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Destroying a Nation: The Civil War in Syria
Following the Arab Spring, Syria descended into civil and sectarian conflict. It has since become a fractured warzone which operates as a breeding ground for new terrorist movements including ISIS as well as the root cause of the greatest refugee crisis in modern history. In this book, former Special Envoy of the Netherlands to Syria Nikolaos van Dam explains the recent history of Syria, covering the growing disenchantment with the Assad regime, the chaos of civil war and the fractures which led to the rise and expansion of ISIS. Through an in-depth examination of the role of sectarian, regional and tribal loyalties in Syria, van Dam traces political developments within the Assad regime and the military and civilian power elite from the Arab Spring to the present day.
336 pages, Hardcover
First published July 1, 2017
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 47 reviews
July 31, 2021
More like two and a half stars as it is a work as baffling as its subject.
I traveled around Syria during the early Oughts (I was there in April 2003 when the US invaded Iraq of all times!) and it's still one of the best places I've ever been to and certainly populated by the kindest folks I've ever met. I lament that has now largely been razed to the ground and that some of those nice people are probably dead or at least know someone who is.
The Syrian civil war is quite the clusterfuck, even by the standards of the Middle East, made much worse, as always by desperate, idealistic-to-the-point-of-moronicide intervention by other players, here largely the US and Saudi Arabia, two fundamentalist powers. The sheer complexity of the opposition forces, ranging from well-meaning, decades-long veterans of the secular opposition to the beheading-seven-year-old-girls-for-coughing-the-wrong-way Islamists, makes it hard to untangle, as does the peculiarities of the "Western" interventions. Van Dam goes a good job with this bit, confusing as it is, so this is a good go-to for that. His introductory sections on the history of the Ba'th Party and the coming into power of Hafiz al-'Asad are great, too, if feeling a little too detached from the rest of the narrative.
The reason why I say detached is as glaring as it is bizarre: when Hafiz al-'Asad dies in 2000, the story abruptly ends, with the next chapter taking up the rumblings in early 2011 that led to the civil war. You read that right: an entire decade of Syrian history which happens to be the entire period Bashar al-'Asad was in power is simply ignored. There is literally 1.5 pages a little later that glosses over this vaguely. Since Bashar Al-'Asad is, well, the leader of the Syrian government, it seems a curious omission. Why isn't this crucial period covered? Van Dam himself waffles over Bashar, moving back and forth from calling his a dictatorial regime (which it is) to saying that Bashar himself might not have too much say in what is going on. This could've been teased out with a section at least as long as his father showing what Bashar's policies and approaches were over that decade of war-less power, but Van Dam chose not to do so. A damaging omission that makes this work halved in value. Was it because Bashar was seen at the time in scholarly circles as a kind of new hope? That maybe, just maybe he could do something positive? There were certainly plenty of folks arguing that in the Oughts. Whatever the case may be, it certainly leaves out a crucial part of the history of this unfortunate conflict.
I traveled around Syria during the early Oughts (I was there in April 2003 when the US invaded Iraq of all times!) and it's still one of the best places I've ever been to and certainly populated by the kindest folks I've ever met. I lament that has now largely been razed to the ground and that some of those nice people are probably dead or at least know someone who is.
The Syrian civil war is quite the clusterfuck, even by the standards of the Middle East, made much worse, as always by desperate, idealistic-to-the-point-of-moronicide intervention by other players, here largely the US and Saudi Arabia, two fundamentalist powers. The sheer complexity of the opposition forces, ranging from well-meaning, decades-long veterans of the secular opposition to the beheading-seven-year-old-girls-for-coughing-the-wrong-way Islamists, makes it hard to untangle, as does the peculiarities of the "Western" interventions. Van Dam goes a good job with this bit, confusing as it is, so this is a good go-to for that. His introductory sections on the history of the Ba'th Party and the coming into power of Hafiz al-'Asad are great, too, if feeling a little too detached from the rest of the narrative.
The reason why I say detached is as glaring as it is bizarre: when Hafiz al-'Asad dies in 2000, the story abruptly ends, with the next chapter taking up the rumblings in early 2011 that led to the civil war. You read that right: an entire decade of Syrian history which happens to be the entire period Bashar al-'Asad was in power is simply ignored. There is literally 1.5 pages a little later that glosses over this vaguely. Since Bashar Al-'Asad is, well, the leader of the Syrian government, it seems a curious omission. Why isn't this crucial period covered? Van Dam himself waffles over Bashar, moving back and forth from calling his a dictatorial regime (which it is) to saying that Bashar himself might not have too much say in what is going on. This could've been teased out with a section at least as long as his father showing what Bashar's policies and approaches were over that decade of war-less power, but Van Dam chose not to do so. A damaging omission that makes this work halved in value. Was it because Bashar was seen at the time in scholarly circles as a kind of new hope? That maybe, just maybe he could do something positive? There were certainly plenty of folks arguing that in the Oughts. Whatever the case may be, it certainly leaves out a crucial part of the history of this unfortunate conflict.
