While I was disappointed that the book was less about the history of Southern food--how it arrived; where it came from; who, when where it was developed; and the direction it was taking now--the rating is a reflection of how little I got out of the book. Mr. Edge's book is an ambitious attempt to meld large issues that could occupy volumes into a single work. The focus is specifically aimed towards the professional culinary industry in the South. As a result, many Southern foods are omitted.
The book is a socioeconomic study of the South, a series of essays that very loosely ties in food to issues still plaguing the South since the Civil War. The chapters meander about the Southern region like a drunk trying to find his way home. Unless you are a serious student following the culinary trends, you'll get lost with the author. It took me two-thirds of the book to realize most of his material probably came from institutional, professional sources associated with Southern Foodways Alliance. Yes, the world knows Lagasse and who doesn't know KFC, but that isn't the crux of the story. A regional map pinpointing specific cities mentioned with the person/business linked to it would have helped me from getting dizzy flipping pages back and forth and constantly referencing the index.
I would have enjoyed it more if he really discussed grits from both a historical and socioeconomic viewpoint. Working through college at a local Shoney's just off the interstate I still smile recalling the Yanks that came in, looking at the menu, and asking, "what's a grit?" I would have appreciated more exploration into the Asian, Middle Eastern, Caribbean, Mexican, and European (not just French) flavors infused with both yesterday's and today's Southern cuisine. He doesn't really delve into the distinctions of barbecue with its dry rubs and sauces that are rooted in regional perspectives. There is only cursory mention of game dishes such as rabbit or squirrel but not much about deer, opossum, dove, quail, duck, gallinule, turkey, catfish, sunfish, or mullet. I guess subsistence living doesn't translate well on a restaurant menu. As much as the book is into African slave food choices, it omits that raccoon is a delicacy hotly sought after by Southern blacks. So much so that many dishonest hunters sell skinned cats. As a result, the consumer now requires at least one paw left on the carcass for identification. I'd like to have known why goat, so ubiquitous in my South, is not mentioned at all or why it is not typically considered mainstream Southern food and is associated more with recent Muslim or Hispanic immigrants. Collards take the limelight with no utterance of greens from turnips, beets, or mustard greens, which anyone living in the South has had some exposure, welcomed or not. And beans...in Edge's world there is the Louisiana red beans and rice or black eye peas and rice (Hoppin' John), but in my world there are lima beans, speckled peas, zipper peas, butter beans, butter peas, etc.
I'm confused why The Farm in Tennessee is even mentioned except some waxing romantic notion about sorghum syrup, which anyone who has tried it would liken it to black-strap molasses fully understanding why the grain was regulated for livestock feed. We purchased goods from The Farm in its heyday and they were about as Southern as gâteau basque. They were hippy-wanna-bes living in a commune. Like most Southerners that live independent, somewhat insular lives, it was live and let live. We didn't bother them, they didn't bother us. However, they didn't change nor shape how anyone lived or ate to any great degree in the surrounding area. Edge's perspective of cause and effect should be corrected. It wasn't The Farm that had an effect on the South but the other way around. When I go home to visit, The Farm is an afterthought that is discussed as a memory and not as an active community still around today.
I felt towards the end that he was apologizing for being a Southern white male born after an era of great turmoil--feeling guilty after the fact, which in the South, can still smack of racism--as if his behavior today, specifically, continues to reflect the white plantation owner of yore. Maybe that is why he felt compelled to share the story about his son's purchase of a blue, instead of grey, cap. He constantly threads Civil War and Civil Rights eras throughout the book, yet avoids establishing the significant roles they had with what we eat today except to say that blacks deserve more than they are getting in recognition, funding, and other supports even now--more on that below. Yep, but we already knew that. I expected some revelation on how that was changing in context with Southern foods other than to say there were some food establishments now owned and operated by blacks. Yep, I knew that too.
I finally found the book's mission in the last chapter only a few pages from the end where he states, "Racism and its burdens was my primary concern when I began thinking and writing about food." Unfortunately he never gets to the core discussion, skirting around all issues including Southern foods and cuisine. Yes, there is mention of the critical, influential roles Southern blacks and their enslaved African ancestors played in Southern cuisine, but it doesn't go deep enough into the subject for my tastes (no pun). There are also many inferences that all white Southerners descended from white plantation owners, that all rebels fought for slavery and only about slavery. I'm a white female Southerner, born here, live here, die here. I've met descendants of plantation owners; and, yes, Southern plantations still exist having reinvented themselves into hunting retreats. However, of all my over half-century existence, none of my friends or associates descended from slave owners. Not every white born in the south owned or had slaves; so the inference that we all were nurtured by Mammy's teat and ate only food prepared by slaves or blacks is a skewed view that he carries throughout the book. He could have subtitled the book, "white women can't cook" and sold more copies. He may feel an obligation towards the Southern black but he only nods at the poor, whites and only in the Appalachian area when it comes other potential sources of historical inspiration for Southern cuisine. I was totally flummoxed that when he mentions the peanut, it is Jimmy Carter not George Washington Carver that garners attention. Granted the issues are much, much more complex as demonstrated by the myriad of books, research, and political corrections made over several generations that this book can't nor should address.
If the Southern food did not lend itself to commercialization or, more accurately, did not lend itself to be reinvented by some aspiring chef where race lines crossed-good or bad, it didn't get mentioned: muscadine and watermelon wines, mayhaw jellies, fried green tomatoes, sauteed chanterelle, or dried crab apple pie, for example.
He claims that "big ag" is a Southern-made phenomenon without any references to substantiate the claim. Thanks to the Carolinas' pig farms and the Arkansas chicken houses leading the rest of America by the nose into industrialized farming, the farmer workers are no better than the slaves. Reflecting back it almost suggests (again) that it is the Southern attitude to enslave the disadvantaged. He doesn't mention the California contract workers' protests in the 1980s or the famous book, "Grapes of Wrath", which reflects a nation-wide, not Southern-wide, human rights/worker rights issue. There is no explanation as to why the South is the chicken hot-house for the country nor acknowledgement that there are even bigger hog factories in the Midwest that makes North Carolina's hog farms anemic.
Nor does he go further to discuss the ramifications of "big ag" on the food industry as a whole. His way of addressing it is to provide some cursory description of farm-to-table examples in a paragraph or sentence, rarely dedicating more than a few words to the movement that has gained momentum in the twenty-first century. There is not one word mentioned on the environmental impacts ala the Dust Bowl because it twarn't Southern. Yet, Georgia is encouraging farmers to practice dry cropping by providing incentives to minimize irrigation. The only environmental impacts mentioned have to do with hurricanes that man can do little about. I did appreciate some focus on how these acts of God changed culinary landscapes in New Orleans, Houston, and Charleston in their aftermaths. I had hoped the last two chapters would focus on how these topics like "big ag" or the slow food movement may affect the future of food in the South, but instead I got more rehash of Southern racism thanks to Jim Crow, post-civil war, attitudes; and, finally, a minor mention of how a new wave of immigrants are embracing and redefining the South, which may by the white Southerners' only hope of redemption (see back cover on comments about that one!). Other notable omissions about agriculture and how that relates to eating are pecans--making a comeback due to China's consumer demands, the juice oranges of Florida--it's influence on the consumer (OJ is not what you think it is), and American chestnuts--how it's almost all Chinese and will it survive for another generation to crack it's prickly hull for the sweet nut.
The excessive verbosity entrapped me like a hog ensnared in a mud bog. The book is riddled with descriptions that have nothing to do with the book's stated purpose of sharing food history. A little less of "That photograph also conjured a turn-of-the-previous-century scene, when writers flocked to the mountain South to catalog a vestigial past and locate a simpler present amid the hills and hollers of Appalachia", and more about what the hills and hollers proffered in the way of something to eat and how its socioeconomic status has influenced the food it offers.