Noorani is an American Muslim born to immigrants from Pakistan. He is heavily involved in the immigration reform movement, and this book discusses the change in approach he's had since the failure of the 2010 DREAM Act.
The main jumping off point is the title of Chapter One: "Elections Matter .... Culture Matters More." He decided that discussing the politics of immigration was secondary. What really needed to be done was to engage people culturally, and try to find common ground with their values. As he notes at one point: "When we are talking about immigration policy, not immigrants as people, we are losing the debate." (91).
To that end, Noorani has founded an immigration reform group looking at the Three Bs - Bibles, Badges, and Businesses, because he's noted these are three inroads that exist in engaging conservatives. Find common ground on religious values of evangelicals, Mormons, and Catholics. Work with law enforcement officers who want to see change in the current immigration system to better police people. Finally, some businesses also support immigration reform, in everything from farm fields to the need for engineers. (That said, Noorani doesn't believe playing the economic angle in and of itself is too supportive, as it just reinforces some animosity many have to immigrants. It can help break down partisan barriers, though). Norrani argues that a lot of the old culture wars are now over - the parties have lined up as they will on abortion and gay marriage. But immigration is still more in flux.
A lot of this approach came out of Utah. When Arizona first proposed anti-immigrant laws around 2010, it caught on, and looked like it would move to Utah. Instead, many conservative Mormons in Utah fought against it, seeing the legislation as opposed to their cultural values. (The architect of many of the laws was an Arizona Mormon, who claimed the church backed his efforts. That was a huge mistake on his part, and he ended up getting voted out in a recall election).
He notes there has been some success in exporting the Utah plan to other parts of the country. The Southern Baptist leadership, a pretty conservative group, has many (including the overall national leader) who support immigration reform and not just enforcement/policing). You can find plenty of parts of the Bible that flatly instruct people to look after the aliens in their midst.
One key portion is to treat people with respect who disagree with you. Noorani says that to get any reform done, it really helps to try to bring conservatives to the table. And the way to do it is by cultural engagement. He's been amazed how receptive many conservatives have been to this. Personal experience with immigrants really helps matters. Just denouncing those on the other side as racist is too simplistic, Noorani says. A lot is just a fear of cultural change rooted in rapidly changing demographics. Noorani is also not a fan of just taking a passive approach and waiting for demographics to win the day. That will leave many in the lurch for a long time. And it'll leave many immigrants in Red States left out in the cold.
He notes some signs of advancement. Polling numbers show that people are now more supportive of creating a policy that lets undocumented immigrants stay. Generationally it breaks down very well for reformers. Having a Spanish-language media really helps. He notes that in Europe a problem they have is immigrants can only get news in their native languages from home countries or from radicals, and that helps further isolate and radicalize them.
While the book is broadly optimistic about this path forward, there is obviously the specter of Trump haunting its pages. Near the end Norrani notes that he was very optimistic about this overall strategy in 2016, but less so now. Trump appeals to people's fears (especially of terrorism). Things got more personal from Noorani when Trump called for a ban on Muslim immigration. He'd previously not tried to get too personal with immigration, but at that point he had to. Still, he also notes that there are parallels to Trump now and the California Republicans in the 1990s: a nasty combo of fear based on class and race. But Noorani still says you can't sit back and wait for change to occur by demographics. It'll take action.
I think he makes a good case for the notion of cultural engagement that he has. Right now we're not seeing any success on immigration reform, but this looks like something that could create a foundation for eventual reform. I'm glad I read this book.