September 29, 2017
المؤلف نيكولاس فان دام غني عن التعريف فهو ديبلوماسي هولندي عمل سنوات طويلة في الشرق الاوسط و له كتاب سابق بعنوان الصراع على السلطة في سوريا يعد بمثابة مرجع في تاريخ سوريا الحديث. في كتابه الجديد يبدأ المؤلف بإستعراض سريع لتاريخ سوريا الحديث من عهد الانتداب و حتى بداية حكم بشار الاسد. هذا الجزء احتل تقريبا ثلث الكتاب. و هو جاء بهذه المراجعة السريعة لتاريخ سوريا لكي يدعم احد افكاره الاساسية في الكتاب و هي بأن الاحداث التي جرت في سوريا في الاعوام الاخيرة و الحرب الاهلية كانت نتيجة حتمية لا يمكن تفاديها. بقية الكتاب يمكن النظر اليه ككرونولوجي للأحداث في سوريا من مارس 2011 و حتى 2017 و في هذا الجزء يطرح المؤلف افكاره عن الاخطاء السياسية التي ادت الى هذه المأساة. اهم فكرة طرحها هي أن كل المواقف السياسية و الاستراتيجية لجميع اطراف النزاع في سوريا كانت مبنية على التفكير الرغائبي او "wishful thinking " . فالنظام السوري اعتقد عشية بدء الثورة في مارس 2011 بأن سيناريو مماثل لما حصل في حماة قبل ثلاثين عام هو ما سيحصل في 2011 و لم يتصور بأن الامر سيمتد لست اعوام دامية قابلة للزيادة و لذلك رفض تقديم اي تنازلات حقيقية في بداية الازمة. و المعارضة ايضا توقعت بكثير من السذاجة و التفكير بالتمني بأن الاسد سيرحل و يتنحى كما حصل مع مبارك مثلا او بن علي و ساعدها على ذلك مشاركة الدول العربية و المجتمع الدولي نفس التفكير متجاهلين تركيبة الحكم و الجيش في سوريا. و لذلك كان الخطأ الاستراتيجي الكبير بالإصرار على رحيل النظام رغم ان ذلك عمليا لم يكن ممكنا من دون عمل عسكري.
يختم المؤلف كتابه بعبارة " المعجزات تحصل فقط لمن يؤمن بها" و ربما كان قصده بأن انهاء هذه المأساة سيتطلب معجزة
يختم المؤلف كتابه بعبارة " المعجزات تحصل فقط لمن يؤمن بها" و ربما كان قصده بأن انهاء هذه المأساة سيتطلب معجزة
July 19, 2017
I really enjoyed this book. I didnt have a lot of insight into Syria, just bits and pieces about the conflict there now. So this book was great. Very interesting to know the facts and hear about how these places used to be. Nothing better than someone whos been there and witnessed it first hand. Its a topic im very interested in and had made my own views on what Syria would have been like before and was wrong and suprised by what I found out.
September 8, 2017
Clear insights into Syria and the Syrian war are rare and sober analysis of the situation and the future of the country are far from frequent. This is one of those occasions where such an analysis is based on long experience and vast knowledge from an external observer who has known the country for many decades and has both the affection for it and the distance from it to write a profound analysis.
Van Dam's previous book on Syria The Struggle For Power In Syria: Sectarianism, Regionalism, And Tribalism In Politics, 1961 1978 was an a must for understanding the country and its second edition took us until the end of the rule of Hafiz Al-Asad, this one goes from 2011 and describes the war and its consequences.
Syria's recent history is complicated and the way power, politics, sectarianism, and other factors played a role in bringing the country to where it is now are not easy to grasp. This is where the brief history the author puts in the beginning is crucial for the non-specialist.
After that, he describes the war, its conduct, its actors, and its consequences in a clear and manageable language that would bring much better understanding and coherence for those who have been hearing shreds of news over the past nearly seven years. It is critical to bring such understanding at this point when the Syrian war has become a war of proxy with so many countries engaged in it and little transparency or honesty coming from their representatives.
Inevitably though, a short volume like this one will describe many issues only briefly. This is the case both in the historical background of the book which talks more about the sectarian divisions in the book but not much about the political one. For example, a good description is put on the Alawi sectarian influence since 1963 but nearly nothing on the other political non-sectarian opposition such as the leftist and communist opposition groups in the seventies who were engaged in the opposition. This risks giving too much weight in the mind of the non-expert reader to the sectarian/religious characters of the Syrian politics and little to other political progressive movements that have always existed.
This book is an indispensable resource on the Syria war, its causes, and the perspectives for the future. It can for a solid base for further understanding and analysis.
Nikolaos van Dam is one of the few analysts who know the country well and have a deep rooted and long standing relationship with its people. He does what many others fail in putting forward a realistic analysis of the situation and providing his knowledge and opinion. For that, he should always be appreciated.
