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278 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1998
"Reading backwards from the twentieth-century experience of European totalitarianism, pre-modern Asian states were seen to be all-powerful revenue extracting machines presiding over passive and pulverized societies lacking not only in dynamism but also processes of relatively autonomous social group formation...Although obviously bereft of modern democratic ideals, these empires and their regional successor states had well-developed political concepts of both individual and communitarian rights as well as political theories of good governance. The emperor merely laid claim to the highest manifestation of sovereignty, leaving the balance to be negotiated with regional sultans and local rajas, merchant institutions, as well as cities and villages. The amount of power actually vested in the different levels of sovereignty was subject to historical shifts with downward flows and seepages in periods of decentralization and fragmentation. What was non-existent, even in the heyday of pre-colonial empires, was any notion of absolute sovereignty and its concomitant demand of singular allegiance...The idea of unitary, indivisible sovereignty was a foreign import into Asia and Africa from post-enlightenment Europe. But there was an embargo on the export of rights of citizens of sovereign states to Europe’s colonies."
"So the creation of Pakistan, far from being the logical culmination of the theory that there were two nations in India, Hindu and Muslim, was in fact its most decisive political abortion. It was only in an all-India context that the concept of the two nations could have survived the creation of a separate Muslim homeland. Congress’s interpretation of partition cast Pakistan in the role of a ‘seceding’ state with the added implication that, if it failed to survive, the Muslim areas would have to return to the ‘Union of India’severally, not help to recreate it on the basis of two sovereign states...The dismemberment of the union of India on 14–15 August 1947 was accompanied by the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of innocent Hindus,Muslims and Sikhs as millions stumbled fearfully across the ‘shadow lines’separating two post-colonial nation-states. Lord Mountbatten, who never missed an opportunity for self-congratulation, patted himself on the back for having carried out one of ‘the greatest administrative operations in history’. As New Delhi took on a festive air before being plunged into acommunal carnage, Mahatma Gandhi – the ‘father’ of the Indian nation –mourned quietly by himself in Calcutta. And, of course, only a British judge could tell for certain where exactly the partitioners’ axe was to fall. Radcliffe’s award of the precise territorial extents of the two dominions was not made known until at least two days after India and Pakistan had come into being."