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Involusi Pertanian: Proses Perubahan Ekologi di Indonesia
Satu lagi karya dari seorang antropolog budaya paling berpengaruh di Amerika Serikat selama tiga dekade yang menggunakan Indonesia sebagai objek penelitiannya. Karya ini awalnya merupakan bab pertama esai programatis Clifford Geertz, “The Development of the Javanese Economy: A Sosio-Cultural Approach”—hasil dari penelitian proyek yang dilakukan Massachusetts Institute of Technology pada 1956.
Sistem Tanam Paksa yang diterapkan pemerintah kolonial ketika itu nyatanya tidak berhasil menjadikan pertanian Indonesia mengalami evolusi, melainkan sebaliknya. Menurut antropolog ini, sistem pertanian dan sistem budaya menjadi pemicu dari kondisi involutif tersebut. Selain itu, dikotomi sawah-ladang dan Indonesia Bagian Dalam (Jawa)-Indonesia Bagian Luar (Luar Jawa) yang digunakan Geertz memperlihatkan perbedaan mencolok pola penggunaan lahan yang sedikit banyak dapat merefleksikan keadaan sosial budaya masyarakat Indonesia pada saat itu.
Sistem Tanam Paksa yang diterapkan pemerintah kolonial ketika itu nyatanya tidak berhasil menjadikan pertanian Indonesia mengalami evolusi, melainkan sebaliknya. Menurut antropolog ini, sistem pertanian dan sistem budaya menjadi pemicu dari kondisi involutif tersebut. Selain itu, dikotomi sawah-ladang dan Indonesia Bagian Dalam (Jawa)-Indonesia Bagian Luar (Luar Jawa) yang digunakan Geertz memperlihatkan perbedaan mencolok pola penggunaan lahan yang sedikit banyak dapat merefleksikan keadaan sosial budaya masyarakat Indonesia pada saat itu.
218 pages, Paperback
First published January 28, 1963
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418 people want to read
About the author
Clifford Geertz
87 books242 followersClifford James Geertz was an American anthropologist and served until his death as professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, New Jersey.
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Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews
December 30, 2018
An interesting monograph from Clifford Geertz, before he became a pure culturalist and was more of an MIT-trained scientifically-inclined anthropologist or sociologist of development.
Geertz outlines an analysis of the differential development of 'Inner' (Java, basically) and 'Outer' Indonesia (the rest) on the basis of the natural ecology of each region, and the concomitant forms of peasant subsistence agriculture which arose there ('sawah', or wet rice irrigration, vs swidden, or slash-and-burn, respectively); their 'dualistic' integration into the Dutch colonial/imperial system, and the then-contemporary developmental dilemmas facing post-revolutionary, independent Indonesia. He proposes that both ecological-agricultural systems have a tendency to absorb (and reproduce their dependency upon) intensive labour inputs as opposed to the investment of capital (which would lead to sloughing off surplus labour from the agricultural sector into manufacturing, and generate forward and backwards industrial linkages), as occurred in the comparable example of Japan through the impact of state reforms in the late 19th century - thus explaining profound and persistent underdevelopment in pre- and post-independence Indonesia.
Written during Suharto's nationalist rule and before Sukarno's coup, and the infamous anti-communist mass killings perpetuated by the latter, this is both a convincing historical-materialist analysis of the dynamics driving economic development, as well a fascinating historical document of an important period in Indonesian and global history generally.
Geertz outlines an analysis of the differential development of 'Inner' (Java, basically) and 'Outer' Indonesia (the rest) on the basis of the natural ecology of each region, and the concomitant forms of peasant subsistence agriculture which arose there ('sawah', or wet rice irrigration, vs swidden, or slash-and-burn, respectively); their 'dualistic' integration into the Dutch colonial/imperial system, and the then-contemporary developmental dilemmas facing post-revolutionary, independent Indonesia. He proposes that both ecological-agricultural systems have a tendency to absorb (and reproduce their dependency upon) intensive labour inputs as opposed to the investment of capital (which would lead to sloughing off surplus labour from the agricultural sector into manufacturing, and generate forward and backwards industrial linkages), as occurred in the comparable example of Japan through the impact of state reforms in the late 19th century - thus explaining profound and persistent underdevelopment in pre- and post-independence Indonesia.
