Now that the dust has settled on the Soviet Union (though not, alas, on Russian expansionism) I think the status of the October Revolution of 1917 as the most extraordinary event of the 20th century has probably if anything been enhanced.
How in the name of Sergei Eisenstein did a small group of revolutionaries representing solely the needs of the proletariat where the population consisted of 80% peasantry and all the real power lay in the hands of the aristocracy gain the upper hand with barely a shot fired in anger?
John Reed, an American socialist of all things, was on hand to witness just how, and this is his account of it, one which became an instant classic and Lenin himself approved of. I have had a copy hanging around for I don't know how long and finally got around to reading it.
Before you read it yourself, and I recommend you do if you are a keen student of history, take my advice and read Reed's notes and explanations section beforehand. Bless my sacred icons, there are enough political parties to occupy a hundred gulags, and that's just amongst the socialists! (Later, of course, they did occupy a hundred gulags.)
After the weak Tsar Nicholas II hopped it in March the Provisional Government was led by Kerensky, a moderate socialist. He instigated an ill-judged military intervention by General Kornilov, who tried and failed to gain power for himself. The revolution survived, but the Bolsheviki were far from likely to rise to the top.
Reed had free access to many of the debates in the Russian houses of parliament and a favoured access to the Bolshevik headquarters at Smolny. He didn't get to talk to Lenin or Trotsky personally but he saw them up close and heard their speeches firsthand.
His description of Lenin is worth quoting at length:
'A short, stocky figure, with a big head set down in his shoulders, bald and bulging. Little eyes, a snubbish nose, wide, generous mouth, and heavy chin; clean-shaven now, but already beginning to bristle with the well-known beard of his past and future. Dressed in shabby clothes, his trousers much too long for him. Unimpressive, to be the idol of a mob, loved and revered as perhaps few leaders in history have been. A strange popular leader—a leader purely by virtue of intellect; colourless, humourless, uncompromising and detached, without picturesque idiosyncrasies—but with the power of explaining profound ideas in simple terms, of analysing a concrete situation. And combined with shrewdness, the greatest intellectual audacity.'
Trotsky cuts a much more impressive figure, with Reed describing him addressing the hall on the eve of the insurrection, where his 'thin, pointed face was positively Mephistophelian in its expression of malicious irony.'
The Bolsheviks were the extreme party, pretty much all the other parties, from their old allies the Mensheviks to the Cadets who represented the intelligentsia, were of a mind to work with capitalists and go slowly. The Bolsheviks acted, capturing the Winter Palace by merely occupying it with minimal resistance.
And it still takes the breath away to read the proclamations they made upon assuming their shaky, largely undesired power in Petrograd. Try this for size, the first line of the first point of the Land Decree:
1. The Right of private ownership of land abolished for ever
Just like that!
I've often asked myself, having lived my life in the first few decades of the 19th century, whether or not I would have been a socialist, concluding that the answer is probably yes. However, I like to think that I wouldn't have been convinced by Lenin and that mob.
It's not just the obvious lessons of hindsight that convinces me of that, though the paranoid brutally of Stalin (barely mentioned here so marginal a figure was he at the time) certainly besmirched the good name of communism for ever.
No, the signs of where this 'experiment' was going were there from the start in Lenin's immediate U-turn on the freedom of the press. Originally he promised that this was only a short-term measure for the duration of the civil war, then as soon as the Bolsheviks gained power we get this resolution:
'The reëstablishment of the so-called “freedom of the press,” the simple return of printing presses and paper to the capitalists,—poisoners of the mind of the people—this would be an inadmissible surrender to the will of capital, a giving up of one of the most important conquests of the Revolution; in other words, it would be a measure of unquestionably counter-revolutionary character.'
The other socialists in the house could see where this was going and disagreed strongly, which Reed faithfully reported, despite being a clear supporter of the Bolshevik cause. Not long after, Russia became a one-party state.
But the revolution never spread across the rest of Europe, which was the Bolshevik's ultimate aim. Sure, Russia's sphere of influence soon grew into the Soviet Union, but this was only achieved by coercion and conquest.
As quoted here by Reed, Trotsky famously said of the revolution: 'There are only two alternatives; either the Russian Revolution will create a revolutionary moment in Europe, or the European powers will destroy the Russian Revolution.'
And yet neither of those two things happened.
This is a fascinating account of an extraordinary event, brought to life by Reed's closeness to it all, his hearing the speeches and talking to some of the principle players and to ordinary people in the street.
I would stop short of calling it an exciting account, however. The ten days of the October Revolution certainly shook the world, but the low-key ease in which the Bolsheviks took control barely shook the streets of Petrograd at the time; the shops and theaters stayed open, most people would have been unaware that anything was going on.
Reed wrote well, and with an even hand despite his own allegiances. Only once did I detect an attempt to lower his guard and wax lyrical, when he attended a mass funeral (called a Brotherhood Grave) on his one flying visit to see what was happening in Moscow:
'I suddenly realised that the devout Russian people no longer needed priests to pray them into heaven. On earth they were building a kingdom more bright than any heaven had to offer, and for which it was a glory to die….'
I can understand him thinking that at the time, but oh how wrong he proved to be.