How does one go about reviewing a book like A People’s History of the World? With caution, at the very least!
I first saw this book a little less than a year ago in an out-of-the-way bookstore in Spanish Harlem, was immediately struck by the similarity between its title and that of Howard Zinn’s masterpiece, A People’s History of the United States, saw the quote from Zinn himself at the bottom of the front cover (“An indispensable volume on my reference bookshelf”), and snapped it up. Nine months later, I can confidently say I’ve read all of its 620 pages of text—and scanned its Notes, Glossary, Further Reading, and Index.
Have I understood and retained it all? Well, now, that’s another story.
Given that Zinn published his book in 1980, and Harman published his in 1999, I believe we can safely assume that Harman owes Zinn the credit for his title. But both writers have done an outstanding job (in my opinion). And if they both show a bit of a Marxist bent in their choices of narrative and events, so be it. These are, after all, people’s histories—and not the histories of their so-called leaders.
With that in mind, I think the best way I can present
A People’s History of the World
to you, a potential reader, is to cite a number of Harman’s passages. Granted, the choice of what to cite is mine, and I hope I haven’t done you a disservice by choosing recklessly. There are no doubt at least as many outstanding passages I’ve omitted from my review, but I have to take your patience into consideration. If what I’ve chosen to cite excites your curiosity, then do that curiosity (and your children) a favor: buy and read this book. Then, as I have done with both Howard Zinn’s book and this one, give them to your children on a special holiday or birthday. You won’t be sorry.
As Harman proceeds in chronological order (albeit, from the Stone Age to the New Millennium), I’ll do the same on a much more selective basis. My first citation, therefore, is on p. 246: “(y)et the Enlightenment thinkers were hardly effective in achieving their goal of reforming society. Voltaire, apparently, was dispirited when he died in 1778. Kant noted six years later that, although ‘he was living in the Age of Enlightenment…the age itself was not enlightened.’
“Changing ideas was not the same as changing society. It would require another cycle of revolutions and civil wars to bring that about.”
The next citation is a direct quote from the historian Alexis de Tocqueville, writing about February 25, 1848, on p. 335: ‘I spent the whole afternoon wandering Paris and was particularly struck by two things: first the uniquely and exclusively popular character of the recent revolution and of the omnipotence it had given the so-called people—that is to say, the classes who work with their hands—over all other classes. Secondly how little hatred was shown from the first moment of victory by the humble people who had suddenly become the sole mentors of power…
‘Throughout the whole day in Paris I never saw one of the former agents of authority: not a soldier, nor a gendarme, nor a policeman; even the National Guard had vanished. The people alone bore arms, guarded public buildings, watched, commanded and punished; it was an extraordinary and terrible thing to see the whole of this huge city in the hands of those who owned nothing.”
In preparing us, his readers, for the “war to end all wars”—viz., for World War I—Harman has this to say on p. 404: “(w)ars, like revolutions, often seem to be triggered by the most minor of events. This leads people to see them as accidental, a result of a random chain of misjudgements and misunderstandings. But, in fact, the minor events are significant because they come to symbolize the balance between great social or political forces. A sparkplug is one of the cheapest components in a motor car, and cannot move anything by itself. But it can ignite the explosive force of petrol vapour in the engine. In the same way, an assassination or a tax rise can be of little importance in itself, but can bring about clashes between states or great social forces.”
On p. 500, Harman quotes another great writer—namely, George Orwell, writing about Barcelona, Spain in November of 1936: “(i)t was the first time I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically any building of any size had been seized by the workers. Every shop and café had an inscription saying it was collectivized; even the bootblacks had been collectivized and their boxes painted red and black.
‘Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as equals. Service and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared. There were no private cars; they had all been commandeered.
‘It was the aspect of the crowds that was the queerest thing of all. In outward appearance it was a town in which the wealthy classes had practically ceased to exist.
‘Above all there was belief in the revolution and the future, a feeling of having suddenly emerged into an era of equality and freedom. Human beings were trying to behave as human beings and not as cogs in a capitalist machine.”
The conclusion of Harman’s book is titled “Illusion of the epoch.” In the opening paragraphs of that conclusion, on p. 605 – 606, we read “(t)he twentieth century began with a great fanfare about the inevitability of progress … growing democratization, growing equality and growing all-round prosperity.
‘Yet the reality of life for vast sections of humanity was at various points in the century as horrific as any known in history. The forward march of progress gave rise to the bloodletting of the First World War; the mass impoverishment of the early 1930s; the spread of Nazism and fascism over most of Europe; the Stalinist gulag; the Japanese onslaught on Shanghai and Nanking; the devastation of much of Europe between 1940 and 1945; the Bengal famine; the obliteration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; the 30-year war against Vietnam and the nine-year war against Algeria; the million dead in one Gulf War and the 200,000 dead in another; tens of thousands killed by death squads in El Salvador, Guatemala and Argentina; and hundreds of thousands dead in the bloody civil wars of Croatia, Bosnia, Tajikistan, Angola, Ethiopia, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Afghanistan. Industrial progress all too often translated itself into the mechanisation of war—or most horrifically, with the Holocaust, into the mechanisation of mass murder. Nor was the picture any more hopeful at the end of the century than halfway through. Whole countries outside western Europe and North America which had hoped at various points in the century to ‘catch up’ with the living standards of the ‘First World’ saw the dream fade away—Argentina, Mexico, Venezuela, Brazil, Russia. The whole continent of Africa found itself being once again written out of history as income per head fell steadily over a 30-year period. Civil war continued to devastate Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Congo-Zaire. To the word ‘genocide,’ born of the Nazism that arose in the 1930s, was added the phrase ‘ethnic cleansing,’ coined in the civil wars of the 1990s.”
And to his everlasting credit, Harman also has a word or two to say about climate change, which he refers to on p. 609 as “ecological catastrophe.”
Read this book for a better understanding of human history, as I did. But read it at your own risk. We are not a lovely species; no, far from it. And from the Stone Age (if not before) until now, we haven’t improved much in appearance. Let’s just hope we can make some earth-shattering improvements before the planet itself goes all to pieces.
RRB
Brooklyn, NY
18 August 2018