Written during Suharto's nationalist rule and before Sukarno's coup, and the infamous anti-communist mass killings perpetuated by the latter, this is both a convincing historical-materialist analysis of the dynamics driving economic development, as well a fascinating historical document of an important period in Indonesian and global history generally.
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September 6, 2016saya membutuhkannya
October 3, 2024
The word "Involution" has been popular in China for several years already. Neijuan (内卷), translated as "involution" encapsulates the intense competition and pressures faced by individuals in various aspects of life, particularly in education and the labor market. The term literally means "to roll inwards," reflecting a situation where growth occurs without meaningful development or improvement, leading to a cycle of stress and burnout. Originally an anthropological concept introduced by Clifford Geertz to describe agricultural stagnation in Indonesia, neijuan has evolved to represent a broader societal phenomenon in China.
Individuals often feel compelled to work excessively long hours, fearing that leaving work on time might signal laziness. This culture is prevalent in many industries, particularly in tech companies where practices like the "996" work schedule (9 AM to 9 PM, six days a week) are common. The rise of neijuan has been fueled by social media, with viral images and discussions highlighting extreme work habits among students. It has been contributing to high levels of anxiety and stress related to academic performance and societal expectations.
The concept of neijuan reflects deeper issues within Chinese society, including: Economic Disparities, a cycle where hard work does not guarantee success or upward mobility; Anti-Capitalistic Sentiment as they grapple with the realities of an economy that rewards excessive competition over well-being; Cultural Shift from communal to personal.
Clifford Geertz's "Agricultural Involution: The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia" is a seminal work that explores the intricate dynamics of agricultural practices in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the historical context of Dutch colonialism and its effects on local agricultural systems.
Geertz's principal thesis posits that centuries of intensifying wet-rice cultivation led to greater social complexity in Indonesia without significant technological or political change, a phenomenon he terms "involution." Same as the current popular Neijuan concept, it has illustrated how societies can become more complex internally while failing to adapt or expand externally, resulting in inefficiencies and a lack of innovation in agricultural practices.
The book examines two dominant forms of agriculture in Indonesia: swidden (slash-and-burn) and sawah (wet-rice cultivation). Swidden agriculture was sustainable when land were plentily available, moving from one to another, while the used land recovered. Sawah agriculture emphasized on planting wet crops over and over again at the same land. Geertz details how these systems interacted with colonial policies and local ecological conditions. He argues that the pressures from both external economic demands imposed by the Dutch and internal population growth resulted in an intensification of agricultural practices rather than transformative change.
Geertz employs cultural ecology to analyze how ecological factors influence social structures and agricultural practices. I would say his work is considered a foundational text in this field, illustrating the relationship between culture and environment.
The book provides a critical look at how Dutch colonialism altered traditional agricultural practices, introducing plantation monoculture that disrupted indigenous methods. This shift not only affected agricultural productivity but also led to significant social changes within Indonesian communities. Big plot of land was cleared for commercial production, putting 'economies of scale' over 'biodiversity' and 'sustainability'.
Geertz highlights the paradox of increasing social complexity amidst stagnant technological advancement. This reflects a broader critique of development theories that assume linear progress towards modernization. His comparative study between Japan and Java also provides a better picture on different result derived from different pathway taken.
*Agricultural Involution* has been praised for its interdisciplinary approach, incorporating insights from sociology, economics, and history to provide a comprehensive analysis of Indonesian agriculture. It has remained relevant decades after its publication, even until 2024, as contemporary scholars draw parallels between Geertz's findings and current issues in political ecology and sustainable agriculture.
