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Bibi: The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu
The first biography that collects the threads of Benjamin Netanyahu's tumultuous personal life, controversial public career and struggle to endure as the Jewish state's leader and the master of its destiny. It is told by a writer who has spent his career explaining the world to Israelis and interpreting Israel for a global readership.
Benjamin Netanyahu was born a year after Israel. His story in many ways embodies that of the ideological underdogs of the Zionist members of the right-wing Revisionist movement, the religious, the Mizrahi Jews who emigrated from Arab lands, the petit-bourgeoisie of the new towns and cities, who all were supposed to metamorphose into the new Israeli. It hasn't quite worked out that way.
Netanyahu is also a child of America. He is in large part the product of the affluent East Coast Jewish community and of the generation that came of age in the Reagan era. He was formed as much by American Cold War conservatism as he was by his historian father's hardline right-wing Zionism.
It is impossible to understand today's Israel without understanding this singular person's life. Netanyahu's Israel is a hybrid of ancient phobia and high-tech hope, tribalism and globalism--like the man himself.
In the face of animus at home and abroad, Netanyahu has survived political defeat and personal setback. For many in Israel and overseas, Netanyahu is an anathema, an embarrassment, even a precursor of Donald Trump. But he continues to dominate Israeli public life and the Jewish narrative of the twenty-first century. As Israel approaches the seventieth anniversary of its birth, this one man more than any other embodies the nation and directs its fate.
Benjamin Netanyahu was born a year after Israel. His story in many ways embodies that of the ideological underdogs of the Zionist members of the right-wing Revisionist movement, the religious, the Mizrahi Jews who emigrated from Arab lands, the petit-bourgeoisie of the new towns and cities, who all were supposed to metamorphose into the new Israeli. It hasn't quite worked out that way.
Netanyahu is also a child of America. He is in large part the product of the affluent East Coast Jewish community and of the generation that came of age in the Reagan era. He was formed as much by American Cold War conservatism as he was by his historian father's hardline right-wing Zionism.
It is impossible to understand today's Israel without understanding this singular person's life. Netanyahu's Israel is a hybrid of ancient phobia and high-tech hope, tribalism and globalism--like the man himself.
In the face of animus at home and abroad, Netanyahu has survived political defeat and personal setback. For many in Israel and overseas, Netanyahu is an anathema, an embarrassment, even a precursor of Donald Trump. But he continues to dominate Israeli public life and the Jewish narrative of the twenty-first century. As Israel approaches the seventieth anniversary of its birth, this one man more than any other embodies the nation and directs its fate.
286 pages, Hardcover
Published May 1, 2018
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 67 reviews
June 6, 2018
Its remarkable how little most people actually know about Benjamin Netanyahu, given the Israeli prime minister's habitual domination of the international news cycle. This book is the first biography of him by an Israeli journalist, and offers a deep background not just about Netanyahu's own life but the ideological milieu out of which he arose. From its inception Zionism has traditionally been dominated by two competing trends: the Revisionist school and Labor Zionism. Strictly speaking both of these trends are generally either hostile or dismissive towards the Arabs, but the Revisionists comprise the right-wing of the spectrum and are opposed to essentially any compromise with their neighbors over what they view as Israeli territory. Netanyahu's academic historian father Benzion was a Revisionist and his sons are as well. Over time the Revisionists have moved from a marginalized position within Israeli politics to become its dominant force, with Netanyahu at the helm.
Israeli leaders, unlike their American counterparts, comprise a type of warrior-elite of the country. Netanyahu and his brother Jonathan were both Sayeret Matkal veterans (an elite Israeli special forces unit) and spent years carrying out combat missions in the Middle East and Africa. Jonathan was killed during one mission in Uganda, becoming a sort of national martyr for Israel and the Netanyahu family in the process. It was fascinating to see in the book how much of a revolving-door has historically existed between elite U.S. institutions and the Israeli military. During their youth the Netanyahus, Ehud Barak and countless other future Israeli leaders attended Ivy League schools in the United States. While college students, they routinely headed back home to conduct assassinations and special forces raids during their semester breaks or whenever else their units requested them. These men were merely few among the thousands of other Israelis who seamlessly moved back and forth between the worlds of elite U.S. academia and business to personally wage war against Israel's enemies, before returning to their seemingly quotidian lives in America. As Israel is a country with mandatory conscription, their bifurcated life experiences were in many ways typical. To this day swarms of IDF reservists and American volunteers regularly fly to Israel from U.S. airports, whenever the country is doing battle against the Palestinians or any of its other neighbors.
Although he refused to cooperate with the book, there is a lot detail about Netanyahu's personal life that will likely be new and fascinating to any non-Israeli reader. By all accounts he is a committed zealot for his country and has devoted his life to its wellbeing. But unlike other cases where reading someone's life story engenders greater sympathy for them, I didn't come away from Bibi with a warmer perception of him as a man. To the contrary, he and others of his generation come across like typical pioneering colonialists who were, and are, glad to do whatever is necessary to serve the interests of their tribe and don't think twice about the lesser people whose lives they destroy in the process. His life in America (where he went to school and also worked as a consultant for the high-profile Boston Consulting Group) didn't erode his fierce tribalism one bit. Netanyahu seems to have had problematic personal relationships with women while moving in American elite circles, while also learning through experience how to manipulate D.C. politics and national media for his own purposes. In many ways he seems to represent the worst of the modern American elite as well as old-school European settler colonialism, though no one can accuse him of being a hypocrite.
The first three quarters of the book are novel and exciting, while the last bit becomes quite familiar as it mostly comprises reporting from Netanyahu's already well-covered time as prime minister. Understanding more about him and his Revisionist ideological base really emphasizes how committed Netanyahu is to never making peace with the Palestinians, aside from a "peace" that entails bullying them into total submission. This is a highly recommended biography, a portrait of someone who is for better or worse among the most powerful people in the world today.
Israeli leaders, unlike their American counterparts, comprise a type of warrior-elite of the country. Netanyahu and his brother Jonathan were both Sayeret Matkal veterans (an elite Israeli special forces unit) and spent years carrying out combat missions in the Middle East and Africa. Jonathan was killed during one mission in Uganda, becoming a sort of national martyr for Israel and the Netanyahu family in the process. It was fascinating to see in the book how much of a revolving-door has historically existed between elite U.S. institutions and the Israeli military. During their youth the Netanyahus, Ehud Barak and countless other future Israeli leaders attended Ivy League schools in the United States. While college students, they routinely headed back home to conduct assassinations and special forces raids during their semester breaks or whenever else their units requested them. These men were merely few among the thousands of other Israelis who seamlessly moved back and forth between the worlds of elite U.S. academia and business to personally wage war against Israel's enemies, before returning to their seemingly quotidian lives in America. As Israel is a country with mandatory conscription, their bifurcated life experiences were in many ways typical. To this day swarms of IDF reservists and American volunteers regularly fly to Israel from U.S. airports, whenever the country is doing battle against the Palestinians or any of its other neighbors.
Although he refused to cooperate with the book, there is a lot detail about Netanyahu's personal life that will likely be new and fascinating to any non-Israeli reader. By all accounts he is a committed zealot for his country and has devoted his life to its wellbeing. But unlike other cases where reading someone's life story engenders greater sympathy for them, I didn't come away from Bibi with a warmer perception of him as a man. To the contrary, he and others of his generation come across like typical pioneering colonialists who were, and are, glad to do whatever is necessary to serve the interests of their tribe and don't think twice about the lesser people whose lives they destroy in the process. His life in America (where he went to school and also worked as a consultant for the high-profile Boston Consulting Group) didn't erode his fierce tribalism one bit. Netanyahu seems to have had problematic personal relationships with women while moving in American elite circles, while also learning through experience how to manipulate D.C. politics and national media for his own purposes. In many ways he seems to represent the worst of the modern American elite as well as old-school European settler colonialism, though no one can accuse him of being a hypocrite.
The first three quarters of the book are novel and exciting, while the last bit becomes quite familiar as it mostly comprises reporting from Netanyahu's already well-covered time as prime minister. Understanding more about him and his Revisionist ideological base really emphasizes how committed Netanyahu is to never making peace with the Palestinians, aside from a "peace" that entails bullying them into total submission. This is a highly recommended biography, a portrait of someone who is for better or worse among the most powerful people in the world today.
March 21, 2020
This book started out initially to a 4-star, then to a 3-star by the last third, then to a 2-star by the end. Pfeffer is a reporter for Haaretz, Israel's flagship newspaper for its Left --- so, in retrospect, someone from Haaretz writing a bio on Netanayahu is probably analogous to someone from the New York Times Editorial Board or MSNBC trying to write one on Trump. The Benjamin Netanayahu is generally portrayed as a cunning, narcissistic, opportunistic manipulator --- both of the Israeli political system and the international diplomatic community.
The book starts out well. I do think it does a good job telling the beginning stages of Benjamin Netanayahu's life and the influences in his formative years that make him the type of man he is today. In fact, it does this quite well in its first third or so.
However, it started to go sideways as it detailed the military careers of the two Netanayahu brothers, Benjamin and his brother, Yoni, famous for his role in the Entebbe hostage rescue in which he gave his life --- and also one of the key influences on his younger brother. In his effort to play down Netanayahu's military and patriotic credentials, he does what really comes across as a mean-spirited hatchet job on Yoni Netanayahu. It would be as if Trump had an older brother on the level of Chesty Puller or Chris Kyle, and an American reporter, in an effort to get at Trump, attacks the better heroic deceased brother of Trump. It just came across as small-minded and mean-spirited --- if you dislike or despise a politician, then fine --- but that hardly means that every other member of the guy's family is also bad.
