Despite the somewhat abrupt start and ending to the narrative, this is a fairly solid, evidence-based history of trangressive male clubs (with a side view at moral majority reactions to the media coverage of the day and to very real disorder in the streets) in eighteenth century North Atlantic culture.
Unfortunately, the determination of Evelyn Lord not to speculate beyond the available evidence is limiting. The organisations being studied (actually very disparate in nature) are, by definition, secret. This means that, while the author's conclusions are always sensible and she is probably reliable in representing the most likely function of the clubs in any one situation and at any one time, many questions remain about the motivation and meaning of transgression for the middle and upper classes of the time.
It may be that such questions will never be answered. One school of thought likes to push the clubs into the territory of the esoteric. Another likes to explain them more sociologically in pragmatic or merely playful terms. As always, the truth is probably somewhere in-between. The evidence tends to drive us away from the esoteric and the spiritual but the evidence is also so sparse that we can never be sure of our ground - hence the interpretative vacuum in which so many, often quite demented, speculations are allowed to flourish.
Still, this book is an excellent starting point for further investigation. The difficulty with it is that the author's reluctance to analyse in favour of just telling the story leaves that burden with us. We, the readers, have to try and order a narrative that is fairly clear as to what happens when to whom but remains unclear as to the story's full meaning.
Sometimes it descends into the anecdotal with short sections on many one-off clubs, some of which (like the Beefsteaks) seem far from transgressional and others (like the Kingdom of Dalkey) merely carnivalesque and very public. If we learn anything, it is that transgressional clubs (with the probable exception of the Beggar's Benison movement) are exceptional, marginal and isolated even if, on occasions, they may be culturally initiative and sometimes highly entertaining to read about. Perhaps we can start by trying to break down the phenomenon into its probable components ...
First, there is a political story about how a class of psychologically vulnerable young aristocrats, returning from exile after a puritanical bourgeois revolution against their kind, and dependent on a strong Crown for patronage, threw their victory in the face of the still-strong middle class urban establishment as gross bad behaviour and the type of extreme sexual transgression that is represented in literature by the Earl of Rochester.
The establishment had permitted the return of monarchy - Charles II did not return to England except by invitation and it was an invitation that might be withdrawn at any time. The struggle between executive authority and its 'court' and a ‘country’ which had re-ordered itself completely after the execution of Charles I would continue in many forms over many decades.
The frustration of some elements in the aristocracy at their uncertain condition (alongside a natural bit of youthful revolt against their elders) often expressed itself in transgressive behaviour - in drinking and whoring 'clubs' sometimes with a link to Jacobitism after the arrival of the Hanoverians. The more personally unstable members of the aristocracy exhibited wild behavior closer to that of, say, the tabloid image of a Pete Docherty today than, say, that of the people’s princess, Cheryl Cole.
In this context, the transgressive behaviour of Anglo-Irish aristocrats of the Protestant Ascendancy might be regarded as the most 'in yer face' of all as far as the wider population were concerned. If aristocrats in England were insulting the mores of tradesmen, at least the tradesmen were free men on middle class incomes. In Ireland, the aristocrats were insulting a vast under-nourished and depressed peasantry whose entire culture was alien to them. To drink toasts to the devil (if this ever happened) was not just arrogant and contemptuous of 'ordinary folk', it was rubbing a crushed people's noses in the aristocrat's own shit. No wonder the peasants clung to their simple Catholic faith against such people - or at least as the latter were presented to them in the media of the day and by story-telling repute.
This leads us to the second factor. Much of this transgression in the first third or so of the century wass taking place amongst late adolescents and early twenty-somethings with too much money, expectations of future inheritance (and so too easy credit) or hoping for the patronage of the first two categories. The book is good on the role of the new hack media and pamphlets in fuelling what we would now call tabloid accounts of what went on amongst what were really little more than local gangs of testosterone-fuelled lads.
This was the sort of behaviour that footballers are now said to get up to in hotel rooms with willing groupies and hookers - with added violence. Eighteenth century England was becoming, for a while, before various ‘reform’ movements began their back-lash, an increasingly libertarian culture with no effective restraint in terms of public morality, one where the majority were pruriently fascinated by transgression and yet seeking to control it as socially damaging - the analogy with contemporary culture is surprisingly close although Lord determinedly avoids such comparisons.
Young males of wealth were also being sent on the Grand Tour by mid-century as a matter of course. Though most travelers probably conducted themselves much as expected by their elders, we have a creative minority who developed a fascination with what they saw and who sought to bring new ideas back to England where they fuelled a new aristocratic high culture that was more private, less urban, based on their estates and, because behind closed doors, more able to adopt transgressive forms where the will existed.