Critical reviews often note Geertz's dense writing style, which may present challenges for readers unfamiliar with his theoretical framework. However, many agree that the depth of analysis and the rich historical context make it a valuable resource for understanding not only Indonesian agriculture but also broader themes in colonial studies and ecological anthropology.
In summary, Geertz's *Agricultural Involution* is more than just an examination of farming practices; it is a profound investigation into how historical forces shape social structures and ecological interactions, making it a crucial text for anyone that work in the field of agriculture like myself, or studying anthropology, history, or environmental science.
Individuals often feel compelled to work excessively long hours, fearing that leaving work on time might signal laziness. This culture is prevalent in many industries, particularly in tech companies where practices like the "996" work schedule (9 AM to 9 PM, six days a week) are common. The rise of neijuan has been fueled by social media, with viral images and discussions highlighting extreme work habits among students. It has been contributing to high levels of anxiety and stress related to academic performance and societal expectations.
The concept of neijuan reflects deeper issues within Chinese society, including: Economic Disparities, a cycle where hard work does not guarantee success or upward mobility; Anti-Capitalistic Sentiment as they grapple with the realities of an economy that rewards excessive competition over well-being; Cultural Shift from communal to personal.
Clifford Geertz's "Agricultural Involution: The Processes of Ecological Change in Indonesia" is a seminal work that explores the intricate dynamics of agricultural practices in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the historical context of Dutch colonialism and its effects on local agricultural systems.
Geertz's principal thesis posits that centuries of intensifying wet-rice cultivation led to greater social complexity in Indonesia without significant technological or political change, a phenomenon he terms "involution." Same as the current popular Neijuan concept, it has illustrated how societies can become more complex internally while failing to adapt or expand externally, resulting in inefficiencies and a lack of innovation in agricultural practices.
The book examines two dominant forms of agriculture in Indonesia: swidden (slash-and-burn) and sawah (wet-rice cultivation). Swidden agriculture was sustainable when land were plentily available, moving from one to another, while the used land recovered. Sawah agriculture emphasized on planting wet crops over and over again at the same land. Geertz details how these systems interacted with colonial policies and local ecological conditions. He argues that the pressures from both external economic demands imposed by the Dutch and internal population growth resulted in an intensification of agricultural practices rather than transformative change.
Geertz employs cultural ecology to analyze how ecological factors influence social structures and agricultural practices. I would say his work is considered a foundational text in this field, illustrating the relationship between culture and environment.
The book provides a critical look at how Dutch colonialism altered traditional agricultural practices, introducing plantation monoculture that disrupted indigenous methods. This shift not only affected agricultural productivity but also led to significant social changes within Indonesian communities. Big plot of land was cleared for commercial production, putting 'economies of scale' over 'biodiversity' and 'sustainability'.
Geertz highlights the paradox of increasing social complexity amidst stagnant technological advancement. This reflects a broader critique of development theories that assume linear progress towards modernization. His comparative study between Japan and Java also provides a better picture on different result derived from different pathway taken.
*Agricultural Involution* has been praised for its interdisciplinary approach, incorporating insights from sociology, economics, and history to provide a comprehensive analysis of Indonesian agriculture. It has remained relevant decades after its publication, even until 2024, as contemporary scholars draw parallels between Geertz's findings and current issues in political ecology and sustainable agriculture.
Critical reviews often note Geertz's dense writing style, which may present challenges for readers unfamiliar with his theoretical framework. However, many agree that the depth of analysis and the rich historical context make it a valuable resource for understanding not only Indonesian agriculture but also broader themes in colonial studies and ecological anthropology.
In summary, Geertz's *Agricultural Involution* is more than just an examination of farming practices; it is a profound investigation into how historical forces shape social structures and ecological interactions, making it a crucial text for anyone that work in the field of agriculture like myself, or studying anthropology, history, or environmental science.
January 1, 2026
I love learning about agriculture. :)
For someone coming at it fresh, I might recommend they read the last chapter first, since it goes through the "so what" of everything Geertz discusses in a succinct way. That's not so say the other chapters are worth skipping.