As the book continues, the bias within it against Netanayahu increases to the extent that, by the conclusion, the author casts all objectivity aside altogether. I've read many bios where the subject is either a loathsome character or someone whom the author clearly admits their dislike in the preface -- or the opposite where the author approves of his subject --- but, either way, the very best bios are the ones where the subject is shown clearly as much as possible as they are --- their flaws and their strengths --- and then trusts the reader to make up their own minds on the person being written about.
Pfeffer never does that. Netanayahu rightly ---- in my opinion -- does deserve criticism for his continuation of building Jewish settlements in the West Bank and for his use of thinly veiled racism in the 2015 Israeli election. However, although Netanayahu has influenced the course of Israel to some degree either as Prime Minister or Finance Minister for the last 20 years, he's given no credit for his positive role in Israel's economic boom, for the reduction of terrorist attacks within Israel, or for Israel's diplomatic progress in making more friends and trade partners for Israel -- particularly in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Particularly egregious is the author's description of relations between Netanayahu and the Obama Administration. In the author's view, the Obama Administration could do no wrong in its Mid East policies. Little recognition is shown that not only Netanayahu but many Israelis might view with intrepidation an Islamic Republic of Iran that, since inception, has called for the destruction of Israel, arms terrorist groups committed to killing Israeli citizens, and that was developing nuclear weapons. No mention is made of the Obama Administration sending $150 billion to such a regime, nor of the questionable rationale for doing so ---in return for an unsigned nuclear agreement in which Iran's compliance with it was difficult, if not impossible to independently verify.
In addition, the author consistently portrays Netanayahu as the sole obstacle to a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestine Authority. Little mention is made of the Palestine Authority's duplicity --- capturing terrorists for show, then releasing them --- only for them to plan or even make attacks in Israel --- attacks that killed dozens of Israeli civilians --- which naturally made many Israelis skeptical of the credibility of any agreement that might be reached between Israel and the Palestinians. If one did not know this from other sources, then one might well assume that Benjamin Netananayahu is to blame solely for the repeatedly failed peace negotiations.
I did it find this book a fascinating study of the inner workings of Israel's multi-party parliamentary system with is proportional representation. However, overall, I just cannot give this book a positive recommendation ----it is overly biased, not objective, and engages in selective use and omission of facts in an effort to influence negatively the reader against Netanayahu, rather simply relating all of them and letting the facts speak for themselves.
The book starts out well. I do think it does a good job telling the beginning stages of Benjamin Netanayahu's life and the influences in his formative years that make him the type of man he is today. In fact, it does this quite well in its first third or so.
However, it started to go sideways as it detailed the military careers of the two Netanayahu brothers, Benjamin and his brother, Yoni, famous for his role in the Entebbe hostage rescue in which he gave his life --- and also one of the key influences on his younger brother. In his effort to play down Netanayahu's military and patriotic credentials, he does what really comes across as a mean-spirited hatchet job on Yoni Netanayahu. It would be as if Trump had an older brother on the level of Chesty Puller or Chris Kyle, and an American reporter, in an effort to get at Trump, attacks the better heroic deceased brother of Trump. It just came across as small-minded and mean-spirited --- if you dislike or despise a politician, then fine --- but that hardly means that every other member of the guy's family is also bad.
As the book continues, the bias within it against Netanayahu increases to the extent that, by the conclusion, the author casts all objectivity aside altogether. I've read many bios where the subject is either a loathsome character or someone whom the author clearly admits their dislike in the preface -- or the opposite where the author approves of his subject --- but, either way, the very best bios are the ones where the subject is shown clearly as much as possible as they are --- their flaws and their strengths --- and then trusts the reader to make up their own minds on the person being written about.
Pfeffer never does that. Netanayahu rightly ---- in my opinion -- does deserve criticism for his continuation of building Jewish settlements in the West Bank and for his use of thinly veiled racism in the 2015 Israeli election. However, although Netanayahu has influenced the course of Israel to some degree either as Prime Minister or Finance Minister for the last 20 years, he's given no credit for his positive role in Israel's economic boom, for the reduction of terrorist attacks within Israel, or for Israel's diplomatic progress in making more friends and trade partners for Israel -- particularly in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Particularly egregious is the author's description of relations between Netanayahu and the Obama Administration. In the author's view, the Obama Administration could do no wrong in its Mid East policies. Little recognition is shown that not only Netanayahu but many Israelis might view with intrepidation an Islamic Republic of Iran that, since inception, has called for the destruction of Israel, arms terrorist groups committed to killing Israeli citizens, and that was developing nuclear weapons. No mention is made of the Obama Administration sending $150 billion to such a regime, nor of the questionable rationale for doing so ---in return for an unsigned nuclear agreement in which Iran's compliance with it was difficult, if not impossible to independently verify.
In addition, the author consistently portrays Netanayahu as the sole obstacle to a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestine Authority. Little mention is made of the Palestine Authority's duplicity --- capturing terrorists for show, then releasing them --- only for them to plan or even make attacks in Israel --- attacks that killed dozens of Israeli civilians --- which naturally made many Israelis skeptical of the credibility of any agreement that might be reached between Israel and the Palestinians. If one did not know this from other sources, then one might well assume that Benjamin Netananayahu is to blame solely for the repeatedly failed peace negotiations.
I did it find this book a fascinating study of the inner workings of Israel's multi-party parliamentary system with is proportional representation. However, overall, I just cannot give this book a positive recommendation ----it is overly biased, not objective, and engages in selective use and omission of facts in an effort to influence negatively the reader against Netanayahu, rather simply relating all of them and letting the facts speak for themselves.
June 9, 2018
Everything a good biography should be – thoroughly researched, detailed, and (relatively) non-judgemental and even-handed. Netanyahu is a complex character and this book does its best to provide a thoughtful and insightful portrait of him. It appears that Netanyahu sees himself as embodying Israel as a modern nation and as the leader of the Jewish people, with little concern for the Palestinians. I’m not knowledgeable enough to know whether there is any bias or prejudice in the account of his life and politics, but it felt accurate – and very alarming – to me. Compelling reading.
March 8, 2021
A critical but non-demonizing biography of Bibi Netanyahu, now Israel's longest-serving prime minister. Multiple aspects of Netanyahu's political career, particularly his tendency to alienate previous allies, his demands for personal loyalty from his lieutenants, his fundamental paranoia about the press, his relative fondness for autocrats and self-dealing, and his ideological flexibility on some issues, inevitably draw parallels with Trump, but what struck me reading this is how these comparisons sell Netanyahu's political survivorship short. Remaining a major player in Israeli politics after being blamed for Rabin's assassination and being out of power for almost twenty years takes some seriously savvy political instincts.
Overall, his life has been a fascinating one: born in Tel Aviv, raised partially in Philadelphia, he fought in both the Six-Day and Yom Kippur Wars in the special ops unit Sayeret Matkal before rising to political prominence in Reagan-era Washington due to his cultivated connections with power brokers like George Shultz and Irving Kristol, his penchant for vigorously defending Israel on talking-head shows, and his brother Yoni's high-profile status as the sole IDF death of Operation Entebbe in 1976.
I really liked that Pfeffer started the book with the foundations of Israel and revisionist Zionism, because that put into context Netanyahu's rise and the change Israeli politics have undergone under his aegis. It's also striking how American Netanyahu is, despite his clear disdain for the liberal American Jews he perceives as soft. He first found success politically in Washington, many of his financial backers are American, and many of his political tactics, such as a focus on fearmongering advertising and efforts to suppress votes among demographics groups he has historically perceived as unfavorable to him (namely, Arab Israeli voters) clearly draw inspiration from the Republican Party, at the expense of increasing the partisan divide in Americans' views of Israel.
One of the most intriguing aspects of the book is how Israel's generals deliberately appear to have subverted an Israeli hot war with Iran in the early 2010s, which reminded me of how in Rise and Kill First , Ronen Bergman reveals that in 1982-83, the Israeli air force deliberately sabotaged Ariel Sharon's repeated demands to shoot down commercial airplanes with Yasser Arafat and potentially hundreds of innocent civilian passengers onboard.
Overall, his life has been a fascinating one: born in Tel Aviv, raised partially in Philadelphia, he fought in both the Six-Day and Yom Kippur Wars in the special ops unit Sayeret Matkal before rising to political prominence in Reagan-era Washington due to his cultivated connections with power brokers like George Shultz and Irving Kristol, his penchant for vigorously defending Israel on talking-head shows, and his brother Yoni's high-profile status as the sole IDF death of Operation Entebbe in 1976.
I really liked that Pfeffer started the book with the foundations of Israel and revisionist Zionism, because that put into context Netanyahu's rise and the change Israeli politics have undergone under his aegis. It's also striking how American Netanyahu is, despite his clear disdain for the liberal American Jews he perceives as soft. He first found success politically in Washington, many of his financial backers are American, and many of his political tactics, such as a focus on fearmongering advertising and efforts to suppress votes among demographics groups he has historically perceived as unfavorable to him (namely, Arab Israeli voters) clearly draw inspiration from the Republican Party, at the expense of increasing the partisan divide in Americans' views of Israel.
One of the most intriguing aspects of the book is how Israel's generals deliberately appear to have subverted an Israeli hot war with Iran in the early 2010s, which reminded me of how in Rise and Kill First , Ronen Bergman reveals that in 1982-83, the Israeli air force deliberately sabotaged Ariel Sharon's repeated demands to shoot down commercial airplanes with Yasser Arafat and potentially hundreds of innocent civilian passengers onboard.
December 28, 2019
Good read
June 7, 2021
This is a wonderfully written, thoroughly-researched, and very detailed book, that traces not just Benjamin Netanyahu as the man, but also the whole "idea" of him, his family narrative, and the story of the State of Israel (and Eretz Yisrael) in past hundred years.