Van Dam's previous book on Syria The Struggle For Power In Syria: Sectarianism, Regionalism, And Tribalism In Politics, 1961 1978 was an a must for understanding the country and its second edition took us until the end of the rule of Hafiz Al-Asad, this one goes from 2011 and describes the war and its consequences.
Syria's recent history is complicated and the way power, politics, sectarianism, and other factors played a role in bringing the country to where it is now are not easy to grasp. This is where the brief history the author puts in the beginning is crucial for the non-specialist.
After that, he describes the war, its conduct, its actors, and its consequences in a clear and manageable language that would bring much better understanding and coherence for those who have been hearing shreds of news over the past nearly seven years. It is critical to bring such understanding at this point when the Syrian war has become a war of proxy with so many countries engaged in it and little transparency or honesty coming from their representatives.
Inevitably though, a short volume like this one will describe many issues only briefly. This is the case both in the historical background of the book which talks more about the sectarian divisions in the book but not much about the political one. For example, a good description is put on the Alawi sectarian influence since 1963 but nearly nothing on the other political non-sectarian opposition such as the leftist and communist opposition groups in the seventies who were engaged in the opposition. This risks giving too much weight in the mind of the non-expert reader to the sectarian/religious characters of the Syrian politics and little to other political progressive movements that have always existed.
This book is an indispensable resource on the Syria war, its causes, and the perspectives for the future. It can for a solid base for further understanding and analysis.
Nikolaos van Dam is one of the few analysts who know the country well and have a deep rooted and long standing relationship with its people. He does what many others fail in putting forward a realistic analysis of the situation and providing his knowledge and opinion. For that, he should always be appreciated.
September 12, 2017
The byzantine nature of inter-House rivalry in ‘Game of Thrones’ pales into insignificance compared to the labyrinthine complexities of the present-day Syrian conflict. However, as author of the highly acclaimed ‘The Struggle for Power in Syria’ (first published in 1979) and Special Envoy of the Netherlands for Syria in 2015-16, Nikolaos van Dam is better equipped than most to make sense of the civil war in Syria and his book ‘Destroying a Nation’ takes the reader by the hand and offers a scholarly yet accessible steer through the minefield of conflicting interpretations and swiftly changing events.
Having said that, I dislike Van Dam’s characterising the war as “inevitable” following the Syrian revolution. Whilst war and revolution often go hand in hand, and although Van Dam does not simply make an assertion but seeks to justify his claim by reference to “the earlier behaviour (and misbehaviour) of the Syrian regime” (as described in detail in his previous book), I remain wary of the fact that most events appear inevitable with the benefit of hindsight. Nevertheless, he deserves praise for the way in which he explains clearly why the attempted suppression of dissent by the Asad regime in 2011 confronted unprecedented problems given the impetus provided by the Arab Spring and how foreign intervention on both sides (political, military and financial) both complicated and catalysed the process of breakdown. The West, quite rightly, is apportioned its share of the blame.
Contemporary history is notoriously difficult because the necessary sources are only partly, if at all, available and because a sense of perspective and disengagement is so hard to achieve. Van Dam surmounts these problems as well as one can imagine any author doing and, not content merely to explain how we’ve arrived at the current state of affairs, also bravely suggests how best the conflict might be resolved.
Time will tell precisely how insightful Van Dam has been but what cannot be contested is that this book represents the very best available means at present by which an educated individual can develop an understanding or enhance their existing understanding of this vital issue.
Having said that, I dislike Van Dam’s characterising the war as “inevitable” following the Syrian revolution. Whilst war and revolution often go hand in hand, and although Van Dam does not simply make an assertion but seeks to justify his claim by reference to “the earlier behaviour (and misbehaviour) of the Syrian regime” (as described in detail in his previous book), I remain wary of the fact that most events appear inevitable with the benefit of hindsight. Nevertheless, he deserves praise for the way in which he explains clearly why the attempted suppression of dissent by the Asad regime in 2011 confronted unprecedented problems given the impetus provided by the Arab Spring and how foreign intervention on both sides (political, military and financial) both complicated and catalysed the process of breakdown. The West, quite rightly, is apportioned its share of the blame.
Contemporary history is notoriously difficult because the necessary sources are only partly, if at all, available and because a sense of perspective and disengagement is so hard to achieve. Van Dam surmounts these problems as well as one can imagine any author doing and, not content merely to explain how we’ve arrived at the current state of affairs, also bravely suggests how best the conflict might be resolved.
Time will tell precisely how insightful Van Dam has been but what cannot be contested is that this book represents the very best available means at present by which an educated individual can develop an understanding or enhance their existing understanding of this vital issue.
July 28, 2019
يبدو الكاتب في بداية الكتاب مقتنعا بفكرة حتمية الحرب السورية و أن لا مجال أبدا لتجنبها لأسباب منطقية عديدة و لكنه ما يلبث ان بناقش فكرة أخرى تنسف فكرته الأولى فيكتب ما معناه " لم يكن هناك أمل في استجابة النظام لأي طلب اصلاح أو امكانية لهزيمة النظام عسكريا , لذلك فإن الاستسلام و 10 آلاف ضحية أفضل كثيرا من 500 الف شهيد و 13 مليون مهجر !!!".
