This one had been sitting in my personal library for a while. Finally decided to give it a shot. One word- riveting. The amount of detail and research this author brings to the table is pretty exceptional. The title sums up the focus of the book pretty well. He wants to show how the prevailing doctrine of the Chrsitian Church during it's first 500 years was in fact a form of universalism, or at least a universalist leaning faith that had less interest in heavy definitions of heaven and hell and far more interest in the purifying work God is doing in the here and now as we move towards the expectanct new creation.
Now it should be said, to hear the word "universalism" is not to narrow it down into a single definition. One of the things the author brings to the surface is that the diversity of this discussion is actually an important component in understanding what happened after the first 500 years and why things took such a drastic turn, something that has had huge implications on the historic faith, especially here in the Wester where Augustinianism became coopted and given a destructive bent in the development of further judicial analogies in understanding the death of Christ in salvific terms. That the Church of the first 500 years would have felt free to wonder and discuss and banter about regarding the world to come, that was a far cry from the heavily defined and heavily protected dogma we find in Protestantism today, especially when it comes to neo-Calvinist assertions of total depravity, certain depictions of penal substituion and imputation, and a Gospel bent around death and destruction as the way to life. This language would have been largely unfamiliar and even a bit of an affront to the earliest writers, thinkers, and Christians who understood the scriptures and were much closer to the earthly ministry of Jesus.
The author does a summary in his conclusion of all the central points that define the body of this book. There are 31 of them, which should indicate the wealth of information available here. I will say this. For those who think any mention of universalism is an expression of an ill defined "progressivism" and a scandelous affront on the true Gospel, I'm not sure this will change there mind for these two central reasons:
1. He clealry has feelings about Augustinianism. STRONG feelings. I actually found it quite funny how heated up he was in certain places in this book, as he definitely has some stuff to say about it, and doesn't hold back. On a practical front this clearly emotional response, which I 100 perecent get knowing my own personal frustrations with Augustine and its eventual modern experession in modern neo-Calvinism which is arguably worse, does cause him to neglect notes of nuance along the way. Not that this nuance would push back on his eventual conclusion. I think his conclusions are solid given how much evidence there is to support his claims. But this lack of nuance opens the door for some critics to pick out certain pieces that they can scrutinized and interpret differently, and thus cause them to ignore the rest. If he had closed those holes, which I think he very easily could have, it would have tightened up his larger argument that much more.
2. On point number 1, I think the biggest thing critics might narrow in on is his interpretation of the words for "punishment", or more specifically to define the duration of "punishment". He gives an entire section to this titled "The Origin of Endless Punishment" in which, after walking through its uses in the primary historical evidence that we have for the scriptures and the world of Jesus' earthly ministry, he writes,
"Had our Lord intended to inculcate the doctrine of the Pharisees, he would have used the terms by which they described it. But his word defining the duration of punishment was aionian, while their words are aidion, adialeipton, and athanaton. Instead of saying with Philo and Josephus, thanaton athanaton, deathless or immortal death; eirgmon aidion, eternal imprisonment; aidion timorion, eternal torment; and thanaton ateleuteton, interminable death, he used aionion kolasin, an adjective in universal use for limited duration, and a noun denoting suffering issuing in amendment...
He who seeks to punish (kolazein) with reason does not punish for the sake of the past wrong deed, but for the sake of the future, that neither the man himself who is punished may do wrong again, nor any other who has seen him chastised. And he who entertains this thought must believe that virtue may be taught, and he punishes (kolazei) for the purpose of deterring from wickedness?”
Here's the thing. He's not wrong. Even those who adamently disagree with his assessment of universalism would have to agree with these definitions. The problem is moving to make the connection between this definition and our reading of the scriptures themeselves. When it comes to the grip that Protestantism has on the West, it would be easy for someone to simply bypass this chapter and thus set it against scripture as the answer to this problem. When the problem is the use and translation of the word itself, this can end up getting lost in a stand still.