Chapter 1 lays out questions of how to frame analysis on the relationship between culture and the environment. Interesting, but hard to grasp the stakes without understanding the thrust of his overall argument, i.e., that environment and human institutions interplay in complex ways and cant really be disentangled.
Chapter 2 discusses the swidden and sawah agricultural patterns in Outer Indonesia and Java respectively. Very fascinating!
Chapters 3-5 then discusses the evolution of human institutions (namely, the Dutch colonial heritage) and how they interacted with and cemented these agricultural patterns. Per Geertz, "the Netherlands was never able...to develop a manufacturing export even remotely comparable to that of Britain, and so the interest of the Dutch in Indonesia remained overwhelmingly mercantilist to the end. The stimulation in Indonesia of extensive markets for industrial goods, it was feared, would only lead to increased British (or later, Japanese) influence."
And so, the Dutch "Culture System"
imposed agricultural cultivation as a substitute for money taxes. This established certain persistent pattern, e.g., regarding sugar cultivation: "The more numerous and the better irrigated the terraces are, the more sugar can be grown; and the more people - a seasonal, readily available resident labor force (a sort of part-time proletariat) - supported by these terraces during the nonsugar portion of the cycle, can grow sugar."
This self-reinforcing cycle of absorbing tremendous population growth through more intensive wet-rice cultivation is what Geertz called "agricultural involution." He actually took the phrase from Alexander Goldenweiser's 1936 description of cultural/artistic styles: "The primary effect of the pattern is...to check development, or at least to limit it....Take, for instance the decorative arts of the Maori, distinguished hy its complexity, elaborateness, and the extent to which the entire decorated object is pervades by the decoration. On analysis the unit elements of the design are found to be few in number; in some instances, in fact, the complex design is brought through a multiplicity of spatial arrangements of one and the same unit...The pattern precludes the use of another unit or units, but it is not inimical to play within the unit or units. The inevitable result is progressive complication, a variety within uniformity, virtuosity within monotony. This is involution."
As Geertz notes, the Culture System proper was limited in temporal or geographic application, it was key to establishing the basic patterns that developed recursively. In Chapter 6, Geertz compares the trajectory of Indonesia's and Japan's economic development, pointing to these involutionary patterns as the reasons why Japan could absorb rural population growth into industrial sectors whereas Indonesia could not.
What does this mean for China? If are being cynical, we could say that the use of the word involution/内卷 is merely a quirky euphemism for overcapacity. I think that there is probably some truth to that. However, having read this book, I think that involution is perhaps an apt - and even more damning - description of what is going on in the Chinese economy. That is to say, 内卷 cannot be simply translated to "excessive competition" or even "overcapacity;" rather, it is pointing to the institutions (e.g., tax structures, KPIs for local government officials, etc.) that the Chinese government has imposed. Just as the sawah needs to be farmed more intensively, in Indonesia's involutionary pattern, China needs export-led manufacturing to absorb unskilled or semi-skilled labor, to generate local tax revenue, etc. It is precisely China's inability or unwillingness to break out of these institutional patterns (which do indeed generate structural overcapacity) that makes these patterns incolutionary. But I am skeptical China's recent anti-involutionary drive will be able to change these patterns significantly.
For someone coming at it fresh, I might recommend they read the last chapter first, since it goes through the "so what" of everything Geertz discusses in a succinct way. That's not so say the other chapters are worth skipping.
Chapter 1 lays out questions of how to frame analysis on the relationship between culture and the environment. Interesting, but hard to grasp the stakes without understanding the thrust of his overall argument, i.e., that environment and human institutions interplay in complex ways and cant really be disentangled.
Chapter 2 discusses the swidden and sawah agricultural patterns in Outer Indonesia and Java respectively. Very fascinating!
Chapters 3-5 then discusses the evolution of human institutions (namely, the Dutch colonial heritage) and how they interacted with and cemented these agricultural patterns. Per Geertz, "the Netherlands was never able...to develop a manufacturing export even remotely comparable to that of Britain, and so the interest of the Dutch in Indonesia remained overwhelmingly mercantilist to the end. The stimulation in Indonesia of extensive markets for industrial goods, it was feared, would only lead to increased British (or later, Japanese) influence."
