There’s really no other way to view American exceptionalism than by accepting it as a religion, i.e., not empirical, nor borne of evidence, and only sustainable through a faith-based belief system. Tara Ross “has spent much of her legal career studying and defending the Electoral College” (as per the books’ dust jacket), and it’s safe to say if you’ve spent your entire career studying an institution, you’re going to support and defend it, even at the expense of logical arguments and in the face of changing evidence against it.
It takes a special kind of ignorant naiveté to maintain that a system designed in 1787 is still the best system available while simultaneously conceding that, “the Founders did not anticipate the emergence of political parties or the states’ nearly universal adoption of a winner-take-all allocation of electors.” Really, it’s the mark of faith-based truthiness: “The facts change, but my opinions never will.” The Founding Fathers also couldn’t have anticipated the rise of Twitter and real-time election results across a nation spanning four time zones – but sure, whatever we were doing in 250 years ago is still the best way to proceed. To think otherwise would be blasphemous.
The author’s frequent use of italics to drive home points is humorously juvenile (the Founding Fathers “knew better than to create a simple democracy”, “in a pure democracy, 51 percent of the people can rule the other 49 percent – all the time, without question,” “but did the average French voter really feel like he had much more choice?” in France’s election runoff).
Or what to make of this gem, written, mind you, after the 2016 elections: “As a matter of history, the Electoral College encourages coalition building and prevents America’s political process from generating into fractured, European-style, multi-party system. It raises hurdles to fraud and prevents elections from being ‘rigged’.” This, in a book written as widespread allegations of meddling in our election have now been basically proven and accepted by anyone not in a foil hat. To insist that more parties means LESS truth, transparency, or representativeness in election is tantamount to saying that people really can’t be trusted with “too much” democracy (which, she admits, the Founders pretty much did feel, somewhat undercutting a modern pillar of what most every American would say the country relies on). And coming 30 pages after conceding that most voters in 2016 “wished for a third choice,” and a few pages before saying that the “importance” of the Electoral College is “working to unify the citizens of a nation as large and diverse as America,” it is hard to keep reading with a straight face.
But Prager University is a university like Olive Garden is a garden, so it should come as little surprise that this is the type of murky, bilge-water logic that is dredged out of that shallow “think tank”. Later, Mrs. Ross dismisses the objection that elections have become primarily about swing states by saying, “No state is permanently ‘safe’ or ‘swing’.” Except that, in any given election, we know with near certainty which category 80-90% of the states fall into, making her argument sound like someone who eats only meat and fried foods because “dietary recommendations change, so nothing is ever certain”.
Her flippant disregard for the “silly” idea that there could be such a thing as “national interest” (“Of course, any argument based on “national interest” is a funny one to make”), is oddly juxtaposed with her prevailing opinion that the founding of the country was akin to a nation-building Immaculate Conception. Hamilton is quoted no fewer than 3 times (including in the final line of the book) in his Federalist Paper of 1788 when he said, of the formative legislature of the nation: “that if the manner of it be not perfect, it is at least excellent.”
Many of the arguments and analogies here are downright risible, or at least would be, if the author wasn’t so earnest and sanctimonious in presenting them. To wit, an extended analogy positing that, as the World Series isn’t won by the team which scores the most runs, then the US presidential election does not go to the candidate who receives the most total votes. Because, just like the World Series, the US presidential election is, um, a game? (ad even baseball has been open to significant rule changes over the years.)
There is also repeated recourse to unprovable past unreal hypotheticals along the lines of, “if the candidates who won the Electoral College but lost the popular vote had needed to win the popular vote, they would have campaigned differently,” like saying that a lung cancer diagnosis is not a problem, because if the smoker had known that would be the result, he would simply have quit years earlier.
When she sticks with analysis only of the historical circumstances of the formation of our voting system, as she does in various sections of each chapter of the book, Mrs. Ross does an adequate job explaining what came to pass. But any time the text veers from the explanatory to justification of the present, she contradicts her arguments again and again, and even the historical accounts are liberally interspersed with lengthy hagiographic asides to the greatness of the formative documents of the nation.
Save yourself the trouble – just bring yourself off into a copy of the Constitution while listening to “America the Beautiful” and draped in Old Glory.