For those willing to consider how the translation and common understanding has been put on scripture rather than read out of it, I think the evidence that surrounds this central argument regarding a single term is nothing short of persuasive and decisive. It's just too much there to ignore.
But back again to point 1. His feelings on Augustinianism might prove to be the biggest obstacle to there even being a chance for this to happen. A couple of examples here that just represent the tip of the iceberg:
"The horrid inventions of Augustine, the cruel monstrosities of Angelo and Dante, and the abominations of the medieval theology were all unthought of then, and have no hint in the Catacombs."
"The wonderful progress made during the first three centuries by the simple, pure and cheerful faith of early Christianity shows us what its growth might have been made had not the morose spirit of Tertullian, reinforced by the “dark shadow of Augustine."
These statements accompany what are excellently written and detailed sections that help bring the world of the early writers to the surface. His desire on an academic level is to help us see the narrative of history as it pertains to our reading of scripture and our understanding of the Gospel, showing a contrast. Where he stands slightly in danger is perhaps going too far in his emotional investment in trying to show the contrast between early Christianity and the later Christianity that eventually formed the West. But I also totally get it. It's an emotional topic for many of us, even, to be fair, on both sides of the fence. So in some ways I found it endearing and honest.
Where he is positioning this contrast is in this move away from the Greek and towards the Latin, which coincides with a move away from a robust and even diverse community to a community based on politics and power.
"Christianity was everywhere at first, a religion of “sweetness and light.” The Greek fathers exemplified all these qualities, and Clement and Origen were ideals of its perfect spirit. But from Augustine downward the Latin reaction, prompted by the tendency of men in all ages to escape the exactions laid upon the soul by thought, and who flee to external authority to avoid the demands of reason, was away from the genius of Christianity, until Augustinianism ripened into Popery, and the beautiful system of the Greek fathers was succeeded by the nightmare of the theology of the medieval centuries, and later of Calvinism and Puritanism.5 Had the church followed the prevailing spirit of the ante-Nicene Fathers it would have conserved the best thought of Greece, the divine ideals of Plato, and joined them to the true interpretation of Christianity, and we may venture to declare that it would thus have continued the career of progress that had rendered the first three centuries so marvelous in their character; a progress that would have continued with accelerated speed, and Christendom would have widened its borders and deepened its sway immeasurably. With the prevalence of the Latin language the East and the West grew apart, and the latter, more and more discarding reason, and controlled, by the iron inflexibility of a semi-pagan secular government, gave Roman Catholicism its opportunity."
He goes on to write,
"The contrast between Origen’s system and Augustine’s is as that of light and darkness; with the first, Fatherhood, Love, Hope, Joy, Salvation; with the other, Vengeance, Punishment, Sin, Eternal Despair. With Origen God triumphs in final unity; with Augustine man continues in endless rebellion, and God is defeated, and an eternal dualism prevails. And the effect on the believer was in the one case a pitying love and charity that gave the melting heart that could not bear to think of even the devil unsaved, and that antedated the poet’s prayer."
To which he can say,
"The doctrines of substitutional atonement, resurrection of the body, native depravity, and endless punishment, are not listed in the earliest creeds or formulas.7 The earliest Christians (Allen: Christian Thought) taught that man is the image of God, and that the in-dwelling Deity will lead him to holiness... To the early Christians Christ was living, the one agonized hour was lost in the thought of his glory and triumph."
It is this moving away from resurrection towards an implementing of the death of Jesus in accordance with the power systems of this later world dominated by Latin Christianity that becomes a window through which to see the larger narrative, including many of what he sees as the destructive doctrines of the Church that came to be seen as the primary Gospel tenants that must be protected at all cost. So much has suffered and been lost to this language and marriage of faith to power, including the world of the early Christians themselves, out of which we come to the NT scriptures.