Pfeffer is a writer for Haaretz, the leading liberal, Zionist, newspaper and as such he tries to avoid or confront the standard narratives around Bibi; he dives deep into the legend of the heroism of Yoni Netanyahu, the myths about Benzion's role in the Revisionist movement or Bibi's economic policies.
At the same time, he confronts the false narrative about Bibi's role in the stirring up of public emotions in 1995 prior to the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and at various points in the book, he is openly showing his admiration for the determination, drive, and abilities of Netanyahu. Pfeffer greatly shows the limits of Bibi's personality that accumulate and grow into the problems of the state, and subsequently the impact on national and international politics.
One of the best aspects of the book is the fact that while the contemporary narratives (as of June 2021) around Bibi focus mostly on his corruption charges and scandals, Pfeffer does not spend too much time on them, but rather explains the overall faults of Bibi's government, that has led to his dramatic loss of coalition potential. He has been for decades shaping Israel's economy, society (through his divisiveness and frequent putting one group against another), and international relations, especially with the United States, where the current shape of policy towards Israel has been, to an extent way too large for one man, a result of his work since the 1970s.
Bibi Netanyahu is likely the most influential politician in Israel's post-founding generation - his life story has been intertwined with the story of the State of Israel in the past half a century and this book is a great way to understand both the man and the history he has been a part of. It is not a black-and-white narrative, but a complex story of an undeniably impressive man with deep flaws that grow too far with having too much power for too long.
Pfeffer is a writer for Haaretz, the leading liberal, Zionist, newspaper and as such he tries to avoid or confront the standard narratives around Bibi; he dives deep into the legend of the heroism of Yoni Netanyahu, the myths about Benzion's role in the Revisionist movement or Bibi's economic policies.
At the same time, he confronts the false narrative about Bibi's role in the stirring up of public emotions in 1995 prior to the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and at various points in the book, he is openly showing his admiration for the determination, drive, and abilities of Netanyahu. Pfeffer greatly shows the limits of Bibi's personality that accumulate and grow into the problems of the state, and subsequently the impact on national and international politics.
One of the best aspects of the book is the fact that while the contemporary narratives (as of June 2021) around Bibi focus mostly on his corruption charges and scandals, Pfeffer does not spend too much time on them, but rather explains the overall faults of Bibi's government, that has led to his dramatic loss of coalition potential. He has been for decades shaping Israel's economy, society (through his divisiveness and frequent putting one group against another), and international relations, especially with the United States, where the current shape of policy towards Israel has been, to an extent way too large for one man, a result of his work since the 1970s.
Bibi Netanyahu is likely the most influential politician in Israel's post-founding generation - his life story has been intertwined with the story of the State of Israel in the past half a century and this book is a great way to understand both the man and the history he has been a part of. It is not a black-and-white narrative, but a complex story of an undeniably impressive man with deep flaws that grow too far with having too much power for too long.
February 17, 2021
This is 4.5 stars and a very informative and worthwhile read detailing the life of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Love him or hate Bibi has been a major figure on the global stage for decades and has altered the course of history.
Pfeffer begins, where all good biographies should, with the story of the grandparents and parents of Bibi. While I knew Bibi's dad was a revisionist and supporter of Jabotinsky I didn't know much about his career and I find his views on the Catholic Reconquest of Spain, and the position of Jews within that history, to be somewhat interesting in terms of how they shaped the world views of his son.
Many things I believed about Netanyahu were confirmed by this book: he lived his life feeling a sense of inferiority to his immortalized brother Jonathan, he has been strongly influenced by American culture and politics, and he is a man of loose and highly questionable ethics. There are other things I didn't know such as the existence of a daughter ( who upon research appears to be a religiously observant mother and wife in Jerusalem) and the details of his first two marriages. While I knew Netanyahu's current wife had a bad reputation I didn know the extent of her grift and petty tyranny.
What I didn't realize was that the Israeli military and political journeys of Bibi and Jonathan were a rebellion against their parents who wanted them to live in America. In this sense, from a psychological standpoint, Bibi and Jonathan are seeking to validate the Zionist project and Israeli future to their skeptical diaspora-comfortable father. He is talking zionism and they are living it in a muscular manner. I found the description of the relationship between the brothers to be touching and there's no doubt that the loss of his brother in the raid on Entebbe shaped the mind of Bibi for the rest of his life.
This book details what even a casual observer of the region knows- Netanyahu has no interest in a two-state solution with the Palestinians. The book goes into detail regarding the Netanyahu strategy which is to move beyond the Palestinian issue and operate on the global stage as a military, technological and financial player. While I'm not sure this is a long-term wise decision for Israel given demographic realities there's no question that under the Trump Administration Netanyahu was fabulously successful and was able to bring normalization with several Arab countries. In the short-term the Netanyahu strategy is working on the international stage: Israeli trade and recognition is growing and the international community no longer has the Palestinian issue on the top of their radar. Long-term I still believe in the wisdom of Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin- a final status deal and two states is the only guarantee for political and military stability for both sides. Of course neither Netanyahu or his Palestinian counterparts are interested in fruitful discussions at this time so it's all academic.
As an American I notice striking similarities to Netanyahu and Trump. Both men view adherence to them as a patriotic duty and opposition to them as traitorous, have stoked religious nationalism without being religious themselves, have a family of grifters attached to them, succeed operating outside of established norms, know how to dominate the news cycle, can instinctively read the pulse of voters, and are ruthless narcissists. The main difference with Trump being that Netanyahu has a solid core foundation of belief ( revisionist Zionism, economic liberalism, and the belief the defacto position of the world is antisemitism which I happen to agree with Bibi on this last point) and is a more bookish and innately intelligent version than the unsophisticated New Yorker.
This book is well-written and easy to read. I wish Pfeffer would've fleshed out some chapters a little more. Perhaps a tad too short.
Pfeffer begins, where all good biographies should, with the story of the grandparents and parents of Bibi. While I knew Bibi's dad was a revisionist and supporter of Jabotinsky I didn't know much about his career and I find his views on the Catholic Reconquest of Spain, and the position of Jews within that history, to be somewhat interesting in terms of how they shaped the world views of his son.
Many things I believed about Netanyahu were confirmed by this book: he lived his life feeling a sense of inferiority to his immortalized brother Jonathan, he has been strongly influenced by American culture and politics, and he is a man of loose and highly questionable ethics. There are other things I didn't know such as the existence of a daughter ( who upon research appears to be a religiously observant mother and wife in Jerusalem) and the details of his first two marriages. While I knew Netanyahu's current wife had a bad reputation I didn know the extent of her grift and petty tyranny.
What I didn't realize was that the Israeli military and political journeys of Bibi and Jonathan were a rebellion against their parents who wanted them to live in America. In this sense, from a psychological standpoint, Bibi and Jonathan are seeking to validate the Zionist project and Israeli future to their skeptical diaspora-comfortable father. He is talking zionism and they are living it in a muscular manner. I found the description of the relationship between the brothers to be touching and there's no doubt that the loss of his brother in the raid on Entebbe shaped the mind of Bibi for the rest of his life.
This book details what even a casual observer of the region knows- Netanyahu has no interest in a two-state solution with the Palestinians. The book goes into detail regarding the Netanyahu strategy which is to move beyond the Palestinian issue and operate on the global stage as a military, technological and financial player. While I'm not sure this is a long-term wise decision for Israel given demographic realities there's no question that under the Trump Administration Netanyahu was fabulously successful and was able to bring normalization with several Arab countries. In the short-term the Netanyahu strategy is working on the international stage: Israeli trade and recognition is growing and the international community no longer has the Palestinian issue on the top of their radar. Long-term I still believe in the wisdom of Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin- a final status deal and two states is the only guarantee for political and military stability for both sides. Of course neither Netanyahu or his Palestinian counterparts are interested in fruitful discussions at this time so it's all academic.
As an American I notice striking similarities to Netanyahu and Trump. Both men view adherence to them as a patriotic duty and opposition to them as traitorous, have stoked religious nationalism without being religious themselves, have a family of grifters attached to them, succeed operating outside of established norms, know how to dominate the news cycle, can instinctively read the pulse of voters, and are ruthless narcissists. The main difference with Trump being that Netanyahu has a solid core foundation of belief ( revisionist Zionism, economic liberalism, and the belief the defacto position of the world is antisemitism which I happen to agree with Bibi on this last point) and is a more bookish and innately intelligent version than the unsophisticated New Yorker.
This book is well-written and easy to read. I wish Pfeffer would've fleshed out some chapters a little more. Perhaps a tad too short.
July 22, 2018
If you don't like Bibi, then this is your book.
December 27, 2019
In this book one gets the sense that the author is showing respect to its subject almost in spite of himself. It is obvious that the author is no particular fan of Netanyahu as a man or as a politician, but at the same time there is a grudging respect shown here for a man whose success in the ruthless world of Israeli politics has been remarkable even if it runs counter to the sort of political worldview that the author would evidently wish to see triumph. And in reading this book it is easy to see that while the author thinks that Bibi is too paranoid and thinks of Bibi's complex personality that includes both American as well as Israeli elements as chameleon-like, it makes sense to be paranoid when people are out to get you, and when one has had to spend a lot of one's life between two countries and two cultures, it makes sense to be able to have a different face for wherever one happens to be. The author seems strangely unaware of the dynamics that drive Bibi to behave as he has, and this limits the book's insight even if it is written with more sympathy than some accounts are.
