Adrienne Rose Bitar argues that modern diet books are alternate histories of Western ideals of health and happiness in the 21st century. Authors of Paleo and Detox diet programs invoke narratives that parallel the dominant socio-political concerns of America, and these narratives lament their society’s loss of innocence, purity, and purpose, at the same time as they criticize its contemporary excesses. Such problems, the authors argue, are apparent in the modern decline of Americans’ physical health (obesity, hypertension, diabetes and other ‘diseases of civilization’), which are the results of the average American’s disconnect from nature and ‘natural’ ways of eating.
The solutions that diet authors put forward vary from movement to movement, but all ask individual dieters to ‘reconnect’ or ‘retrain’ their instinctual appetites, thus shedding their unhealthy impulses toward the foods of post-industrial society, in favor of the ‘real’ nutrition of a romanticized past. Bitar suggests that this union of social and bodily concerns is not new for American diets, ‘but today’s food movement upholds even loftier goals – environmental, patriotic, national, moral – by relying on the higher sensibilities of the dieter. Instead of a lesson in calories and carbohydrates, this new food movement appeals to the softer stuff that makes us human beings: our experience of pleasure and our desire to do good’ (24-25).
In appealing to the ‘softer stuff’ of the human condition, the four movements Bitar examines offer a surprising array of directives for the modern dieter. Paleo or Caveman programs engage evolutionary narratives, arguing that the genetic similarity of modern humans to their Paleolithic ancestors should guide a return to the diets enjoyed by pre-agricultural humanity: unprocessed fruits, vegetables, and meats; no dairy, grains, or refined sugars. Devotional or Eden diets propose a similar regimen, but embrace these foods (and the dieter’s conviction to get healthy) as evidence of God’s love and divine plan for Christian bodies. Primitive or Islander diets propose a radical shift to indigenous foods of the Pacific Islands, attempting to recreate the health purportedly experienced by pre-colonial natives in their simple meals of fish, fresh fruits, and root vegetables. Finally, Detox diets attempt to entirely rid the dieter’s plate of industrial foods, proposing that such products of modernity are poisonous for individual bodies and the planet as a whole. Constant across these diverse programs is the narrative of a ‘pure’ and ‘natural’ past, now disrupted and tainted by the addictive foods and toxic lifestyles of Western Civilization. Each diet is thus framed by a kind of nostalgia for tranquility, health, and harmony with nature that these authors imagine existed before (or outside of) the supposedly contaminating influences of modern life.
Bitar’s analysis is strongest when looking at movements that abundantly – even egregiously – romanticize this longed-for past. Indeed, the diet books that one might pass by without a second thought contain remarkably passionate narratives about the human condition. Paleo, in particular, shows itself to straddle both authoritative theories and popular narratives of evolution, invoking complicated (if often fanciful) imagery of health and happiness on the prehistoric African Savannah. Paleo dieters are encouraged to recognize the evolutionary ‘mismatch’ between their contemporary ways of eating and those of our early-human ancestors, whose diets were shaped by the forces of natural selection, rather than Wal-Mart and McDonald’s. In this sense, Paleo offers ‘a story about humanity, about evolution, about civilization and disease. The body of the individual dieter is situated in a long, deep history of mankind. The dieter is biologically indebted to the Paleolithic Era and, in turn, the coming generations will be indebted to him’ (41). Granted, Paleo authors take significant license with biological science and what is knowable about the deep, human past. But their narratives make the astonishing request for dieters to internalize an evolutionary story about their own bodies – a surprisingly well-received notion, considering many Americans’ attitudes toward evolutionary science.
Bitar’s argument is consistently even-handed, and may actually disappoint readers wanting a more scathing critique of American diet movements. For example, Bitar stresses the gender neutrality of these movements, which differ from the harsh regimens of the faddish feminine diets of Lulu Hunt Peters and masculine muscle-training programs of Charles Atlas. Similarly, her chapters do not completely cover the socio-economic disparities on which these modern diets inevitably rest. By and large, such movements are exclusionary, limited to people who possess the resources to choose to ‘detox’ or ‘eat like a caveman’. On the other hand, Bitar’s approach accepts that these authors genuinely wish to see progressive change in modern food consumption, and so she highlights a very real paradox in modern diets: they attempt to de-commodify foods through imaginative narratives of long-lost purity, only to deliver up scores of books, magazines, podcasts, blogs, and product lines in place of the industries they aim to dethrone.
For readers in consumerism, consumption, and the politics of food, Bitar’s book offers a nuanced look into the creation of human stories around new products and practices, as well as the problematic ways in which these movements take shape. As she suggests, these regimens often Orientalize, exoticize, and primitivize indigenous cultures. They engage both science and religion in questionable ways, and also capitalize upon readers’ desire for individual health and global change. But, Bitar explains, modern diets both mirror and grow from the likely hopes and fears of a 21st century American reader – a nostalgia for easier, ostensibly healthier times and the possibility for a returning to this former greatness.