On a final note, here is the summary from the final chapter that gives you a fuller sense of what the book tackles and unpacks through the chapters. I would like to say this. This work leaves room for anyone that falls somewhere with a more specfifically defined universalism to somone like me, who holds to a "universalist leaning" position with open hands and an open heart for Christ to do the necessary work in unveling the mystery of the promised transformation with an emphasis on the good work of God in Christ and God's heart for ALL people as my steadfast markers. The writer leaves room for this diversity of views while making it clear what he believes needs to be dismantled in order for the Gospel of Christ as present in the early church and writers to emerge once again in the hardened West. For that I am really appreciative of this work.
(1) During the First Century the primitive Christians did not dwell on matters of eschatology, but devoted their attention to apologetics; they were chiefly anxious to establish the fact of Christ’s advent, and of its blessings to the world. Possibly the question of destiny was an open one, till Paganism and Judaism introduced erroneous ideas, when the New Testament doctrine of the apokatastasis was asserted, and universal restoration became an accepted belief, as stated later by Clement and Origen, A.D. 180-230.
(2) The Catacombs give us the views of the unlearned, as Clement and Origen state the doctrine of scholars and teachers. Not a syllable is found hinting at the horrors of Augustinianism, but the inscription on every monument harmonizes with the Universalism of the early fathers.
(3) Clement declares that all punishment, however severe, is purificatory; that even the “torments of the damned” are curative. Origen explains even Gehenna as signifying limited and curative punishment, and both, as all the other ancient Universalists, declare that “everlasting” (aionion) punishment, is consonant with universal salvation. So that it is no proof that other primitive Christians who are less explicit as to the final result, taught endless punishment when they employ the same terms.
(4) Like our Lord and his Apostles, the primitive Christians avoided the words with which the Pagans and Jews defined endless punishment aidios or adialeipton timoria (endless torment), a doctrine the latter believed, and knew how to describe; but they, the early Christians, called punishment, as did our Lord, kolasis aionios , discipline, chastisement, of indefinite, limited duration.
(5) The early Christians taught that Christ preached the Gospel to the dead, and for that purpose descended into Hades. Many held that he released all who were in ward. This shows that repentance beyond the grave, perpetual probation, was then accepted, which precludes the modern error that the soul’s destiny is decided at death.
(6) Prayers for the dead were universal in the early church, which would be absurd, if their condition is unalterably fixed at the grave. (
7) The idea that false threats were necessary to keep the common people in check, and that the truth might be held esoterically, prevailed among the earlier Christians, so that there can be no doubt that many who seem to teach endless punishment, really held the broader views, as we know the most did, and preached terrors pedagogically.
(8) The first comparatively complete systematic statement of Christian doctrine ever given to the world was by Clement of Alexandria, A.D. 180, and universal salvation was one of the tenets.
(9) The first complete presentation of Christianity as a system was by Origen (A.D. 220) and universal salvation was explicitly contained in it.
10) Universal salvation was the prevailing doctrine in Christendom as long as Greek, the language of the New Testament, was the language of Christendom. (11) Universalism was generally believed in the best centuries, the first three, when Christians were most remarkable for simplicity, goodness and missionary zeal. (12) Universalism was least known when Greek, the language of the New Testament was least known, and when Latin was the language of the Church in its darkest, most ignorant, and corrupt ages.
(13) Not a writer among those who describe the heresies of the first three hundred years intimates that Universalism was then a heresy, though it was believed by many, if not by a majority, and certainly by the greatest of the fathers.
14) Not a single creed for five hundred years expresses any idea contrary to universal restoration, or in favor of endless punishment.
15) With the exception of the arguments of Augustine (A.D. 420), there is not an argument known to have been framed against Universalism for at least four hundred years after Christ, by any of the ancient fathers.
16) While the councils that assembled in various parts of Christendom, anathematized every kind of doctrine supposed to be heretical, no oecumenical council, for more than five hundred years, condemned Universalism, though it had been advocated in every century by the principal scholars and most revered saints. (17) As late as A.D. 400, Jerome says “most people” (plerique). and Augustine “very many” (quam plurimi), believed in Universalism, notwithstanding that the tremendous influence of Augustine, and the mighty power of the semi-pagan secular arm were arrayed against it.