يحاول الكاتب أخذ موقف وسط من المعارضة و النظام في كثير من الأحيان , مهاجما دكتاتورية النظام ووحشيته و مشيدا أحيانا بسلمية المعارضة في الأشهر الأولى و عدالة مطالباتها ولكنه سرعان ما ينسف ذلك بكلمة لكن ..... التي تأتي دوما ناقضة لما قبلها.
الكتاب حظي بدعاية كبيرة مبالغ فيها كثيرا مقارنة بما ورد فيه من وجهة نظري و لو كنت قراته دون معرفة اسم الكاتب و مركزه لما أكملته.
لم يقدم الكاتب كذلك أي حل أو تصور و بقي عالقا في معضلته التي طرحها و بما معناه " كنتو عايشين و عم ينقتل و ينسجن ناس قليل , فما كان في داعي تطلعوا و يموت و يتهجر ملايين ..."
يحاول الكاتب أخذ موقف وسط من المعارضة و النظام في كثير من الأحيان , مهاجما دكتاتورية النظام ووحشيته و مشيدا أحيانا بسلمية المعارضة في الأشهر الأولى و عدالة مطالباتها ولكنه سرعان ما ينسف ذلك بكلمة لكن ..... التي تأتي دوما ناقضة لما قبلها.
الكتاب حظي بدعاية كبيرة مبالغ فيها كثيرا مقارنة بما ورد فيه من وجهة نظري و لو كنت قراته دون معرفة اسم الكاتب و مركزه لما أكملته.
لم يقدم الكاتب كذلك أي حل أو تصور و بقي عالقا في معضلته التي طرحها و بما معناه " كنتو عايشين و عم ينقتل و ينسجن ناس قليل , فما كان في داعي تطلعوا و يموت و يتهجر ملايين ..."
September 11, 2018
The book sheds more light on the local character of the war and presents the pecularities of the Syrian society and al-Asad’s regime, which transformed an initially peaceful demonstration into this year-long complication. I now have a much better understanding of the social tensions inside Syria and of the crucial role they will play post(?)-Asad, which pose a lot of difficulties in coming up with a realistic solution. A very necessary detailing of the many Syrian groups and identities that find themselves caught up in their own fight for literal survival, as well as an overview of what has been tried, so far, by the international community, to bring the conflict closer to an end.
May 2, 2020
The situation in Syria is complex. Messy. Confusing. And by the middle of this book, I found myself in a similar position, struggling to understand where I was or what was going on. However, the concluding chapter is fantastic. Really clarifying, simplifying and brings everything together well. The book could have been helped by a glossary or some form of diagram at the start depicting relations and groups for the opposing forces involved. Would recommend to those who are patient and ready for perhaps a little more detail than is necessary.
June 30, 2021
(Note - I was able to read an advanced copy of this work courtesy of NetGalley)
Nikolaos van Dam manages to describe the complex tragedy of what has befallen Syria and why this nation has become such a major ongoing tragedy with a masterful succinctness, and has essentially ended up creating what should be considered a go-to guide on the subject.
Nikolaos van Dam manages to describe the complex tragedy of what has befallen Syria and why this nation has become such a major ongoing tragedy with a masterful succinctness, and has essentially ended up creating what should be considered a go-to guide on the subject.
August 16, 2020
A quick introduction to the Syrian Civil War, a topic that we should all know more about than we do.
April 10, 2021
Destroying a Nation is a unique text in that it is written by a diplomat who worked as the Dutch Special Envoy to Syria which gave him access to representatives of all of the major actors in the conflict as well as to all of the UN Special Envoys for Syria (Kofi Annan, Lakdar Brahimi and Steffan de Mistura).
The Introduction discusses Bilad al-Sham 'Greater Syria' including present-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and areas of president-day Turkey. Chapter one traces the history of the Ba'athist revolution from March 8, 1963 to 2011. Chapters two through 4 discuss the Syrian Civil War and Chapter five discusses the peace process up to 2016.
Comes across to me as pretty even-handed despite quoting from some texts that I've been rather critical of.
The Introduction discusses Bilad al-Sham 'Greater Syria' including present-day Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and areas of president-day Turkey. Chapter one traces the history of the Ba'athist revolution from March 8, 1963 to 2011. Chapters two through 4 discuss the Syrian Civil War and Chapter five discusses the peace process up to 2016.
Comes across to me as pretty even-handed despite quoting from some texts that I've been rather critical of.
August 22, 2021
Great book - very informative. Would love an updated version.
Read
June 14, 2020Erg goed geschreven, niet heel makkelijk om te lezen maar ik heb het zelf gebruikt als bron voor mijn afstudeerscriptie. Goed beeld van de burgeroorlog in Syrië en de vele aspecten die hierbij belangrijk waren en zijn.