This particular volume is about 400 pages long and is divided into 30 chapters and five parts. Beginning with a prologue that discusses Netanyahu's Israel, this book begins with a look at the family background of Bibi's father and grandfather as frustrated lovers of Zion (I), with chapters on Bibi's grandfather (1), the issue of propaganda (2), Bibi's father being on the sidelines of history (3), and the frustration of the Zionist dreams of Bibi's father (4). After that the author discusses Bibi and his brothers as being outsiders in the new state of Israel (II), with chapters on a restricted life (5), the jolt of moving to the United States (6), Bibi's bi-cultural outlook (7), his army experience (8), the experiences of him and his brother (9), and his desire to save the state as his brother died (10). The author then move to look at how Bibi broke into the elite (III) of Israel through his development of business acumen (11), the struggle he faced over not being in uniform (12), his successes in America (13), his ability to learn and grow a sense of humor (14), and his struggles to appear as prime minister material (15), while struggling with the nature of Israel's politics (16), the threat of failure because of Oslo (17), his being blamed for Rabin's assassination unjustly (18), and his successful campaign based on the slogan of being good for the Jews (19). The author then looks at his bungling in the political wilderness from 1996-2009 (IV) with a look at his hesitancy in office (20), his electoral defeat (21), his dealing with the fears of his people (22), his job as a concerned citizen in the political wilderness after Sharon's success (23), his efforts to make himself his own media (24), and his use of threats to increase the turnout of his base (25). Finally, the author looks at the time Bibi has spent on the top as Prime Minister since 2009 (V), with chapters on Bibi's pragmatism (26), the death of his father (27), fears of Arab voters supporting the opposition (28), his rivalry with Obama (29), and his refusal to admit wrongdoing and corruption (30), closing with an epilogue, acknowledgments, note on sources, notes, and index.
Is it such a bad thing to live a turbulent life? Netanyahu's desire to be a figure of historical significance has been both helped and hurt by his own background as being on the periphery of Israeli's elite and thus capable of both maneuvering Israel's elite politics while also allowing him to gain the popularity of other outsiders like himself. And this outsider's perspective made his first term as prime minister somewhat unsuccessful but also made it possible for him to develop a popularity with a core group of Israeli voters whose bleak worldview (a bleak worldview I happen to share, as it happens) gives him consistent support even in the face of massive hostility from leftist elite culture in the United States as well as abroad. The fact that Bibi can relate well with the contemporary conservative culture of the United States also speaks highly in his favor, at least to me as a reader. If this book is not quite as flattering towards Bibi as one would wish, it is written with enough respect that one can understand the basis of Netanyahu's behavior as an Israeli leader and understand why it is that it is easier to support him than the various inferior competitors he has faced in the past few years.
This particular volume is about 400 pages long and is divided into 30 chapters and five parts. Beginning with a prologue that discusses Netanyahu's Israel, this book begins with a look at the family background of Bibi's father and grandfather as frustrated lovers of Zion (I), with chapters on Bibi's grandfather (1), the issue of propaganda (2), Bibi's father being on the sidelines of history (3), and the frustration of the Zionist dreams of Bibi's father (4). After that the author discusses Bibi and his brothers as being outsiders in the new state of Israel (II), with chapters on a restricted life (5), the jolt of moving to the United States (6), Bibi's bi-cultural outlook (7), his army experience (8), the experiences of him and his brother (9), and his desire to save the state as his brother died (10). The author then move to look at how Bibi broke into the elite (III) of Israel through his development of business acumen (11), the struggle he faced over not being in uniform (12), his successes in America (13), his ability to learn and grow a sense of humor (14), and his struggles to appear as prime minister material (15), while struggling with the nature of Israel's politics (16), the threat of failure because of Oslo (17), his being blamed for Rabin's assassination unjustly (18), and his successful campaign based on the slogan of being good for the Jews (19). The author then looks at his bungling in the political wilderness from 1996-2009 (IV) with a look at his hesitancy in office (20), his electoral defeat (21), his dealing with the fears of his people (22), his job as a concerned citizen in the political wilderness after Sharon's success (23), his efforts to make himself his own media (24), and his use of threats to increase the turnout of his base (25). Finally, the author looks at the time Bibi has spent on the top as Prime Minister since 2009 (V), with chapters on Bibi's pragmatism (26), the death of his father (27), fears of Arab voters supporting the opposition (28), his rivalry with Obama (29), and his refusal to admit wrongdoing and corruption (30), closing with an epilogue, acknowledgments, note on sources, notes, and index.
Is it such a bad thing to live a turbulent life? Netanyahu's desire to be a figure of historical significance has been both helped and hurt by his own background as being on the periphery of Israeli's elite and thus capable of both maneuvering Israel's elite politics while also allowing him to gain the popularity of other outsiders like himself. And this outsider's perspective made his first term as prime minister somewhat unsuccessful but also made it possible for him to develop a popularity with a core group of Israeli voters whose bleak worldview (a bleak worldview I happen to share, as it happens) gives him consistent support even in the face of massive hostility from leftist elite culture in the United States as well as abroad. The fact that Bibi can relate well with the contemporary conservative culture of the United States also speaks highly in his favor, at least to me as a reader. If this book is not quite as flattering towards Bibi as one would wish, it is written with enough respect that one can understand the basis of Netanyahu's behavior as an Israeli leader and understand why it is that it is easier to support him than the various inferior competitors he has faced in the past few years.
June 12, 2018
The author is both inaccurate at times and at others writes in a confusing manner that hides or omits crucial dates. The book is at least as much about Israel's politics since before its rebirth through the current times as it is about Bibi. Furthermore, the journalist author dedicates the book to David Landau, the former editor-in-chief of Haaretz, and is also connected with Haaretz himself. With such a pro-Palestinian viewpoint, it's no wonder the author says many negative things about Bibi and other Israeli leaders who have understood the existential threats to Israel from many of the enemies of the Jewish people both in the past and currently. He disses as well as their historical claim to the land and the capital of Jerusalem.
The writing style is what I call "thick". It's dense and sometimes jumpy. If you are really trying to put all the pieces together and sort out facts from biases, and to understand the rise and fall of the many different leaders and Israeli political factions over the years, it takes concentrated effort. There's a fair amount of commentary also on US Presidents and interactions of senior administration officials with Israel over the years as well. I know a fair amount about Israel and modern history and still found myself trying to chart out certain events this author discusses.
So despite how "thick" this writer writes, it is not just that it is a read that takes effort. It's that journalists should at least try to be objective. Not that any human can ever reach a perfect standard on that. But IMHO Anshel Pfeffer is clearly biased yet tries to write as if he is not. To me that is a discredit to honest journalism. The footnotes though, are potentially useful to other researchers.
The writing style is what I call "thick". It's dense and sometimes jumpy. If you are really trying to put all the pieces together and sort out facts from biases, and to understand the rise and fall of the many different leaders and Israeli political factions over the years, it takes concentrated effort. There's a fair amount of commentary also on US Presidents and interactions of senior administration officials with Israel over the years as well. I know a fair amount about Israel and modern history and still found myself trying to chart out certain events this author discusses.
So despite how "thick" this writer writes, it is not just that it is a read that takes effort. It's that journalists should at least try to be objective. Not that any human can ever reach a perfect standard on that. But IMHO Anshel Pfeffer is clearly biased yet tries to write as if he is not. To me that is a discredit to honest journalism. The footnotes though, are potentially useful to other researchers.
December 17, 2023
Interesting read! This book only covers Bibi's life until 2018, but it is of course important to understand how he came to be what he is today. From his family's roots in revisionist Zionism, to his military career then to his failed premiership from 1996-1999 and eventual return to power in 2009, this book is a great (if fast) canvass of his life and his impact on Israel.
August 2, 2020
Way more fair than I expected. Some motifs that run through are:
-Bibis narrow political ideology/inability to work with others
-Sara Netanyahus self-promotion to being Bibis equal and her meddling
-Bibis capitalism and liking of American conservative economics
-Bibis interest in controlling the media narrative about Israel (hasbra)and then about himself.
-the Netanyahu family elitism amd financial corruptions
-bibis use of divisive amd racist ather than uniting discourse to maintain elections
-Bibis mostly reluctance to give up on the vision of 'greater israel' with notable.excetions
-the stalemate of israels electorate and parliamentary system to move beyond bibi
-the lore of Yoni Netanyahus heroism as foundation of bibis political career
A
-Bibis narrow political ideology/inability to work with others
-Sara Netanyahus self-promotion to being Bibis equal and her meddling
-Bibis capitalism and liking of American conservative economics
-Bibis interest in controlling the media narrative about Israel (hasbra)and then about himself.
-the Netanyahu family elitism amd financial corruptions
-bibis use of divisive amd racist ather than uniting discourse to maintain elections
-Bibis mostly reluctance to give up on the vision of 'greater israel' with notable.excetions
-the stalemate of israels electorate and parliamentary system to move beyond bibi
-the lore of Yoni Netanyahus heroism as foundation of bibis political career
A
July 9, 2018
An amazing look at an amazing world leader. It's difficult to get your hands on a book that covers really recent history, but here's a good look at the Middle East conflict of the past 25 years or so, all wrapped up in the life story of Benjamin Netanyahu.
No doubt, this biography wasn't approved by Netanyahu. There's far too much negative publicity in it. But that's part of the package of any biography, and all in all, this seems like a fair treatment of the most dominating personality in Israel today.
No doubt, this biography wasn't approved by Netanyahu. There's far too much negative publicity in it. But that's part of the package of any biography, and all in all, this seems like a fair treatment of the most dominating personality in Israel today.
April 18, 2020
It’s rare that you read a biography that so thoroughly confirms your headline views of the subject. Pfeffer’s telling of Netanyahu is that he’s egotistical, corrupt and weirdly lacking in ideas for someone who has been at the forefront of Israeli politics for 25 years and a visible presence for much longer. It’s difficult to disagree with the accumulated evidence, and striking that 2 years after the cut-off point for the book, very little has moved on.
December 25, 2019
It seems like a gossip columnist wrote this, Anshel Pfeffer didn't seem to respect Netanyahu or any Israeli leader or voter. I don't recommend.
March 13, 2019
I read this biography because it is very timely. Anti-Semitism is in the news, as is Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel. From his birth to an American mother in 1949 Bibi's childhood was different than any other Israeli leader. I was surprised to find out that his mother, Tzila Segal, was from Minneapolis, where I am from. The author emphasizes how Americanized Bibi became, spending most of his high school and college years in the US. He speaks with impeccable English, and is well versed in American culture—the good and the bad. He blends in well with Americans, which has provided him access to American power elites from a very early age. He practices his speaking skills and becomes a sought after character on the emerging 24/7 news media.
The author weaves the history of modern Israel with the experiences and development of the man that would become the most consequential leader of modern Israel. We see his 5 year military career, serving with distinction in several military offenses, while in a small paratrooper unit. He rose to the rank of Captain, which is not unusual. The author points out that in later years Bibi is adverse to large sale military operations. Is this because his only experience is with small elite units? We're not provided an answer.
We see that very early on Bibi is prone to lying, self-aggrandisement, and womanizing. He marries three times before settling on Sara with many codicils involved.
His rise to power is characterized by positions he has taken through the years. By 1978, at he age of 29 he had already taken the position that the US should not support the two-state solution. Never mind the fact that he had decided that Israel would not support the two-state solution. He had already decided Israel should take a strong stance on influencing US foreign policy. And he had decided that the only obstacle to peace in the Middle East was the Arab's determination to destroy Israel. We see the evolution of the Begin Doctrine that "no Arab nation was allowed an atomic bomb". Bibi brings Frank Luntz, not yet a GOP guru, to Israel to develop the Likud Party Hasbara, a handbook on the conservative Israeli view . It was aggressive, bellicose, and very specific about what their talking points would be. It is still in force today. Bibi takes the stance that "Once the case for Israel is properly presented, if you still disagree you are probably anti-Semitic."
Bibi becomes Israeli ambassador to the UN at age 35 and uses it as a platform to express the Israeli point-of-view, to his advantage. He then becomes the Israeli Prime Minister in 1996 at age 47. His success is short-lived, as he is voted out of office in 1999, not to return to elected office for another ten years. In the interim he becomes obsessed with the idea that the media is the enemy. He becomes obsessed with polls. He enlists Sheldon Adelson to create a newspaper that is favorable to him. He becomes a victim of celebrity as he succumbs to luxury, fine food and rich living.
In spite of all this he is elected again to three terms as Prime Minister 2009— 2016. He stands on the verge of being the longest serving Israeli Prime Minister since David Ben Gurion, And yet, with elections coming up on April 9th, he is facing indictments for corruption, bribery, and malfeasance. Whether he will survive is open to question.
The final words of the author are prescient—"On the day Benjamin Netanyahu leaves, his ultimate legacy will not be a more secure nation, but a deeply fractured Israeli society, living behind walls."
December 8, 2023
Exceptional well researched and written biography of Benjamin Netanyahu, by an English born journalist who for decades lived and reported in Israel.
The author does not give Bibi slack. The narrative is factual and alarming. Bibi comes across as egomaniacal, money hungry, but his reading of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and the Shias is not wrong in their determination in the total rejection of Israel right to exist..
The Palestinian population is victimized by all governments concerned….
The book was written in 2018, and the situation has not improved….
The author does not give Bibi slack. The narrative is factual and alarming. Bibi comes across as egomaniacal, money hungry, but his reading of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran and the Shias is not wrong in their determination in the total rejection of Israel right to exist..
The Palestinian population is victimized by all governments concerned….
The book was written in 2018, and the situation has not improved….
December 24, 2025
This book took me YEARS to finish. It is soooo detailed. It’s interesting but boy does it drag
January 31, 2024
The tone switched around many times which was sort of hard to get a read on until the final chapters. But I did learn so much more than I knew about Bibi's time in power and before, personal and professional.
“Israel, he said, had the right to control its borders, seemingly unaware of the irony that he had spent his entire political career trying to ensure that Israel did not have clearly defined or internationally recognized borders.”
“[Bibi’s grandfather] began writing his newspaper columns under the pseudonym Netanyahu, given by God, a name of minor figures in the old testament during the period of the first temple. Over the ensuing decade some of his children would adopt Netanyahu as their family name.”
“Zangwill popularized the saying ‘Palestine is a country without a people; the Jews are a people without a country’ which has continued to this day to serve as the fundamental belief of many right wing Zionists who see the Palestinians as an invented nation with no legitimate claim to the land.”
“Political Zionism has remained divided between those believing in cooperation with the international community and seeking accommodation with the Arabs on the one side and on the other those who are convinced that the Jews must pursue their national interests forcefully and not be deterred by local opposition or international opinion. This issue has remained the main fault line of Israel's politics to this day.”
“The Netanyahu family mythology has constantly tried to place itself at the center of the Zionist narrative. In reality the father and grandfather were at most bit players.”
“Israel maintains this policy of nuclear opacity, of neither acknowledging nor denying that the country has nuclear weapons to this day.”
“Israel has received over one hundred billion dollars in military and financial assistance from the United States since 1962 but has never received diplomatic backing for its conquests.”
“Bibi believed then that Ehud [Barak] and Yoni would in the future serve as Israel's Prime Minister and the IDF chief of staff respectively. He still saw himself as an iconoclastic architect.”
“Meir was the last of Israel's leaders to have served in government from the time of independence.”
“Yoni's praises were sung. Those who had been central to the planning and execution of the operation downplayed their own roles creating the impression that Yoni’s part was much larger than it actually was. The first stage in the mythologization of Yoni as the peerless commander of the Entebbe raid was constructed in those days out of sincere consideration for his family. Benzion, who had never had a clear idea of what Yoni did during all those years far away, eagerly grasped for every detail. Incapable of seeing his son as a vulnerable human being he began building a posthumous image of a warrior philosopher and leader in waiting.”
“Bibi had satisfied no one, not the settlers, the moderates, the old revisionists, or the newcomer Russians. Only one section of the electorate remained true to Netanyahu: the ultra orthodox.”
“... all four of Israel’s most recent Prime Ministers have been investigated for corruption.”
“However the impact of Netanyahu's 30 months in charge of Israel's economy has been exaggerated. The country was put on the path to budgetary restraint and neoliberalism already in the mid 1980s by the unity government headed by Perez, which had been forced to restructure the economy to rein in massive inflation. The Rabin government in 1992 had made the key investments that transformed the high-tech industry making it Israel's leading export sector.”
“These would be the twin themes of Netanyahu's second term. Promises to the Palestinians if only they would prove serious about making peace and warnings of a genocide plan by an Iranian leadership against which the Jews had no choice but to fight for their lives.”
“The US Administration had briefed Israeli journalists that for enhanced support on the Iranian issue, Netanyahu would have to show flexibility toward the Palestinians. Ultimately it would work the other way around. Public clashes with Netanyahu during Obama's first term would revolve mainly around the Palestinian issue. While differences over Iran remained largely below the surface. In his second term Obama would openly break with Bibi on Iran but give up on peace with the Palestinians.”
“Three groups were stoking the impression of a no-holds barred conflict between Obama and Netanyahu. One consisted of members of Obama's team who felt that the more the president was seen as being at odds with Netanyahu the more the administration's credibility in the rest of the Middle East was enhanced. The second group consisted of those in the media both Israeli and international who were eager to cast the two men as belligerents with Netanyahu clearly the bad guy. While the antipathy between Netanyahu and Obama was unmissable, often the perceived slights and insults were manufactured retroactively and not even noticed by either of them when allegedly taking place….The third group stroking the negative atmosphere was Netanyahu's own team. This seems counterintuitive. Israeli Prime Ministers usually have an interest in being perceived as getting along with the US president… ‘If our friends in Washington don’t stand by us, we’re lost.” It wasn't only an appeal to Netanyahu's American supporters Bibi was intentionally defining Obama in the consciousness of the Israeli public as the nation's enemy.”
“Nearly all of those who retroactively accused Bibi of bluffing were certainly taken in during those three years. If he was bluffing he succeeded in making the Western government dramatically ramp up their sanctions on Iran. The focus on Iran significantly reduced the pressure on Netanyahu to make concessions to the Palestinians.”
“Most Jews are not Israeli citizens. And many more voted for Barack Obama then for Netanyahu's Likud yet Netanyahu regarded himself as the representative of the entire Jewish people. His attitude polarized Jews around the world like no previous Israeli leader.”
“‘He has a true disdain for progressive Jews.’ said a senior official in the Obama administration who was intensely proud of his Jewish heritage. ‘He talks about stuff they like - high tech and gay rights - but it’s clear he disrespects people who put their liberalism on par with their Jewishness.’”
“Their contingency plan was to broadcast panic.”
“Netanyahu and Abbas Had been doing this for over 20 years and they knew every pothole to get stuck in down the road. Ultimately they both had an interest in maintaining the status quo and were incapable of making the difficult decisions necessary for a breakthrough.”
“As leader of the opposition in the early 1990s Netanyahu had lambasted the Oslo agreements. Twenty years later he emerged as Oslo's most valiant defender. The framework put in place by Rabin and Peres had left Netanyahu with the means to preserve a fragile calm in the West Bank.”
“Incapable of recognizing the work of others who built Israel long before he became its leader and raging against those who won't acknowledge his greatness, Netanyahu is reduced to believing it is a miracle that could never have been achieved without him.”
“...Likud under his leadership has never received more than a quarter of the votes in an election. Indeed although Netanyahu may soon surpass David Ben-Gurion as Israel’s longest serving Prime Minister, he has also constantly been the Prime minister with the smallest proportion of the national vote. He has ruled for so long only thanks to the splintered Israeli consensus and his knack for inciting certain communities and sections of society against one another. He has built unhappy coalitions of dissatisfied politicians who are convinced, like him, that no matter how much time they spend in power they are still outsiders facing a mythological elite.”
“Israel, he said, had the right to control its borders, seemingly unaware of the irony that he had spent his entire political career trying to ensure that Israel did not have clearly defined or internationally recognized borders.”
“[Bibi’s grandfather] began writing his newspaper columns under the pseudonym Netanyahu, given by God, a name of minor figures in the old testament during the period of the first temple. Over the ensuing decade some of his children would adopt Netanyahu as their family name.”
“Zangwill popularized the saying ‘Palestine is a country without a people; the Jews are a people without a country’ which has continued to this day to serve as the fundamental belief of many right wing Zionists who see the Palestinians as an invented nation with no legitimate claim to the land.”
“Political Zionism has remained divided between those believing in cooperation with the international community and seeking accommodation with the Arabs on the one side and on the other those who are convinced that the Jews must pursue their national interests forcefully and not be deterred by local opposition or international opinion. This issue has remained the main fault line of Israel's politics to this day.”
“The Netanyahu family mythology has constantly tried to place itself at the center of the Zionist narrative. In reality the father and grandfather were at most bit players.”
“Israel maintains this policy of nuclear opacity, of neither acknowledging nor denying that the country has nuclear weapons to this day.”
“Israel has received over one hundred billion dollars in military and financial assistance from the United States since 1962 but has never received diplomatic backing for its conquests.”
“Bibi believed then that Ehud [Barak] and Yoni would in the future serve as Israel's Prime Minister and the IDF chief of staff respectively. He still saw himself as an iconoclastic architect.”
“Meir was the last of Israel's leaders to have served in government from the time of independence.”
“Yoni's praises were sung. Those who had been central to the planning and execution of the operation downplayed their own roles creating the impression that Yoni’s part was much larger than it actually was. The first stage in the mythologization of Yoni as the peerless commander of the Entebbe raid was constructed in those days out of sincere consideration for his family. Benzion, who had never had a clear idea of what Yoni did during all those years far away, eagerly grasped for every detail. Incapable of seeing his son as a vulnerable human being he began building a posthumous image of a warrior philosopher and leader in waiting.”
“Bibi had satisfied no one, not the settlers, the moderates, the old revisionists, or the newcomer Russians. Only one section of the electorate remained true to Netanyahu: the ultra orthodox.”
“... all four of Israel’s most recent Prime Ministers have been investigated for corruption.”
“However the impact of Netanyahu's 30 months in charge of Israel's economy has been exaggerated. The country was put on the path to budgetary restraint and neoliberalism already in the mid 1980s by the unity government headed by Perez, which had been forced to restructure the economy to rein in massive inflation. The Rabin government in 1992 had made the key investments that transformed the high-tech industry making it Israel's leading export sector.”
“These would be the twin themes of Netanyahu's second term. Promises to the Palestinians if only they would prove serious about making peace and warnings of a genocide plan by an Iranian leadership against which the Jews had no choice but to fight for their lives.”
“The US Administration had briefed Israeli journalists that for enhanced support on the Iranian issue, Netanyahu would have to show flexibility toward the Palestinians. Ultimately it would work the other way around. Public clashes with Netanyahu during Obama's first term would revolve mainly around the Palestinian issue. While differences over Iran remained largely below the surface. In his second term Obama would openly break with Bibi on Iran but give up on peace with the Palestinians.”
“Three groups were stoking the impression of a no-holds barred conflict between Obama and Netanyahu. One consisted of members of Obama's team who felt that the more the president was seen as being at odds with Netanyahu the more the administration's credibility in the rest of the Middle East was enhanced. The second group consisted of those in the media both Israeli and international who were eager to cast the two men as belligerents with Netanyahu clearly the bad guy. While the antipathy between Netanyahu and Obama was unmissable, often the perceived slights and insults were manufactured retroactively and not even noticed by either of them when allegedly taking place….The third group stroking the negative atmosphere was Netanyahu's own team. This seems counterintuitive. Israeli Prime Ministers usually have an interest in being perceived as getting along with the US president… ‘If our friends in Washington don’t stand by us, we’re lost.” It wasn't only an appeal to Netanyahu's American supporters Bibi was intentionally defining Obama in the consciousness of the Israeli public as the nation's enemy.”
“Nearly all of those who retroactively accused Bibi of bluffing were certainly taken in during those three years. If he was bluffing he succeeded in making the Western government dramatically ramp up their sanctions on Iran. The focus on Iran significantly reduced the pressure on Netanyahu to make concessions to the Palestinians.”
“Most Jews are not Israeli citizens. And many more voted for Barack Obama then for Netanyahu's Likud yet Netanyahu regarded himself as the representative of the entire Jewish people. His attitude polarized Jews around the world like no previous Israeli leader.”
“‘He has a true disdain for progressive Jews.’ said a senior official in the Obama administration who was intensely proud of his Jewish heritage. ‘He talks about stuff they like - high tech and gay rights - but it’s clear he disrespects people who put their liberalism on par with their Jewishness.’”
“Their contingency plan was to broadcast panic.”
“Netanyahu and Abbas Had been doing this for over 20 years and they knew every pothole to get stuck in down the road. Ultimately they both had an interest in maintaining the status quo and were incapable of making the difficult decisions necessary for a breakthrough.”
“As leader of the opposition in the early 1990s Netanyahu had lambasted the Oslo agreements. Twenty years later he emerged as Oslo's most valiant defender. The framework put in place by Rabin and Peres had left Netanyahu with the means to preserve a fragile calm in the West Bank.”
“Incapable of recognizing the work of others who built Israel long before he became its leader and raging against those who won't acknowledge his greatness, Netanyahu is reduced to believing it is a miracle that could never have been achieved without him.”
“...Likud under his leadership has never received more than a quarter of the votes in an election. Indeed although Netanyahu may soon surpass David Ben-Gurion as Israel’s longest serving Prime Minister, he has also constantly been the Prime minister with the smallest proportion of the national vote. He has ruled for so long only thanks to the splintered Israeli consensus and his knack for inciting certain communities and sections of society against one another. He has built unhappy coalitions of dissatisfied politicians who are convinced, like him, that no matter how much time they spend in power they are still outsiders facing a mythological elite.”
August 9, 2021
I'll tell you what I liked about the book, and what I didn't. Without question, it was a well-researched book and well written. It was a good read. I especially enjoy reading books that do a History review of sorts, which is what the Author did here, albeit from a unique perspective. The only negative I have about the book is the obvious agenda of the author. We get it. You don't like Bibi. There were a few comments that the author could have withheld, but he chose not to. Other than that, I thoroughly enjoyed the book. I learned a lot from it.
June 11, 2019
Excellent biography
A very thorough and readable biography of an interesting modern figure. The text is well presented and very readable. The parallels between Bibi’s conduct in office and Donald Trump are amazing
One concern is that Bibi and his people did not cooperate with the author. Most of the sources appear to be former Bibi associates who are no longer in his circle. And there are many of them
A very thorough and readable biography of an interesting modern figure. The text is well presented and very readable. The parallels between Bibi’s conduct in office and Donald Trump are amazing
One concern is that Bibi and his people did not cooperate with the author. Most of the sources appear to be former Bibi associates who are no longer in his circle. And there are many of them
June 8, 2021
I had throughout this book a strong sense that the author did not like his subject and that was off-putting. What did strike me was the incredible similarities of Bibi's election in 1996 and Trump's 20 years later. Both men came from the elite and were intensely hated (upon their election) by that same elite and the press in particular treated them with such venom.
July 19, 2018
incredibly biased, but well written
January 14, 2019
As good as a biography about a very controversial figure can be.. It’s as much an indictment on the Israeli political system as it is on the man. A very interesting read (or listen, thanks audible)
December 16, 2021
I liked the writing style. This was insightful and presented well. Riveting from start to finish and helped explain so much.
March 4, 2019
The elections in Israel are going to happen in about one month, and Netanyahu is facing - again - serious accusations of corruption by an attorney general he nominated among his many layers of his inner circle. Apparently, Bibi has a special art to get estranged from people that used to be close to him, and/or cannot be used for his immediate needs. It happened with Naftali Bennett, with Ronald Lauder, with many others.
Haaretz journalist and The Economist writer Anshel Pfeffer published a very well researched political biography of someone who is mostly an 'outsider' of the Israeli political system. Without belonging to the elites of princes of the Founding Fathers that created the state of Israel and its institutions, distrusting the media and the power of big bureaucracies such as the Foreign Ministry or the Army, Bibi succeeded. Was he better fit to the 'spirit of the time', did the intensive training as a member of the lites of Sayeret Matkal empowered him with a special penchant for lonely wolf attitude, or maybe was the distrust of the Jewish leadership he took from his father, Benzion, the incentive for trusting himself as the one and only Israel's leader?
Netanyahu is not a commoner and although not part of the mainstream ruling or academic or economic elite and 'had never lived as an ordinary grown-up civilian in Israel', he has the right connections. He is charming and speaks English and has the 'chutzpe'. He is a perfect PR product - including of his own efforts but it doesn't get more than the glittering. For instance, while at the UN, he 'became a star of the airwaves, the darling of Republican circles and the Jewish American elite, but he had little lasting influence in the highest echelons of decision making'.
And there is also Sara Netanyahu.
And a very big availability to trade partners and find ennemies. He called once the toxic Kahanists he signed a political agreement recently 'thugs'. He was a vocal participants at rallies against Yitzhak Rabin without taking a clear stance against those who screamed 'death' against Rabin - some of the Kahanists' colleagues amongst them. He positions himself as a champion of opening towards the Arab world, forgetting that Shimon Peres went to Oman and Qatar long before his emissaries. As for his hawkish stance on Iran, many representatives of the establishment - among which the late Mossad chief Meir Dagan were vocally and logically against.
But in the words of Anshel Pfeffer: 'He sees no one capable enough or worthy of replacing him and fails to understand how anyone could contemplate someone else leading Israel'.
Will King Bibi -the name of a movie by Dan Shadur - win another mandate soon? Who will be the losers of such a re-confirmation (besides the state budget, for reasons that do not have to do with the improvement of the military training, for instance).
Bibi. The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu can be easily read and understood also by someone not familiar with the intricacies of Israel's political life. Sadly, it is about a kind of leadership replicated in many parts of the world. One can stay and wait because not too much to be done, anyway, but at least you know what expects you. And millions of other people too.
Although I've personally been a bit reluctant and careful with this book, it is a professional approach, that neither the right or the left shall consider biased. There are facts and figures and files of corruption. And the enemy within.
Disclaimer: Book offered by the publisher in exchange for an honest review
Haaretz journalist and The Economist writer Anshel Pfeffer published a very well researched political biography of someone who is mostly an 'outsider' of the Israeli political system. Without belonging to the elites of princes of the Founding Fathers that created the state of Israel and its institutions, distrusting the media and the power of big bureaucracies such as the Foreign Ministry or the Army, Bibi succeeded. Was he better fit to the 'spirit of the time', did the intensive training as a member of the lites of Sayeret Matkal empowered him with a special penchant for lonely wolf attitude, or maybe was the distrust of the Jewish leadership he took from his father, Benzion, the incentive for trusting himself as the one and only Israel's leader?
Netanyahu is not a commoner and although not part of the mainstream ruling or academic or economic elite and 'had never lived as an ordinary grown-up civilian in Israel', he has the right connections. He is charming and speaks English and has the 'chutzpe'. He is a perfect PR product - including of his own efforts but it doesn't get more than the glittering. For instance, while at the UN, he 'became a star of the airwaves, the darling of Republican circles and the Jewish American elite, but he had little lasting influence in the highest echelons of decision making'.
And there is also Sara Netanyahu.
And a very big availability to trade partners and find ennemies. He called once the toxic Kahanists he signed a political agreement recently 'thugs'. He was a vocal participants at rallies against Yitzhak Rabin without taking a clear stance against those who screamed 'death' against Rabin - some of the Kahanists' colleagues amongst them. He positions himself as a champion of opening towards the Arab world, forgetting that Shimon Peres went to Oman and Qatar long before his emissaries. As for his hawkish stance on Iran, many representatives of the establishment - among which the late Mossad chief Meir Dagan were vocally and logically against.
But in the words of Anshel Pfeffer: 'He sees no one capable enough or worthy of replacing him and fails to understand how anyone could contemplate someone else leading Israel'.
Will King Bibi -the name of a movie by Dan Shadur - win another mandate soon? Who will be the losers of such a re-confirmation (besides the state budget, for reasons that do not have to do with the improvement of the military training, for instance).
Bibi. The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu can be easily read and understood also by someone not familiar with the intricacies of Israel's political life. Sadly, it is about a kind of leadership replicated in many parts of the world. One can stay and wait because not too much to be done, anyway, but at least you know what expects you. And millions of other people too.
Although I've personally been a bit reluctant and careful with this book, it is a professional approach, that neither the right or the left shall consider biased. There are facts and figures and files of corruption. And the enemy within.
Disclaimer: Book offered by the publisher in exchange for an honest review
April 21, 2025
這本書是前一陣子對於中東局勢有濃厚興趣下，在新竹巨城的誠品購買，整本書的主角為以色列前總理：納坦雅胡，我覺得與其說者本書是傳記，不如說是一個納坦雅胡的反對者做的貼身觀察，本書作者是一個長期反對納坦雅胡的左派資深以色列記者，在他決定要寫這本書的時候，曾經多次要求當面訪問納坦雅胡，但每一次都被拒絕訪談，所以這本書的角度我覺得稍微偏頗。
本書的翻譯者翻譯品質不佳，有很多字句我覺得語意相當不通順，翻譯者在前面的推薦序當中，對於以色列對比台灣的觀點帶有兩岸統一角度，引喻失當，所以這本書我讀起來有點辛苦，不過還是可以了解以色列的建國歷史與中東局勢衝突的前因後果。
以色列建國的起因是猶太人在西方歷史上受到長期壓迫，流亡於世界各地，近代經由猶太復國主義者的提倡，才會有以色列建國的概念產生。其中19世紀末的莫斯科猶太大屠殺以及二戰納粹主義建立的猶太人集中營，更是讓猶太復國主義（俗稱錫安主義）抬頭。
在二戰結束後，流亡在歐洲各國的猶太人萌生了錫安主義，當時歐洲強國又以英法兩國為首，為這批猶太人尋找建國地點，最後選擇建國於猶太教聖經的聖地：耶路薩冷，當時這片土地為英法兩國的暫時託管地，當地住著為數眾多的阿拉伯人，英法兩國為以色列建國的動作，觸怒了阿拉伯人，為延續至今的中東混亂局勢埋下起因，其實這也是中世紀十字軍東征，基督徒與伊斯蘭衝突的延續。
從以色列國父：本．古利安宣布建國的第一天，周邊的阿拉伯國家包括埃及、約旦、黎巴嫩、敘利亞、伊拉克、沙特就聯合對以色列宣戰，然而猶太人生性堅韌，對建國抱持強大決心，在英法美的武裝支援下，竟然安然度過滅國危機，從此在地中海東岸一片阿拉伯伊斯蘭世界中建立了唯一一個信奉猶太教的國家，中間歷經了6日戰爭，領土最大還擴充到西奈半島、戈蘭高地，約旦河西岸、加薩走廊，最後與埃及而約旦和談，返還西奈半島，並劃定好國界和解，因此現在以色列幾乎不曾看到與鄰國埃及、約旦衝突。
在四周充滿敵對勢力的環境下，與台灣雷同的是以色列內部也分為主戰的右派與主和的左派：
主和的左派以工黨為首的總理拉賓為首，此人與巴勒斯坦解放組織（簡稱：巴解）領袖阿拉法特，簽訂奧斯陸和平進程，這個進程主張：
1. 與巴勒斯坦和解，承認巴勒斯坦自治政府，但不承認巴勒斯坦國。
2. 以色列逐步歸還約旦河西岸土地的控制權。
3. 掌控經濟、軍事區域。
儘管這個進程看起來以色列佔盡優勢，但仍不被主戰的右派以色人接受，甚至簽署奧斯陸進程的拉賓總理還被右派激進分子暗殺，導致目前和平進程停擺，以巴衝突無解。
另外一個主戰的右派就是以納坦雅胡為首。納坦雅胡從小在美國長大接受教育，之後返回以色列從政，他的祖父為第一代猶太復國主義的激進倡議者，父親也是右派錫安主義教授，從小對於以色列這個國家充滿驕傲，他的哥哥更是在一次以色列人被巴解組織挾持到烏干達的援救行動中殉職（史稱恩德培行動，還有被拍成電影），有了這麼一個被神格化的兄長，讓納坦雅胡的從政路相當順遂（相當於台灣的蔣萬安），最後也順利當上以色列總理，並從2009年一路執政到2021六月，可說是納坦雅胡本人就是以色列的代名詞。
在納坦雅胡任內一直拒絕與巴解組織和談，甚至加速開墾約旦河西岸，此舉惹怒了美國民主黨總統歐巴馬提倡的以巴兩國論，也誕生了「哈瑪斯」這個以消滅以色列的巴勒斯坦恐怖組織，並且讓巴勒斯坦民眾也選出了哈瑪斯作為執政者；儘管以巴衝突不斷。
但以色列在納坦雅胡的菁英領導下，發展教育、高科技產業，推動完善金融制度，並實施全民皆兵的制度，不僅對外購買西方各國提供的軍備，本身也研發軍事產業，這些動作與目前的蔡英文政府相同一致，我認為這個方向是正確的，唯有不停地提升自身實力，才能有底氣去面對敵對勢力的威脅。
納坦雅胡總理任期於今年６月（2021）結束，主要是因為當地高房價引起民怨，加上納坦雅胡家族貪汙腐敗事件頻傳，在野工黨、甚至是自己的利庫德集團，聯合左中右派勢力拉下納坦雅胡，目前以色列是由更右派的新右翼執政，預期納坦雅胡對巴勒斯坦的態度應該會延續，甚至未來局勢都還有可能看到納坦雅胡重返總理的職務。
以色列與台灣有很多相似之處，都是國土面積狹小，外部有強敵窺視，本身也擁有高科技產業，但以色列可以在危險重重的伊斯蘭世界保有國家，絕對有可以借鏡的地方。除了政府扶植電子業、生技業、化工業、金融業、軍事工業，國民也都擁有良好的軍事訓練經驗，當兵時也接觸到高科技產業，在退伍後幾乎可以直接去高科技公司上班，甚至直接創業；反觀台灣軍人普遍觀感不佳，當兵也無實戰訓練，產業過分依賴半導體業，其他產業競爭力不足，資產又高度集中於房地產，生育率下降，導致國家競爭力下降；參考以色列的發展，對於台灣未來也許有更明確的方向。
本書的翻譯者翻譯品質不佳，有很多字句我覺得語意相當不通順，翻譯者在前面的推薦序當中，對於以色列對比台灣的觀點帶有兩岸統一角度，引喻失當，所以這本書我讀起來有點辛苦，不過還是可以了解以色列的建國歷史與中東局勢衝突的前因後果。
以色列建國的起因是猶太人在西方歷史上受到長期壓迫，流亡於世界各地，近代經由猶太復國主義者的提倡，才會有以色列建國的概念產生。其中19世紀末的莫斯科猶太大屠殺以及二戰納粹主義建立的猶太人集中營，更是讓猶太復國主義（俗稱錫安主義）抬頭。
在二戰結束後，流亡在歐洲各國的猶太人萌生了錫安主義，當時歐洲強國又以英法兩國為首，為這批猶太人尋找建國地點，最後選擇建國於猶太教聖經的聖地：耶路薩冷，當時這片土地為英法兩國的暫時託管地，當地住著為數眾多的阿拉伯人，英法兩國為以色列建國的動作，觸怒了阿拉伯人，為延續至今的中東混亂局勢埋下起因，其實這也是中世紀十字軍東征，基督徒與伊斯蘭衝突的延續。
從以色列國父：本．古利安宣布建國的第一天，周邊的阿拉伯國家包括埃及、約旦、黎巴嫩、敘利亞、伊拉克、沙特就聯合對以色列宣戰，然而猶太人生性堅韌，對建國抱持強大決心，在英法美的武裝支援下，竟然安然度過滅國危機，從此在地中海東岸一片阿拉伯伊斯蘭世界中建立了唯一一個信奉猶太教的國家，中間歷經了6日戰爭，領土最大還擴充到西奈半島、戈蘭高地，約旦河西岸、加薩走廊，最後與埃及而約旦和談，返還西奈半島，並劃定好國界和解，因此現在以色列幾乎不曾看到與鄰國埃及、約旦衝突。
在四周充滿敵對勢力的環境下，與台灣雷同的是以色列內部也分為主戰的右派與主和的左派：
主和的左派以工黨為首的總理拉賓為首，此人與巴勒斯坦解放組織（簡稱：巴解）領袖阿拉法特，簽訂奧斯陸和平進程，這個進程主張：
1. 與巴勒斯坦和解，承認巴勒斯坦自治政府，但不承認巴勒斯坦國。
2. 以色列逐步歸還約旦河西岸土地的控制權。
3. 掌控經濟、軍事區域。
儘管這個進程看起來以色列佔盡優勢，但仍不被主戰的右派以色人接受，甚至簽署奧斯陸進程的拉賓總理還被右派激進分子暗殺，導致目前和平進程停擺，以巴衝突無解。
另外一個主戰的右派就是以納坦雅胡為首。納坦雅胡從小在美國長大接受教育，之後返回以色列從政，他的祖父為第一代猶太復國主義的激進倡議者，父親也是右派錫安主義教授，從小對於以色列這個國家充滿驕傲，他的哥哥更是在一次以色列人被巴解組織挾持到烏干達的援救行動中殉職（史稱恩德培行動，還有被拍成電影），有了這麼一個被神格化的兄長，讓納坦雅胡的從政路相當順遂（相當於台灣的蔣萬安），最後也順利當上以色列總理，並從2009年一路執政到2021六月，可說是納坦雅胡本人就是以色列的代名詞。
在納坦雅胡任內一直拒絕與巴解組織和談，甚至加速開墾約旦河西岸，此舉惹怒了美國民主黨總統歐巴馬提倡的以巴兩國論，也誕生了「哈瑪斯」這個以消滅以色列的巴勒斯坦恐怖組織，並且讓巴勒斯坦民眾也選出了哈瑪斯作為執政者；儘管以巴衝突不斷。
但以色列在納坦雅胡的菁英領導下，發展教育、高科技產業，推動完善金融制度，並實施全民皆兵的制度，不僅對外購買西方各國提供的軍備，本身也研發軍事產業，這些動作與目前的蔡英文政府相同一致，我認為這個方向是正確的，唯有不停地提升自身實力，才能有底氣去面對敵對勢力的威脅。
納坦雅胡總理任期於今年６月（2021）結束，主要是因為當地高房價引起民怨，加上納坦雅胡家族貪汙腐敗事件頻傳，在野工黨、甚至是自己的利庫德集團，聯合左中右派勢力拉下納坦雅胡，目前以色列是由更右派的新右翼執政，預期納坦雅胡對巴勒斯坦的態度應該會延續，甚至未來局勢都還有可能看到納坦雅胡重返總理的職務。
以色列與台灣有很多相似之處，都是國土面積狹小，外部有強敵窺視，本身也擁有高科技產業，但以色列可以在危險重重的伊斯蘭世界保有國家，絕對有可以借鏡的地方。除了政府扶植電子業、生技業、化工業、金融業、軍事工業，國民也都擁有良好的軍事訓練經驗，當兵時也接觸到高科技產業，在退伍後幾乎可以直接去高科技公司上班，甚至直接創業；反觀台灣軍人普遍觀感不佳，當兵也無實戰訓練，產業過分依賴半導體業，其他產業競爭力不足，資產又高度集中於房地產，生育率下降，導致國家競爭力下降；參考以色列的發展，對於台灣未來也許有更明確的方向。
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
December 7, 2021
Incredibly readable, this book dives into the lives of Benjamin Netanyahu and his father, Ben-Zion Netanyahu, and tries to understand them as people while also discussing the consequences of their actions and beliefs. It's filled with wonderful anecdotes and asides as well as larger-scale overviews of the Zionist movement and the intersections of the Netanyahus with it.
One of the big surprises to me is that Anshel Pfeffer, a writer for Haaretz, isn't entirely scathing of the younger Netanyahu (The older one gets torn to pieces). He gives Benjamin credit where he deserves it, and sympathy where he has previously gotten none. It is no hagiography - the portrait of Benjamin that the book creates is of a man aspiring, and constantly failing, to grasp greatness, continually brought down by his own failings as a person and as a leader. It's still fascinating. The one problem it has is that it ends in 2018, and 2019-21 have been momentous years for Bibi. I'd love to read a followup if Pfeffer ever writes it.
One of the big surprises to me is that Anshel Pfeffer, a writer for Haaretz, isn't entirely scathing of the younger Netanyahu (The older one gets torn to pieces). He gives Benjamin credit where he deserves it, and sympathy where he has previously gotten none. It is no hagiography - the portrait of Benjamin that the book creates is of a man aspiring, and constantly failing, to grasp greatness, continually brought down by his own failings as a person and as a leader. It's still fascinating. The one problem it has is that it ends in 2018, and 2019-21 have been momentous years for Bibi. I'd love to read a followup if Pfeffer ever writes it.
September 23, 2023
As someone with a strong interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I need to understand current Israeli politics. This is supposedly THE book on Netanyahu.
3.5 stars for this well-researched and well-rounded biography of Netanyahu’s rise and time as prime minister. It was interesting to learn about his upbringing in the U.S. and how that shaped him. I also enjoyed learning about his basic Revisionist beliefs on Israel’s sovereignty - which says a lot about how he governs. A contentious politician who ultimately believes Israeli statehood is not safe with a Palestinian state.
The last two more present-day chapters were my favorite, especially as they focused on his relationship with Clinton, Obama and Trump.
“Netanyahu’s Israel is living on borrowed time. Even if the Palestinians are too weak to rise up again and the world has ceased to care, the occupation of another nation, nearly of equal size, is eroding Israeli democracy and human rights at an alarming rate. Netanyhu has no plans to deal with that erosion, save for stoking racism and fear.”
3.5 stars for this well-researched and well-rounded biography of Netanyahu’s rise and time as prime minister. It was interesting to learn about his upbringing in the U.S. and how that shaped him. I also enjoyed learning about his basic Revisionist beliefs on Israel’s sovereignty - which says a lot about how he governs. A contentious politician who ultimately believes Israeli statehood is not safe with a Palestinian state.
The last two more present-day chapters were my favorite, especially as they focused on his relationship with Clinton, Obama and Trump.
“Netanyahu’s Israel is living on borrowed time. Even if the Palestinians are too weak to rise up again and the world has ceased to care, the occupation of another nation, nearly of equal size, is eroding Israeli democracy and human rights at an alarming rate. Netanyhu has no plans to deal with that erosion, save for stoking racism and fear.”
September 27, 2024
A relatively comprehensive Biography written by a man clearly not an admirer of his subject. As fair as it can get from a Haaretz reporter writing about Bibi, and is generally critical of everyone including Mapai/ Labour leaders like Perez.
Some other positives include a good coverage of the family history in parallel to the Zionist movement,and the myth making they indulged in, especially with Yoni Netanyahu and his role in Entebbe.
The concluding sections on the US-Israel tensions wrt Iran were very revealing. While the reportage is great, Anshel, who represents the liberal wing of Israel, is quite critical of Obama, essentially showing how united Israel and the Arab world was in thinking his Iranian rapprochement was a disaster.
Definitely worth a read, especially for admirers of Bibi who feel he is perpetually persecuting. He isn’t as clean as he makes himself out to be, no matter what his other achievements are.
Then again, no Israeli leader seems to be.
You can balance this out by reading Bibi’s memoirs.
Some other positives include a good coverage of the family history in parallel to the Zionist movement,and the myth making they indulged in, especially with Yoni Netanyahu and his role in Entebbe.
The concluding sections on the US-Israel tensions wrt Iran were very revealing. While the reportage is great, Anshel, who represents the liberal wing of Israel, is quite critical of Obama, essentially showing how united Israel and the Arab world was in thinking his Iranian rapprochement was a disaster.
Definitely worth a read, especially for admirers of Bibi who feel he is perpetually persecuting. He isn’t as clean as he makes himself out to be, no matter what his other achievements are.
Then again, no Israeli leader seems to be.
You can balance this out by reading Bibi’s memoirs.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 67 reviews