This brings us to the third model of transgression - the so-called 'Hell-fire Club' of Sir Francis Dashwood and friends. The name is a journalistic creation and there is no point in reproducing the detail of the story here.
In conformity with the author's concern only to deal with available evidence, this undoubtedly sexually transgressive Club, which has to be seen in the context of the significant and fertile contribution of Dashwood and his high aristocratic and intelligent bourgeois friends to wider British culture, is dealt with a bit cursorily in the book, repeating material easily found elsewhere (if here with more judgement).
However, what is clear (a visit to the re-modelled Parish Church in West Wyncombe is sufficient evidence of this) is that Dashwood was seeking to recreate a pagan Mediterranean sensibility behind the hedges and fences guarding the one final truth of the English revolution - the right of an estate-holder to do what he willed without interference of the State on his own property so long as he treated other English people as men and women with free choices (and so distinct from continental aristocratic practice). Basically, a whore could decline to be used if the price was not right and staff must be paid in coin.
The most charged speculations have always surrounded the sexual and esoteric aspects of the Club and the degree to which the highly intelligent but self-avowedly dilettante Dashwood was cocking a snook at the respectable establishment of the day. Even the significance of the sexual element has probably been exaggerated at the expense of the convivial because it is fairly clear that Dashwood was merely taking existing eighteenth century attitudes and just playing them out to their logical culmination under conditions where money and privacy were no object. Dashwood just added intellect to the mix.
In a world where men were married off for reasons of property as much as women, it was widely understood that pleasure and affectional relationships would have to operate within a parallel system to that of the conventional. The attraction of paganism would simply have been that it endorsed emotional reality (a precursor of romantic sensibility) rather than forced men of wealth into a 'tyrannical' Judaeo-Christian straitjacket, an imposition on the wealthy by those people who could not afford their natural instincts to be openly expressed under urban or small town scrutiny.
Pepys diary (not covered in this book) is full of perfectly reasonable affection and regard for a wife alongside erotic and affectional regard for other women, including the wives of friends, and this was quite normal for the time. By the mid-eighteenth century, 'reformers' (so often the bane of the lives of free men alongside the good they do for the truly oppressed) had made such freedoms a matter of censure for both men and women alike, moving England slowly but steadily towards the era of High Victorian morality where no respectable member of society could put a foot out of place in any social space, even the otherwise private space of the club. All that misplaced sexual energy was soon expanding an empire and slaughtering natives ...
As for the esoteric, there is no real evidence of some serious 'cult' in Dashwood’s circle but only of free-thinking men and probably women exploring transgressional ideas and adding transgressional behaviour to spice up their sexual lives - perhaps with foreign travel, the collection of texts and the plots and schemes of English politics creating an air of secrecy and resistance to the growing air of worthy conformity that was to be almost totalitarian in its effect on English culture by the mid-Victorian era.
The fact that Dashwood and his circle were (outside the influence of Benjamin Franklin on the American Revolution) effectively political failures suggests a degree of boredom behind the transgression. What do you do when you are a rich man without gainful employment? Wilkes became a 'success' by making a career of political transgression but only after he had broken with this set and was forced into extremity in order to be noticed.
It must be said that these transgressors were all rich enough to indulge their tastes. They tended to flaunt (like modern financiers) their wealth and freedom in front of struggling tradesmen engaged in six day trudgery and church on Sunday. There is no evidence that Dashwood did not pay his bills but many aristocrats did not. Failure to pay a tailor's bill could ruin his family. In a world where such tailors read the Bible and Pilgrim's Progress, this aping of French disregard of 'ordinary folk' was not liberation to them but oppression.
The final turn to this aspect of the story, before the arrival of the next generation of dull establishment political clubs, such as the Beefsteaks where Gladstone and royalty ate comfortably, is the association of Dashwood with Benjamin Franklin and the work that they did together to simplify the Book of Common Prayer.
It is implied in many quarters that they might have talked of liberty in terms that would be understood in the American taverns that later revolted against local tyranny, first against local puritanism and then, at the right time, against a Crown whose only interest seemed to be to tax the middle classes to maintain wars to benefit the 'big men' of their day.
So matters turned full circle - eighteenth century transgression had started as an aristocratic revolt against an embedded establishment. A century later transgression is placed partly, if marginally, at the service of revolt by the more libertarian small man of property against that very same establishment, now in office for over a hundred settled years and probably to reach its apogee of sclerosis under Wellington and Castlereagh in the 1820s.