September 26, 2017
I knew I lacked knowledge of what was truly going on in Syria due to the complexity of the situation, but this book left me feeling ashamed of myself for being so ignorant for so long. Almost every other page I turned I would be shaking my head in disgust or disbelief about the actions and the lack of action that has taken place. The author is great at simplifying the issues and teasing out the truth without being opinionated allowing the reader to gain enough information to see both sides.
The book has educated me not just about Syria though, but about the dangers of a national identity being slowly stripped away to breaking point. How movements come about, and how seeds of rebellion are planted. Without this book I would have gone through life without the understanding of how seven million people have displaced without resolution in my lifetime.
The book served its purpose but fell short on the deeper explanations of the international power and money involved. Maybe it's not the authors fault but I would have liked to known the scale of investment and reward to be gained from the different international sides involved.
This book will live with me and I'm proud to say I've read this and not relied on news articles to inform me on this horrific event in time.
The book has educated me not just about Syria though, but about the dangers of a national identity being slowly stripped away to breaking point. How movements come about, and how seeds of rebellion are planted. Without this book I would have gone through life without the understanding of how seven million people have displaced without resolution in my lifetime.
The book served its purpose but fell short on the deeper explanations of the international power and money involved. Maybe it's not the authors fault but I would have liked to known the scale of investment and reward to be gained from the different international sides involved.
This book will live with me and I'm proud to say I've read this and not relied on news articles to inform me on this horrific event in time.
August 5, 2020
To a great extent, this book gives you the truth about how the Syrian people got betrayed.
Very objective and neutral book.
Very objective and neutral book.
October 20, 2017
I have been following this conflict since it first broke out, so I was not really in the market for a book on it until long after it ended and could enter the realm of historical appraisal proper. But I came across some of the article writing of the author and he seemed a rare balanced observer as well as a country expert, so I decided to give his new book a try.
This is not actually a proper military history of the war, but rather an appraisal of the context it came about in and how so many people are constrained by a past they inherited when it comes to the options they have for exercising agency in the present. As a lifelong studier of the government of Syria, van Dam spares no critique of their long held policies but fortunately, unlike many of the knee-jerk calvino-humanists of northern europe, also is fully aware of the deep problems with the rebel movements and their often horrific foreign backers. While the book did little to change my mind that Assad is the least of the (realistic) evils in that country currently, it certainly showed the context of all factions in a stark light.
This is not actually a proper military history of the war, but rather an appraisal of the context it came about in and how so many people are constrained by a past they inherited when it comes to the options they have for exercising agency in the present. As a lifelong studier of the government of Syria, van Dam spares no critique of their long held policies but fortunately, unlike many of the knee-jerk calvino-humanists of northern europe, also is fully aware of the deep problems with the rebel movements and their often horrific foreign backers. While the book did little to change my mind that Assad is the least of the (realistic) evils in that country currently, it certainly showed the context of all factions in a stark light.
April 28, 2019
Interesting and certainly enlightening, but more of a commentary than a description of the Syrian civil war. I had wished for more facts and less of the authors own views. But interesting analysis anyway showing why the situation was practically unsolvable from the beginning.
Easy and quick reading.
Easy and quick reading.
December 26, 2017
Good Bok
This is the first actually good book I’ve found that offers a decent overview of the conflict in Syria. It’s one of those books that should be read by people to stay informed and keep their government accountable.
This is the first actually good book I’ve found that offers a decent overview of the conflict in Syria. It’s one of those books that should be read by people to stay informed and keep their government accountable.
December 25, 2018
If you need to understand Syrian revolution from inside, read this Book. It tells the history of the Assad family in Syria and how they (Assad and Islamists) destroyed Syria.
April 1, 2022
Van Dam has produced an excellent book that attempts to disentangle the complexities of ethnic and sectarian relations around the war in Syria. As other readers have commented upon, it's definitely not an exhaustive book and there certainly are some rather significant gaps in the chronology of the conflict. However, to my mind, rather than aiming at a full chronology this book aims at establishing an overview over the relevant conflict parties, ethnic groups and how all of their various identities and interests intersect. It's messy and all around confusing especially for anyone who's not previously acquainted with the conflict. I would not suggest this book as an introductory read, however, it is an excellent complementary work, that at times goes into surprising detail, considering the overall short length of the book.