(18) The principal ancient Universalists were Christian born and reared, and were among the most scholarly and saintly of all the ancient saints.
(19) The most celebrated of the earlier advocates of endless punishment were heathen born, and led corrupt lives in their youth. Tertullian one of the first, and Augustine, the greatest of them, confess to having been among the vilest.
(20) The first advocates of endless punishment, Minucius Felix, Tertullian and Augustine, were Latins, ignorant of Greek, and less competent to interpret the meaning of Greek Scriptures than were the Greek scholars.
(21) The first advocates of Universalism, after the Apostles, were Greeks, in whose mother-tongue the New Testament was written. They found their Universalism in the Greek Bible. Who should be correct, they or the Latins?
(22) The Greek Fathers announced the great truth of universal restoration in an age of darkness, sin and corruption. There was nothing to suggest it to them in the world’s literature or religion. It was wholly contrary to everything around them. Where else could they have found it, but where they say they did, in the Gospel? (23) All ecclesiastical historians and the best Biblical critics and scholars agree to the prevalence of Universalism in the earlier centuries.
(24) From the days of Clement of Alexandria to those of Gregory of Nyssa and Theodore of Mopsuestia (A.D. 180-428), the great theologians and teachers, almost without exception, were Universalists. No equal number in the same centuries were comparable to them for learning and goodness.
(25) The first theological school in Christendom, that in Alexandria, taught Universalism for more than two hundred years.
(26) In all Christendom, from A.D. 170 to 430, there were six Christian schools. Of these four, the only strictly theological schools, taught Universalism, and but one endless punishment.
27) The three earliest Gnostic sects, the Basilidians, the Carpocratians and the Valentinians (A.D. 117-132) are condemned by Christian writers, and their heresies pointed out, but though they taught Universalism, that doctrine is never condemned by thosewho oppose them. Irenaeus condemned the errors of the Carpocratians, but does not reprehend their Universalism, though he ascribes the doctrine to them.
28) The first defense of Christianity against Infidelity (Origen against Celsus) puts the defense on Universalistic grounds. Celsus charged the Christians’ God with cruelty, because he punished with fire. Origen replied that God’s fire is curative; that he is a “Consuming Fire,” because he consumes sin and not the sinner.
29) Origen, the chief representative of Universalism in the ancient centuries, was bitterly opposed and condemned for various heresies by ignorant and cruel fanatics. He was accused of opposing Episcopacy, believing in pre-existence, etc., but never was condemned for his Universalism. The very council that anathematized “Origenism” eulogized Gregory of Nyssa, who was explicitly a Universalist as was Origen. Lists of his errors are given by Methodius, Pamphilus and Eusebius, Marcellus, Eustathius and Jerome, but Universalism is not named by one of his opponents. Fancy a list of Ballou’s errors and his Universalism omitted; Hippolytus (A.D. 320) names thirty-two known heresies, but Universalism is not mentioned as among them. Epiphanius, “the hammer of heretics,” describes eighty heresies, but he does not mention universal salvation, though Gregory of Nyssa, an outspoken Universalist, was, at the time he wrote, the most conspicuous figure in Christendom.
30) Justinian, a half-pagan emperor, who attempted to have Universalism officially condemned, lived in the most corrupt epoch of the Christian centuries. He closed the theological schools, and demanded the condemnation of Universalism by law; but the doctrine was so prevalent in the church that the council refused to obey his edict to suppress it. Lecky says the age of Justinian was “the worst form civilization has assumed.”
31) The first clear and definite statement of human destiny by any Christian writer after the days of the Apostles, includes universal restoration, and that doctrine was advocated by most of the greatest and best of the Christian Fathers for the first five hundred years of the Christian Era.