This brings us to the second half of the book which is an eye-opening account of a community of apparent transgression, based in Anglo-Scottish culture, that was clearly a revolt against the tendency of the Kirk to claim rights on all private life. This expressed itself as a network of voyeuristic and masturbatory clubs of prominent establishment males which may have been much more widespread than the remaining evidence (at St. Andrew's University) suggests and which spread through northern trade routes.
This 'Beggar's Benison' movement seems to have started around the Firth of Forth at mid-century, to have had no or little connection with English aristocratic transgression (although it had some possible link to the emergence of pornographic literature in London) and to have spread through the Baltic to the 'British' community in Russia and West to the United States. As it spread, it seems to have 'cleaned up' (as it did over time in Scotland) and become part of the tavern club culture that we noted above as potentially revolutionary in force.
The customs of this Movement are so counter-intuitive to our vision of Scottish sexual puritanism that they can only be explained by our making a major mental paradigm shift back into the world of Scottish modernisation and, at least for its precursors, into the debates over the Union with England (analogous to the debate over the European Union today) and the role of the Kirk. Secrecy about being pro-English or anti-Presbyterian might have been as sensible at one time as, amongst other political choices, being pro-Jacobite.
However, the Scottish-origin transgressive clubs appear to have been cultural rather than political. The real interest here is in the nature of Scottish sexual repression where the prime interest (and this appears to occur elsewhere in the story) is not in sexual conduct per se so much as in 'scientific' observation of female genitalia and in proving manhood through public (or rather private to the club) production of semen.
This is 'behind the bike sheds' stuff. It seems like an extension of all male education into adulthood as fixed and fetishistic sexual behaviour. There is none of that implied 'Eyes Wide Shut' eroticism of high English aristocratic transgression with willing whores and mistresses. This is paying servant girls to show their pussies and then expelling from the club the man who got so excited that he actually touched one ... the nearest analogy here is with the modern lap-dancing club and the 'no touch' rule. You can imagine the girls laughing all the way to the bank.
So, the author is offering us two separate narratives. The first is of the increasing attempt by some of the people considered to be natural rulers of their country, frustrated at having to bow down before a restrictive cultural conformity, to take their revolt from the streets as arrogant kids and back into the safety of their private estates before finally giving up and joining the establishment, reserving their subsequent sexual pleasures to the whore house and the mistress.
The second is of a repressed modernising and increasingly libertarian middle class of traders and businessmen trying to come to terms with their sexuality without risking their property and using the cover of Enlightenment investigation to find some low risk non-homosexual male bonding and a bit of sexual titillation behind closed doors.
The two narratives never quite converge though there are other stories - of the emergence of pornographic literature, of high aristocratic interest in radical libertarian ideas and of 'tavern' culture as a form of resistance to the power of the established church - that overlap a little with both. Transgressive clubs are interesting less because of what they say about their members as that they were ever necessary in the first place.
These clubs are a back-handed compliment to the power of the Judaeo-Christian culture in which they were embedded. Think of the growing power of methodism, of anti-alcohol and anti-sex industry campaigns, of the evangelical drive against slavery, of the promotion of the place of the woman as angel of the home, of the increasing need to be sexually discreet, of the relationship between sexuality and property and the increasing expectation that order be imposed by the State. On top of this, observe the perils of rapid modernisation and the management of emotion into 'sentiment' (and away from its raw expression as violence or lust).
All this is combined into one dominant culture that was eventually structured to repress any sexual dialogue and then channel it back into faux-pagan performance art and that peculiar British attitude that sex is 'naughty but nice', much like a cream cake, to be eaten and enjoyed only occasionally, in private and with considerable guilt at its presumed bad effects on both body and soul.
The roots of the decadent rebellion of the 1890s (with its faux-paganism and its fetishistic attitude towards sexuality) were in this same culture. Both rebellions, whether of the Hellfire Club or the decadents, certainly based on any sensible assessment of what happened afterwards, only point up the extent of the repressed sexual culture of the bulk of the British in history. Repression has been the national cultural norm of the British people from the Glorious Revolution to the 1980s. Even now, occasional moral panics from our modern tabloids and the commercialisation of sexuality suggest that underlying attitudes remain driven by sensational and by the ‘naughty but nice’ cream cake model of sex.
The book covers none of this cultural ground in depth but it is very good on the politics and sociology of the eighteenth century. Evelyn Lord is not interested in 'lessons from history' but only in telling the story as she finds it.
It is also a mine of amusing anecdotes with the added advantage that Evelyn Lord is very good at sifting fact from fiction and ensuring that we understand that most tales of transgression were probably fictional and certainly over-blown. On that basis, the book is recommended but you will have to make up your own mind as to its 'meaning'.