There is a strong overlap between sectarian, regional and tribal identities where the compact minorities are concerned, and these can have a mutually strengthening effect. Such an overlap can make it difficult to determine which categories play a role in a particular situation, and there is a risk therefore of interpreting tribal, or extended family loyalties as sectarian loyalties, for instance. Overlap may be due to the regional concentration of particular religious communities, tribes and extended families; to the fact that tribal and extended family groups as a whole usually belong to the same religious community; and to the fact that tribal, extended family and sectarian elements are sometimes inseparably linked to one another. In this respect, the compact religious communities, and the tribes and extended families belonging to these minorities, serve as clear examples. But it should be added that when it comes to loyalties or allegiances, quite different factors can play an equally or sometimes more important role, such as ideology, social class, inter-generational conflict, personal ambition and opportunism. (p.18)
The takeover by lower-middle class and poorer rural minoritarian Ba'thists in 1963 led to a social revolution: rural minorities which earlier had been discriminated against, and traditionally had belonged to the more if not most backward segments of Syrian society, went through an abrupt process of national emancipation (p.61)
Calls for freedom in Syria were understandable and justified, but expecting a transformation of the Syrian political system ito a democracy to be possible without severe bllodshed was therefore wishful thinking. (66)
The Arab League froze the membership of the Syrian Arab Republic, but this turned out to be rather counterproductive because it further polarised relations between Syria and other Arab states. (77)
It was not a Shi'i alliance, as has sometimes been suggested. And many Iranian Shi'is may not even consider Syrian Alawis as Twelver Shi'is like themselves. As was mentioned above, this also applies to some of the Syrian Alawi Shayks, who consider Alawis to be different in religion from the Iranian Shi'is. The link between Syria and Hizballah was strategic as well, and had little to do with religion. Each party had its own motives. (90)
Many Syrians for the time being preferred to preserve their livelihoods under the existing dictatorship, rather than having their livelihoods, their ships and spare sources of income and belongings (if any) destroyed as a result of the internal war, let alone having themselves and their families killed, or forced to become refugees. (125)
According to de Mistura, none of the Syrian delegates could possibly be in favour of terrorism, and therefore there should be nothing against discussing it. The problem was, however, that both the opposition and the regime continued to accuse one another of being 'terrorist' and of supporting 'terrorism.' And as long as the regime and the opposition did not have the slightest intention of sharing substantial power with one another, it appeared to be premature to discuss the proposed subjects in depth, except by way of confidence-building measures. But there was no mutual trust or confidence, the more so as the bloody war in Syria continued in all its ferocity. (157)
January 6, 2025
Destroying a Nation by Nikolaos van Dam is a hard hitting, eye-opening exploration of the Syrian conflict, offering a detailed and often harrowing look at how a nation can be torn apart. Van Dam, a well-respected expert on the Middle East, brings an incredibly informed and nuanced perspective to the events that have shaped Syria’s devastating civil war. If you’re interested in understanding the complexities of the conflict and its impact on Syria and the wider region, this book is a must read but be warned it’s not light reading
The book is divided into several sections, covering everything from the roots of the Syrian conflict to the involvement of international powers, the rise of ISIS, and the effects of the war on the country’s civilians. Van Dam’s expertise really shines through as he breaks down the historical, social, and political contexts that contributed to the violence. It’s clear that this isn’t just another "war book" it’s a deep dive into the multiple layers of conflict, oppression, and international intervention that have made Syria’s situation so complex and tragic
What struck me the most about Destroying a Nation was how personal and human the story is. Van Dam doesn’t just talk about the military tactics and political maneuvering he emphasizes the human toll of the war displacement, suffering, and loss. The first-hand accounts, interviews with refugees, and detailed descriptions of the devastation on the ground really hit hard. You can’t read this book without feeling a deep sense of grief and empathy for the people caught in the crossfire of forces far beyond their control.
However, this book is definitely more academic than a typical narrative-driven war memoir or journalistic report. While it’s incredibly thorough, there are moments when the depth of analysis can be overwhelming. The book doesn’t shy away from delving into complex political theories, military strategies, and the intricate webs of alliances and rivalries in the region. For readers who aren’t familiar with Middle Eastern geopolitics, it might be a bit hard to follow at times, and there are moments when the language feels dry or dense. It’s a book that requires patience and concentration, and while it rewards those who stick with it, it’s not a fast-paced, action-packed read.
Another criticism I have is that sometimes, the book feels more like an academic textbook than a compelling narrative. While it’s clear that Van Dam is passionate about the subject, the writing can occasionally come across as more of a detached analysis than an engaging story. There’s a lot of factual information, and though it’s undeniably important, it can sometimes be overwhelming or feel repetitive, especially for readers looking for more personal storytelling.
Despite these criticisms, Destroying a Nation is an important contribution to the discourse surrounding the Syrian conflict. It’s a well-researched, comprehensive account that sheds light on the devastating effects of war, not just on a national scale, but on the lives of everyday people. For anyone looking to understand the roots and consequences of Syria’s collapse, Van Dam provides valuable insight, even if it’s a bit heavy on the academic side.
Overall, I’d rate this book 4/5 stars. It’s incredibly informative and essential for anyone interested in the Middle East and global politics, but it’s definitely not a quick or easy read. If you’re willing to invest the time and focus needed to absorb the information, it will leave you with a much deeper understanding of one of the most tragic conflicts of our time.
November 7, 2020
4,5 stars. Firstly: on such a topic I find it important to read different narratives from different people, as it is impossible to be fully objective.
Nikolaos Van Dam is not Syrian, and his book is not about the Syrian people, but rather about the politics & big picture reasons for things happening in a certain way. I have a lot of respect for him as he was a specialist on Syria long before 2011, lived in Damascus for a long time & speaks fluent Arabic - all while remaining an outsider, which makes it much easier to conduct what Robert Fisk called “cool & lethal analysis”.