And so, the Dutch "Culture System"
imposed agricultural cultivation as a substitute for money taxes. This established certain persistent pattern, e.g., regarding sugar cultivation: "The more numerous and the better irrigated the terraces are, the more sugar can be grown; and the more people - a seasonal, readily available resident labor force (a sort of part-time proletariat) - supported by these terraces during the nonsugar portion of the cycle, can grow sugar."
This self-reinforcing cycle of absorbing tremendous population growth through more intensive wet-rice cultivation is what Geertz called "agricultural involution." He actually took the phrase from Alexander Goldenweiser's 1936 description of cultural/artistic styles: "The primary effect of the pattern is...to check development, or at least to limit it....Take, for instance the decorative arts of the Maori, distinguished hy its complexity, elaborateness, and the extent to which the entire decorated object is pervades by the decoration. On analysis the unit elements of the design are found to be few in number; in some instances, in fact, the complex design is brought through a multiplicity of spatial arrangements of one and the same unit...The pattern precludes the use of another unit or units, but it is not inimical to play within the unit or units. The inevitable result is progressive complication, a variety within uniformity, virtuosity within monotony. This is involution."
As Geertz notes, the Culture System proper was limited in temporal or geographic application, it was key to establishing the basic patterns that developed recursively. In Chapter 6, Geertz compares the trajectory of Indonesia's and Japan's economic development, pointing to these involutionary patterns as the reasons why Japan could absorb rural population growth into industrial sectors whereas Indonesia could not.
What does this mean for China? If are being cynical, we could say that the use of the word involution/内卷 is merely a quirky euphemism for overcapacity. I think that there is probably some truth to that. However, having read this book, I think that involution is perhaps an apt - and even more damning - description of what is going on in the Chinese economy. That is to say, 内卷 cannot be simply translated to "excessive competition" or even "overcapacity;" rather, it is pointing to the institutions (e.g., tax structures, KPIs for local government officials, etc.) that the Chinese government has imposed. Just as the sawah needs to be farmed more intensively, in Indonesia's involutionary pattern, China needs export-led manufacturing to absorb unskilled or semi-skilled labor, to generate local tax revenue, etc. It is precisely China's inability or unwillingness to break out of these institutional patterns (which do indeed generate structural overcapacity) that makes these patterns incolutionary. But I am skeptical China's recent anti-involutionary drive will be able to change these patterns significantly.
January 7, 2025
⭐: 4.3/5
Involusi Pertanian: Proses Perubahan Ekologi di Indonesia menggunakan keterkaitan ekologi dan kebudayaan dalam konteks geografi, ekonomi, politik, dan sejarah Indonesia. Buku ini mengulas terjadinya involusi di bidang pertanian, khususnya di Jawa, sejak awal penjajahan Belanda hingga setelah kemerdekaannya. Fenomena involusi pertanian merupakan hasil dari kolonialisme Belanda beserta kebijakannya, pertambahan kepadatan penduduk yang cepat, serta sistem sosial budaya masyarakatnya. Dampaknya? Indonesia mengalami kesulitan dalam pertumbuhan ekonomi yang berkelanjutan.
Bagaimana asumsi itu terbentuk?
Resensi lengkap bisa baca di sini
Involusi Pertanian: Proses Perubahan Ekologi di Indonesia menggunakan keterkaitan ekologi dan kebudayaan dalam konteks geografi, ekonomi, politik, dan sejarah Indonesia. Buku ini mengulas terjadinya involusi di bidang pertanian, khususnya di Jawa, sejak awal penjajahan Belanda hingga setelah kemerdekaannya. Fenomena involusi pertanian merupakan hasil dari kolonialisme Belanda beserta kebijakannya, pertambahan kepadatan penduduk yang cepat, serta sistem sosial budaya masyarakatnya. Dampaknya? Indonesia mengalami kesulitan dalam pertumbuhan ekonomi yang berkelanjutan.
