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Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865
Focusing primarily on the middle class, this study delineates the social, intellectual and psychological transformation of the American family from 1780-1865. Examines the emergence of the privatized middle-class family with its sharp division of male and female roles.
- GenresHistoryRead For School
335 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1981
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January 30, 2020Not wild about this one.
October 16, 2009
You know, although it took several hours to cut to the point of Ryan's words, it was quite interesting. Dry and repetitive at times, but still, quite informative. I think it's a very good book for any sociology or psych major, or anyone who wants to know the truth about the "traditional" family. Ryan shows the progression of the frontier family in Oneida, New York into the Victorian days. Yes, it was boring at times, but I sure learned a lot from it anyway.
January 15, 2018
Ryan approaches early 19th century American religious revivals from the perspective of women's roles in the movement and comes up with a very different perspective from Johnson (pp. 11, 103). In Ryan's account of the family history of Oneida County, New York, the focus is on the revivals as part of the broader change in family relations. For Ryan, as for all the other historians we have studied, the most important occurrence in the 1st half of the 19th century in America is the end of patriarchy in society and in the home.
She concludes that, instead of serving a negative role -- as a means by which the bourgeoisie controlled the proletariat -- the revivals were part of a larger change in the fabric of society in which "women of the middling sort" in particular were empowered in new ways both in society and in the family (p. 91). The Female Missionary Society and the Maternal Association took the lead in society in initiating the revivals, and once they had succeeded male organizations followed (p. 96). In assuming leadership of this movement, mothers also assumed responsibility for the salvation of their children and thereby instituted a new form of maternal child-rearing (p. 104) Thus are societal and familial structural changes intimately linked.
The enthusiasm of religious revivals was mirrored in the fervor for associations in the 1820s and 30s. The function of these associations is best seen in that of the Female Moral Reform Society, which sought to "reinstitute the methods of moral surveillance similar to those long practiced by corporate institutions of church and state" (p. 121). This was an attempt to reinstitute the moral code of a household economy, which foundered on the opposition of the clerks (representatives of what C. Wright Mills and Mary Ryan refer to as the "new middle class" of professionals and white collar workers) (p. 126).
The associations were not all bent on the public assault on private morality in the manner of the female moral reformers or the t-totalers. Other associations approached the change in family life more benignly. The clerks and aspiring professionals banded together in young men's associations both for the purposes of self-help and to recreate the atmosphere of the old corporate family (pp. 129-30). Conversely, families assumed the aspect of associations in that they became "voluntary relations among relatives." For instance, no longer could someone count on their family to automatically extend credit (p. 138).
It was this changing family structure amongst people of "the middling sort" which was economically under assault at mid-century. Ryan uses C. Wright Mills' distinction between "an old middle class" and a "new middle class" (explained on page 14) to locate the change in family structures during this period. She explains that the "cult of domesticity" along with its analog "the self-made man," in conjunction with the need for the middle class to ensure its progeny did not slip into the ranks of the proletariat. Women and men of the "old middle class," as parents, ensured that sons had the extended education, moral and technical, to enter the ranks of the "new middle class" (pp. 171-3). Retreating to the family and away from public associations, the conjugal family at mid-century successfully reproduced its economic status for the next generation (p. 177).
She concludes that, instead of serving a negative role -- as a means by which the bourgeoisie controlled the proletariat -- the revivals were part of a larger change in the fabric of society in which "women of the middling sort" in particular were empowered in new ways both in society and in the family (p. 91). The Female Missionary Society and the Maternal Association took the lead in society in initiating the revivals, and once they had succeeded male organizations followed (p. 96). In assuming leadership of this movement, mothers also assumed responsibility for the salvation of their children and thereby instituted a new form of maternal child-rearing (p. 104) Thus are societal and familial structural changes intimately linked.
The enthusiasm of religious revivals was mirrored in the fervor for associations in the 1820s and 30s. The function of these associations is best seen in that of the Female Moral Reform Society, which sought to "reinstitute the methods of moral surveillance similar to those long practiced by corporate institutions of church and state" (p. 121). This was an attempt to reinstitute the moral code of a household economy, which foundered on the opposition of the clerks (representatives of what C. Wright Mills and Mary Ryan refer to as the "new middle class" of professionals and white collar workers) (p. 126).
The associations were not all bent on the public assault on private morality in the manner of the female moral reformers or the t-totalers. Other associations approached the change in family life more benignly. The clerks and aspiring professionals banded together in young men's associations both for the purposes of self-help and to recreate the atmosphere of the old corporate family (pp. 129-30). Conversely, families assumed the aspect of associations in that they became "voluntary relations among relatives." For instance, no longer could someone count on their family to automatically extend credit (p. 138).
It was this changing family structure amongst people of "the middling sort" which was economically under assault at mid-century. Ryan uses C. Wright Mills' distinction between "an old middle class" and a "new middle class" (explained on page 14) to locate the change in family structures during this period. She explains that the "cult of domesticity" along with its analog "the self-made man," in conjunction with the need for the middle class to ensure its progeny did not slip into the ranks of the proletariat. Women and men of the "old middle class," as parents, ensured that sons had the extended education, moral and technical, to enter the ranks of the "new middle class" (pp. 171-3). Retreating to the family and away from public associations, the conjugal family at mid-century successfully reproduced its economic status for the next generation (p. 177).
March 29, 2025
Ryan offers a through description of the cult of domesticity, its sources, and its rationale in the mid-19th century. You might say domesticity was a conservative reaction against modernity.
As domesticity started crumbling in the late 19th century, those same factors that contributed to its construction did not abate. In fact, they became more intense. Somehow, domesticity no longer seemed a viable method of confronting modernity. Did people just say, "when in Rome" and throw up their hands? Or was the allure of modernity too fascinating for younger generations to resist?
As domesticity started crumbling in the late 19th century, those same factors that contributed to its construction did not abate. In fact, they became more intense. Somehow, domesticity no longer seemed a viable method of confronting modernity. Did people just say, "when in Rome" and throw up their hands? Or was the allure of modernity too fascinating for younger generations to resist?
April 30, 2008
Mary Ryan’s Cradle of the Middle Class uses Oneida County, New York as a case study to explore changes in family relations and the rise of the middle class. Ryan shows how notions of gender roles, economic relations, and the family changed over the course of seventy-five years in Oneida County. These changes occurred as a result of demographic shifts and the rise of industrialization. In the 1790s, the frontier family in Oneida County worked together as a “corporate family.” All members of the corporate family labored in various capacities to produce for the family. Ryan shows that during this time, the church had a greater influence in the public and private spheres of family life. As second and third generations found land increasing scarce, new economic opportunities arose from the county’s proximity to the Erie Canal.
With the growth of the city of Utica, volunteer association formed in the 1820s as havens away from home. These associations provided services for the community that family and church could not longer give. Ryan argues that these associations gave members of the community, especially women, a place where they could redefine their traditional roles. In these groups, women found ways to form new identities as women. As a result, women gained more leeway in raising children and assumed a more prominent role in the private sphere. Ryan notes, “The association itself helped to usher in the ultimate triumph of the privatized home” (238). As Utica industrialized by the 1850s, the private household served as a model for middle class aspirations. The close relationship between the public and private spheres of the late eighteenth century did not apply to the family living in Utica during the mid nineteenth century.
Ryan’s work challenges the prevailing historiographical notions of the “cult of domesticity” that place women within the private sphere and men in the public sphere. New research in social and gender history seek to give women a historical voice. Laura Edwards notes “as the boundary that separated private homes from the public world became more historical, it also becomes less stable” (Gender and Changing Roles of Women, 223). In addition, this historical work emphasizes that woman made history themselves and history did not act upon them (Edwards 229). Ryan wants to provide a historical explanation of family changes outside the usual arguments surrounding structural changes (236). She shows that industrialization changed Oneida County, but that gender roles were evolving before the arrival of factories. Women’s associations gave women agency and roles outside the homes that they previously did not posses. Over the decades, negotiations occurred in the private sphere in which women emerged with more influence over the privatized homes.
The author’s methodological approach and analysis, however, opens it to criticisms. First, it seems that industrialization played a bigger role that Ryan seems to suggest. Ryan states that the changing demographics of Utica drove white, Protestant middle class families back into their private homes. Fear of the lower classes and the growing diverse population created a longing for a more stabile home environment. It seems unlikely that this move towards privatized homes would have happened without rapid industrial changes. Ryan does not fully explain whether this middle class obtained a class consciousness or just reacted out of fear of change. The return to the privatized home as the fruition of gender dialogue carried out in women’s associations does not place enough emphasis on Victorian influences on the middle class in the 1850s. Second, the focus on native-born, white Protestants provides only the smallest of lenses in which to gauge such drastic changes in the public and private spheres. Utica grew from a small town into a city with factories and an influx of Catholic immigrants from Europe. It remains to be seen if these newcomers subscribed to these middle class standards. The demography and location of Utica near the Erie Canal gave it unique qualities that explain its own evolution. However, Ryan would be hard pressed to project her findings onto other towns and cities during this period. It remains difficult to tell if this alteration of family relations was part of a larger trend throughout the United States or if it was unique to the area in which Ryan focuses on. While Cradle of the Middle Class is an interesting case study, more expanded research is required to give the arguments presented in this work more significance.
With the growth of the city of Utica, volunteer association formed in the 1820s as havens away from home. These associations provided services for the community that family and church could not longer give. Ryan argues that these associations gave members of the community, especially women, a place where they could redefine their traditional roles. In these groups, women found ways to form new identities as women. As a result, women gained more leeway in raising children and assumed a more prominent role in the private sphere. Ryan notes, “The association itself helped to usher in the ultimate triumph of the privatized home” (238). As Utica industrialized by the 1850s, the private household served as a model for middle class aspirations. The close relationship between the public and private spheres of the late eighteenth century did not apply to the family living in Utica during the mid nineteenth century.
Ryan’s work challenges the prevailing historiographical notions of the “cult of domesticity” that place women within the private sphere and men in the public sphere. New research in social and gender history seek to give women a historical voice. Laura Edwards notes “as the boundary that separated private homes from the public world became more historical, it also becomes less stable” (Gender and Changing Roles of Women, 223). In addition, this historical work emphasizes that woman made history themselves and history did not act upon them (Edwards 229). Ryan wants to provide a historical explanation of family changes outside the usual arguments surrounding structural changes (236). She shows that industrialization changed Oneida County, but that gender roles were evolving before the arrival of factories. Women’s associations gave women agency and roles outside the homes that they previously did not posses. Over the decades, negotiations occurred in the private sphere in which women emerged with more influence over the privatized homes.
The author’s methodological approach and analysis, however, opens it to criticisms. First, it seems that industrialization played a bigger role that Ryan seems to suggest. Ryan states that the changing demographics of Utica drove white, Protestant middle class families back into their private homes. Fear of the lower classes and the growing diverse population created a longing for a more stabile home environment. It seems unlikely that this move towards privatized homes would have happened without rapid industrial changes. Ryan does not fully explain whether this middle class obtained a class consciousness or just reacted out of fear of change. The return to the privatized home as the fruition of gender dialogue carried out in women’s associations does not place enough emphasis on Victorian influences on the middle class in the 1850s. Second, the focus on native-born, white Protestants provides only the smallest of lenses in which to gauge such drastic changes in the public and private spheres. Utica grew from a small town into a city with factories and an influx of Catholic immigrants from Europe. It remains to be seen if these newcomers subscribed to these middle class standards. The demography and location of Utica near the Erie Canal gave it unique qualities that explain its own evolution. However, Ryan would be hard pressed to project her findings onto other towns and cities during this period. It remains difficult to tell if this alteration of family relations was part of a larger trend throughout the United States or if it was unique to the area in which Ryan focuses on. While Cradle of the Middle Class is an interesting case study, more expanded research is required to give the arguments presented in this work more significance.
January 3, 2008
Although this book seems dry and unimaginative at first, it is a very well written book that presents ideas that are still relevant to this day. Ryan traces the formation of the middle class family from the old middle class based on corporate family production (based on production from the family owned farm, working for oneself) to the new middle class based on individual working outside the home. Ryan's tracings of the events that lead up to the creation of a new middle class puts the family always at the center and this new middle class of the 1800s is still a family structure that remains today- children staying at home longer, under the supervision of the parents, with a high emphasis on schooling to eventually get a good job outside the home; toys which "train" children for their respective careers (i.e. trucks, trains and hammers for boys, dolls and play kitchen for girls); and a close bond between children and parents. Ryan presents her argument while emphasizing the role women played. She presents all sides of the issue and makes it clear she is only studying white, protestant, native borns. While maybe she should have studied the immigrants, she does not try and lump everyone all together. It is a very good analysis of the creation of what we know as the modern middle class.
September 9, 2013
I'm not the biggest fan of Ryan's writing, dry would almost be a compliment. Cradle of the Middle Class, even as plodding as it feels for such a short book, is an important book all the same. The close scrutiny paid to an upstate New York community in the early part of the nineteenth century brings into sharp focus the changes in economy that were occurring at the time that would later be dubbed the Market Revolution.
It isn't just in the economic discussion that Ryan's work was groundbreaking. She was able to weave in social change and the important gender questions that these changes wrought into a strong analysis of how the United States got to the later nineteenth middle-class that in many ways, dominated culture well into the twentieth century. I also find the use of such a limited scope, one county in upstate New York, to be a very effective way to examine change in the United States at a level we don't normally examine, being more focused on westward expansion, urbanization, and the usual political and military focus. It is not as though these ideas are neglected, but Ryan adds a dimension to the discussion that many would follow later. Unfortunately, it reads a little too much like a dissertation, which I believe it was at first blush.
It isn't just in the economic discussion that Ryan's work was groundbreaking. She was able to weave in social change and the important gender questions that these changes wrought into a strong analysis of how the United States got to the later nineteenth middle-class that in many ways, dominated culture well into the twentieth century. I also find the use of such a limited scope, one county in upstate New York, to be a very effective way to examine change in the United States at a level we don't normally examine, being more focused on westward expansion, urbanization, and the usual political and military focus. It is not as though these ideas are neglected, but Ryan adds a dimension to the discussion that many would follow later. Unfortunately, it reads a little too much like a dissertation, which I believe it was at first blush.
October 29, 2009
Decent book for historical perspective, but very dense. Written for academics I couldn't imagine reading it for pleasure instead of class
August 6, 2010
Another one of the key books for understanding the formation of the middle class--if a bit dated, now.
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