He sets up the Syrian tragedy, showing the deep rooted tensions & issues in a practical manner - in fact, that is probably what I appreciated most in this book. Often times Western analysis is filled with preconceived Western ideals & morals, which do not necessarily apply to other cultures (for example, American authors writing about Russia always assume democracy is what the Russian people want - this is not necessarily true). Nikolas Van Dam shames Western nations for refusing to engage in “realpolitik” thus prolonging war and suffering... but at the same time shows the struggle of engaging in said realpolitik & how even when this is attempted it doesn’t work if the opposition & regime also refuse...
The author also remains cautiously optimistic, with the closing line of the book one of my favourite quotes now.
A downside is that, unfortunately, very little text is given towards the Syrian people and their struggles, what they want - but then again, this is a political analysis, and in reality, unfortunately - in my opinion - that rarely affects decision-making & peace processes.
Nikolaos Van Dam is not Syrian, and his book is not about the Syrian people, but rather about the politics & big picture reasons for things happening in a certain way. I have a lot of respect for him as he was a specialist on Syria long before 2011, lived in Damascus for a long time & speaks fluent Arabic - all while remaining an outsider, which makes it much easier to conduct what Robert Fisk called “cool & lethal analysis”.
He sets up the Syrian tragedy, showing the deep rooted tensions & issues in a practical manner - in fact, that is probably what I appreciated most in this book. Often times Western analysis is filled with preconceived Western ideals & morals, which do not necessarily apply to other cultures (for example, American authors writing about Russia always assume democracy is what the Russian people want - this is not necessarily true). Nikolas Van Dam shames Western nations for refusing to engage in “realpolitik” thus prolonging war and suffering... but at the same time shows the struggle of engaging in said realpolitik & how even when this is attempted it doesn’t work if the opposition & regime also refuse...
The author also remains cautiously optimistic, with the closing line of the book one of my favourite quotes now.
A downside is that, unfortunately, very little text is given towards the Syrian people and their struggles, what they want - but then again, this is a political analysis, and in reality, unfortunately - in my opinion - that rarely affects decision-making & peace processes.
July 1, 2022
ما حصل خلال سنوات الثورة السورية معقد جدا .. لم استطع فهمه سابقا بشكل كامل حيث كانت الأمور ضبابية بالنسبة لي، ولكوني لم اهتم يوما بالسياسة، ولكن حدوث الربيع العربي بشكل عام والثورة السورية بشكل خاص جعلني مهتمة نوعا ما بالاحداث السياسية في المنطقة العربية..
الضغوطات التي واجهناها خلال سنوات الثورة داخل سوريا لم تجعلني واعية تماما لما يحصل ولكن كان دائما ما يجول بخاطري ( ليش وصلنا لهون، وليش ما انتصرت الثورة) وللأسف كل سنة كان يتكرر نفس السؤال ولكن بظروف أسوء عن السنة التي تسبقها…
الكاتب بشكل عام وثق بشكل جيد إلى حد ما ما حصل خلال سنوات الثورة وما سبق سنوات الثورة من أحداث كانت بذرة للثورة منذ ستينيات القرن الماضي
شعرت في البداية بانحياز الكاتب لتبيض صفحة النظام وكان ذلك واضحا في التسميات التي كان يستخدمها اثناء التعبير عنه ، في حين لم يفوت أي فرصة في وصف المعارضين في أي مرحلة من مراحل حكم الأسد بالمتطرفين والجهاديين والإسلاميين والإرهابيين.. مما يدل عن عدم فهم طبيعة الشعب السوري سواء كان سني أم من غير طائفة.. شعرت حينها بالخذلان لان أكثر من ٥٠ بالمية من الشعب السوري سني ويتسم غالبيته بمختلف طوائفه بالاعتدال والتسامح ولم يكن يوما متشددا لدرجة التطرف…
في الفصول التالية كان الوضع أفضل فقد كان الكاتب يسرد ما حدث من أحداث وتدخلات ومفاوضات بشكل مجرد لينقل لنا من وجهة نظره أسباب فشل الثورة وبقاء النظام لوقتنا الحالي.. والتي من بينها عدم ابداء النظام أي رغبة في التفاوض سواء كانت أمور أساسية أم تفصيلية ، بالإضافة لعدم توزان القوى العسكرية على الأرض الواقع وخذلان الدول الداعمة للمعارضة وجعل مصالحها أولوية تسبق أولوية حماية المدنيين ونجاح الثورة..
