In State of the Union, Nelson Lichtenstein provides an interpretive history of American labor from approximately 1930 to 2000. By “interpretive history”, I mean that Lichtenstein’s goal was not to lay out a definitive, comprehensive labor history. Rather, his goal was to use history as a means for proposing fresh ideas about the role of labor movements in American society. This is not to suggest that Lichtenstein shirks history, or plays loose with historical events in order to support an agenda. Although Lichtenstein is a labor supporter, State of the Union is a rigorous work. It is not overtly ideological, and Lichtenstein clearly did his homework. As a result, State of the Union can serve dual purposes. It can be read as “straight history”. As someone who knew little about American labor history prior to reading the book, I learned a great deal about a variety of labor-related topics, including the Wagner Act, the Taft-Hartley Act, the history of the AFL-CIO, and the history of the Teamsters. It can also be read as a scholarly treatise. Personally, I appreciated this duality. I tend to reject the notion that history is something “out there” that can be objectively recorded in computer-like fashion. History is both documented and created by historians.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of State of the Union is Lichtenstein’s treatment of contemporary rights-based movements in America, and their impact on the labor movement. Lichtenstein notes historical transformation – from (1) New Deal-supported “industrial democracy” (clearly the closest America has come to a class-based movement, although, given support for union activity by the Roosevelt administration, radical edges were frayed), to (2) industry or site specific, bureaucratized collective bargaining, to (3) individualized employee rights. As things presently stand, many American workers gain more traction by filing a personal grievance under a federal anti-discrimination law, than by organizing with fellow employees.
We know the historical antecedents of this state of affairs – the American civil rights movement, the feminist movement, etc. These movements extend, and probably began, outside the workplace. Yet, access to sustaining, satisfying work is a fundamental political issue. Rights movements inevitably extended into the workplace. In so doing, they supplanted organized worker movements. Lichtenstein questions whether workers are better off with these statutory safeguards than they would be under a strong union.