An old-fashioned history book that tries to tell a story about the different twists and turns in the anti-immigrant movement in Progressive America.
Higham finds three main threads that wind all through the period's anti-immigrant thought: namely, the anti-radical, the anti-Catholic, and the racist. Throughout the book, all three gain ascendancy and then retreat a bewildering number of times. For instance, the anti-radical movement explodes temporarily after the American-born (but foreign-sounding) anarchist Leon Czolgalz assassinated President McKinley in 1901, leading to the 1903 Immigration Act, the first to restrict immigration by political belief (specifically, anybody who advocated the violent overthrow of the government). But by 1910 this concern gave way to a new anti-Catholic hysteria, inspired by politicians like the Georgian ex-Populist Tom Watson, whose "Watson's magazine" warned that popish armies were literally waiting in boats to invade American shores. Eventually upper-class theorists like Madison Grant combined with lower-class movements like the KKK to bring racist thought to the fore, and this kind of thinking helped Congress, almost unanimously, pass the 1924 Immigration Act, barring immigrants according to their "national origin."
Higham's dissection of who supported and who opposed immigration restriction is probably the most interesting part of the book. He shows that Southern and Western states were almost universally FOR immigration in the 1890s (they almost unanimously opposed the 1898 bill restricting immigrants to only those who could pass a literacy test). States like South Carolina and Wisconsin even set up state-funded immigrant bureaus to attract foreigners to their lands. It was the still patrician-dominated East that was concerned by foreign hordes, but by the 1920s they had reversed positions, and the few Congressional opponents of restriction were located around Eastern cities like New York and Boston, while the South and West (both of which, paradoxically, had almost no European immigrants) were the staunchest advocates of restriction.
Higham also shows that although labor and business often played out their typical roles of opposing and supporting immigration, respectively, this too changed over time. The National Board of Trade was so concerned about radical foreigners in 1903 that it supported a strict literacy test, but just one year later they switched positions in the face of tightening labor markets and rising wages. The AFL, led by the Jewish, English-born Samuel Gompers, also vacillated on immigration, since so many of its members came from overseas. Gompers, surprisingly, argued for more restriction, but a 1891 convention of the union stated that restrictions were tight enough as they were. By 1893, however, in face of an economic panic, they too switched as wages were driven downward.
Although the book suffers from the complete lack of acknowledgement of the problems of Asian immigration (the first general immigration bill and the first Chinese Exclusion Act both passed in 1882, Higham says there was no connection, but that would be surprising) and from some disorganization, but this is a solid piece of research that shows how extreme much of the anti-immigration rhetoric was at the time, and how it ultimately bore fruit in concrete legislation.