Bagaimana asumsi itu terbentuk?
Resensi lengkap bisa baca di sini
March 2, 2024
This classic of cultural ecology examines how a new political power structure (i.e., colonialism) impacted social structure and agricultural production in Java. It traces the history of the East Indies from the seventeenth century to recent times, highlighting the progression from subsistence to commercial agriculture. “Agricultural involution” refers to the development of more intricate social relationships as a means of coping with need to integrate commercial crops (mainly sugar) into the existing agricultural landscape.
Geertz explains the important distinction between sawah, or intensive “wet-rice” agriculture, and swidden, or dry land subsistence agriculture. The former is prevalent in Java and Bali, while the latter is found on the outer islands of Indonesia.
June 7, 2019
buku ini dirilis sudah lama namun sudut pandang "indonesia dalam" dan "indonesia luar" yg disorot memberikan jawaban yg menurut saya masih relevan atas permasalahan pertanian masa kini seperti jawa yg sempit lahan, sumatra dan kalimantan yg dibelenggu kapitalisme.
meski data yg disajikan kurang memuaskan namun buku ini memberikan banyak informasi mengenai bagaimana masyarakat pertanian indonesia terbentuk.
meski data yg disajikan kurang memuaskan namun buku ini memberikan banyak informasi mengenai bagaimana masyarakat pertanian indonesia terbentuk.
June 2, 2021
Found the novel after reading the 'China’s “Involuted” Generation' piece in the NY'er. Finished this audiobook in 3 days and loved the anthropological theories about how labour now has shifted from output/input as opposed to investment of capital (which is long-term more sustainable).
Want to read
October 1, 2020I wont read this book
March 22, 2022
Overdetermined and detached - but influential
July 21, 2022
Fantastic book by Clifford Geertz..
March 22, 2009
indonesian rice/sugar/coffee
involution
shared poverty
focus on materiality of farming practices
development of dual economy - labor-intensive and capital-intensive split
the swidden and imitation of nature vs the sawah and the domestication of nature
toward in-between anthropogenic natures, an anthropogenic that works with nature, that imitates nature
on human inefficiency and directed goals (clear-cutting and controlled burn)
the green desert
involution - change without change, instead of revolution an infolding, the progressive elaboration of a kind of baroque ecology (...) that redevelops itself over and over by necessity
involution
shared poverty
focus on materiality of farming practices
development of dual economy - labor-intensive and capital-intensive split
the swidden and imitation of nature vs the sawah and the domestication of nature
toward in-between anthropogenic natures, an anthropogenic that works with nature, that imitates nature
on human inefficiency and directed goals (clear-cutting and controlled burn)
the green desert
involution - change without change, instead of revolution an infolding, the progressive elaboration of a kind of baroque ecology (...) that redevelops itself over and over by necessity
July 23, 2007
ini buku bagus.
saya membacanya lewat terjemahan. itu pun lewat fotokopi yang dibuatkan teman. di sini kita mengenal [lagi] istilah 'indonesia dalam' dan 'indonesia luar', serta berbagai sebab sosiologis mengapa indonesia yang negara pertanian ini tidak kunjung bisa mentas.
saya membacanya lewat terjemahan. itu pun lewat fotokopi yang dibuatkan teman. di sini kita mengenal [lagi] istilah 'indonesia dalam' dan 'indonesia luar', serta berbagai sebab sosiologis mengapa indonesia yang negara pertanian ini tidak kunjung bisa mentas.
January 22, 2008
bagus, menceritakan sebuah involusi yang terjadi di jawa, involusi atau jalan di tempat merupakan satu realitas dalam sejarah perekonomian di indonesia, seharusnya sekarang kita mengaca pada masa lalu bagaimana involusi itu terjadi dan mengupayakan agar tidak terjadi kembali
Want to read
October 13, 2016i want to know
Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews