street and he then explains what happened in reality and how it was misconstrued through the lens of the media and opposition parties.
This is not a book that would appeal to everyone, however, if you're interested in reading the truth about what happened to Labour Party and Gordon Brown in the 2000s, which leads towards the shower we gave in government today, this is the book for you.
The conclusion I drew from reading this book is that the government has gotten lazier as we moved away from the Blair/Brown years, I cannot imagine that either Cameron or Boris kept up the same pace of that of Gordon Brown which at times appeared almost superhuman, the knock-on is that any party who tries to go beyond a handful of policies would appear to be promising unicorns, yet New Labour did it and in here you'll see how.
March 9, 2019
A fascinating account on the life of Britain through the scope of Gordon Brown. His humanity and humility is clear through the novel by his self-deprecation; he accepts his flaws and builds up what he could/should have done in certain circumstances.
What I find to be most interesting is the aspects of the Iraq war to which certain information was contrived to fit a certain narrative, though the rest of the cabinet (including Brown) didn't know. Furthermore, the Defence secretary of America and the Pentagon clearly not giving across true information or holding other aspects back from the British Governance.
Another key interest for me was the banking crash which I truly believe would have been so much worse without the quick response of Gordon Brown - it is clear that he was making sure another Great Depression didn't occur and that he was well-read in Roosevelt and the actions of his New deal (where it fell short/what went right).
It would have been fascinating to have seen the actions of Gordon Brown if he'd stayed in power post-2010 instead of the austerity government and the cutbacks engineered leading to a decade of low growth, higher child poverty (over 4 million in 2018), an increase in waiting times, less decent jobs (gig economy/zero hours contracts).
Of course, there are areas where matters went wrong, and policies I disagree with or inactions where actions should have occurred. I wish he had covered more the PFI systems and dodgy academy formats within the novel. However, all governments have their downfalls.
What I find to be most interesting is the aspects of the Iraq war to which certain information was contrived to fit a certain narrative, though the rest of the cabinet (including Brown) didn't know. Furthermore, the Defence secretary of America and the Pentagon clearly not giving across true information or holding other aspects back from the British Governance.
Another key interest for me was the banking crash which I truly believe would have been so much worse without the quick response of Gordon Brown - it is clear that he was making sure another Great Depression didn't occur and that he was well-read in Roosevelt and the actions of his New deal (where it fell short/what went right).
It would have been fascinating to have seen the actions of Gordon Brown if he'd stayed in power post-2010 instead of the austerity government and the cutbacks engineered leading to a decade of low growth, higher child poverty (over 4 million in 2018), an increase in waiting times, less decent jobs (gig economy/zero hours contracts).
Of course, there are areas where matters went wrong, and policies I disagree with or inactions where actions should have occurred. I wish he had covered more the PFI systems and dodgy academy formats within the novel. However, all governments have their downfalls.
July 6, 2020
Gordon Brown is part of the background to my childhood. I was 6 when he took over the nation’s finances, 16 when he ascended to Number 10, and 19 when he held the Conservatives to a draw and left office. So I really enjoyed this insight into his thinking:
- It is really interesting to see a vocal progressive case being made for the Labour government of 1997 - 2010. Changes in political discourse mean that Brown now obviously feels far more comfortable highlighting the redistributive and social democratic achievements of that government. Goodness knows there are a lot.
- Getting an inside view of the 2008 financial crash, when modern capitalism was staring into the abyss,
- You really see the human Gordon Brown. A man unsuited to the TV, but who is dedicated to the causes he believes in, and has a deep sense of right and wrong, and of social justice. I remember watching his 2010 speech to Citizens UK, fighting for his political life, barely a week after he called Gillian Duffy a bigot. It is a brilliant speech, progressive and from the heart, and like the book, shows what might have been.
- It is really interesting to see a vocal progressive case being made for the Labour government of 1997 - 2010. Changes in political discourse mean that Brown now obviously feels far more comfortable highlighting the redistributive and social democratic achievements of that government. Goodness knows there are a lot.
- Getting an inside view of the 2008 financial crash, when modern capitalism was staring into the abyss,
- You really see the human Gordon Brown. A man unsuited to the TV, but who is dedicated to the causes he believes in, and has a deep sense of right and wrong, and of social justice. I remember watching his 2010 speech to Citizens UK, fighting for his political life, barely a week after he called Gillian Duffy a bigot. It is a brilliant speech, progressive and from the heart, and like the book, shows what might have been.
August 27, 2019
This book is very much like the author as prime minister. Extremely intelligent, full of admirable traits but expressions come across as blinkered and frankly boring. The author talks about his time as a child growing up in Scotland and his career as an academic. His early political career is skipped over in the most part and then around 2/3rds of the book are on his comparatively shorter time as Prime Minister. The author is oddly at the forefront of things most acknowledge the Labour party did well (minimum wage, good Friday agreement etc) but had nothing to do with the low points (Iraq etc). He criticises his predecessors handling of the economy and argues that he saved the world. All that said, my major issue is that this book is boring. Brown spent decades working side by side with Tony Blair and Labour heavy hitters but we learn very little about anyone. Brown explains what happens in a way which you can read in any Wikipedia article. What I wanted to learn was how it happened and what Brown felt about it.
February 16, 2021
My Life, Our Times was a good and interesting read, especially if you have read Blairs account of events it is interesting to hear the other side.
Brown goes much more into policy detail compared to his predecessor who focused more on the ideals and philosophy of New Labour.
The divide between Blair and Brown is covered much less in this account and I would like to of heard more of it. Brown seems to somewhat skim over his Chancellorship but this maybe a result of reading about the Blair years in much more detail. But the author also talks about his failures and limitations in a very honest way.
Brown covers the events of his short premiership and role he played during events of 2008/09 to avoid a great depression. After he leaves Number 10 Brown gives us his views on more recent events as well as his role in the Scottish and Brexit referendums.
Overall this was a good political memoir although one I feel that is not as good as the others I have read. But still this is a good read for those interested in British politics, the prime ministers and New Labour.
Brown goes much more into policy detail compared to his predecessor who focused more on the ideals and philosophy of New Labour.
The divide between Blair and Brown is covered much less in this account and I would like to of heard more of it. Brown seems to somewhat skim over his Chancellorship but this maybe a result of reading about the Blair years in much more detail. But the author also talks about his failures and limitations in a very honest way.
Brown covers the events of his short premiership and role he played during events of 2008/09 to avoid a great depression. After he leaves Number 10 Brown gives us his views on more recent events as well as his role in the Scottish and Brexit referendums.
Overall this was a good political memoir although one I feel that is not as good as the others I have read. But still this is a good read for those interested in British politics, the prime ministers and New Labour.
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