الضغوطات التي واجهناها خلال سنوات الثورة داخل سوريا لم تجعلني واعية تماما لما يحصل ولكن كان دائما ما يجول بخاطري ( ليش وصلنا لهون، وليش ما انتصرت الثورة) وللأسف كل سنة كان يتكرر نفس السؤال ولكن بظروف أسوء عن السنة التي تسبقها…
الكاتب بشكل عام وثق بشكل جيد إلى حد ما ما حصل خلال سنوات الثورة وما سبق سنوات الثورة من أحداث كانت بذرة للثورة منذ ستينيات القرن الماضي
شعرت في البداية بانحياز الكاتب لتبيض صفحة النظام وكان ذلك واضحا في التسميات التي كان يستخدمها اثناء التعبير عنه ، في حين لم يفوت أي فرصة في وصف المعارضين في أي مرحلة من مراحل حكم الأسد بالمتطرفين والجهاديين والإسلاميين والإرهابيين.. مما يدل عن عدم فهم طبيعة الشعب السوري سواء كان سني أم من غير طائفة.. شعرت حينها بالخذلان لان أكثر من ٥٠ بالمية من الشعب السوري سني ويتسم غالبيته بمختلف طوائفه بالاعتدال والتسامح ولم يكن يوما متشددا لدرجة التطرف…
في الفصول التالية كان الوضع أفضل فقد كان الكاتب يسرد ما حدث من أحداث وتدخلات ومفاوضات بشكل مجرد لينقل لنا من وجهة نظره أسباب فشل الثورة وبقاء النظام لوقتنا الحالي.. والتي من بينها عدم ابداء النظام أي رغبة في التفاوض سواء كانت أمور أساسية أم تفصيلية ، بالإضافة لعدم توزان القوى العسكرية على الأرض الواقع وخذلان الدول الداعمة للمعارضة وجعل مصالحها أولوية تسبق أولوية حماية المدنيين ونجاح الثورة..
July 16, 2021
An insightful read. The premise of the book reminded me of "Prisoners of Geography " by Tim Marshall. The book sheds light on the underlying sectarian and ethnic tensions that erupted in full blown civil war by miscalculations from either sides of the conflict. However, it is concerning to observe the nature of regimes and political actors in middle east. It seems that all the states in middle east are ticking time bombs. The mechanism of peaceful transfer of power is absent and the "winner" of the political games are ready to kill anyone and everyone. There is no hope for survival of culture with such approach. Individual egos run high in all rulers it seems and they are ready to take everyone into grave along with them. I also see that in foreseeable future, states in middle east might get continually influenced by USA and Russia, in one way or other as they all look ready to make faustian bargains only to hold on to power little longer. The book conveys its message largely and is a reminder for all nations to not take peace for granted.
September 20, 2019
A bleak look into a complex struggle for a country that has seen its fair share of hardship and which is unfortunately currently still far from seeing a solution. After years of deep interest in the plight of the Syrian people and the refugee crisis, this book gave me a much needed insight to the backstory of the politics and the rise of the al-Asad regime. Terms, places and names of people I've heard thrown around for years is finally starting to form a clear pattern for me, bringing me closer to understand this tragic war and some of the reasons for why it is still going on after so many years.
March 30, 2021
Maybe I am not rating this book higher be as I came to it expecting a much more in-depth description of the more contemporary conflict in Syria. Instead what stood out to me, as opposed to accounting of the day-to-day battles or life under the war that I was expecting, was the context that the author provides regarding the underpinnings of the Asad regime's rise to power, and Syria's position within the wider geo-politics of the region. I did however find the modern implications to be a bit glossed over. If anything, I thought the book could have stood to be longer, to show in greater detail how all of the context resulted in fallout.
August 21, 2024
Most Western countries closed their embassies in Damascus in 2012, intending to send a message of strongest condemnation to al-Asad from the United States, the European Union and other Western countries. The symbolism, however, was probably wasted on the Syrian president, who was unlikely to have lost any sleep over the withdrawal of the Western community. He had other priorities, notably the survival of the regime. The withdrawal of ambassadors certainly did not contribute to helping to find a solution, but rather the opposite. Finding a solution to a serious conflict appears to be more difficult without adequate channels of communication. Isolation generally does not help. (p. 122)
December 15, 2020
I was interested in learning more about the Syrian civil war after seeing the documentary film "For Sama" about one family’s experience of living in war-ravaged Aleppo. I felt like this book helped me gain a better understanding of the incredible complexity of the conflict, including its historical origins, the numerous entities (the Al-Assad regime, ethnic, religious, and ideological groups, and foreign nations) that have a stake in its outcome, the constantly shifting priorities and alliances among these entities, and why the American ideal of a representative, democratically elected government in Syria is highly unlikely to be a reality in the foreseeable future.
December 31, 2019
For how complicated the Syrian conflict is Destroying a Nation was very easy to follow. Nikolaos van Dam laid out clear points and provoked many questions. My interest is mostly in the Syrian Refugee Crisis, but this book gave some great insight on the conflict and the reasons why it hasn't been resolved. Highly recommend for anyone who is interested in this conflict or International Security.
April 19, 2021
A great introduction to one of the most complex conflicts in the world. The conflict is broken down into: 1. the events leading up to the 2011 Syrian Revolution amidst the backdrop of the Arab Spring (including an analysis of the history of the Ba'ath Party in Syria) 2. The conflict itself and its unique proxy dynamic (making the conflict unique compared to other civil uprisings in Syria) 3. Possibilities for a solution.
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