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392 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1989
The problem presented by ignorance is made worse by the manner in which national historians of 'Wales' and 'Scotland' (as indeed those of 'England' and 'Ireland') create a framework which presents the 'emergence' of these 'nations' as the primary fact in which we should be interested. Indeed, we deal better with the intricacies of historical development if we leave 'national' categories out of the picture as much as possible. In both northern and western Britain, we may assume, several distinct cultures continued to exist with their own sense of identity and their own view of 'their' past. What later generations see as the emergence of a nation involved the superimposition of one culture upon another.
Confusion is often caused by the use of the concepts 'English' and 'Scottish' in dealing with these events. In fact, issues of national identity have little place in a situation which at the highest political level was dominated by ideas of lordship and vassalage. What occurred in the years following 1294 was not a conflict between 'England' and 'Scotland' (though it became so later) but a struggle for power within the Norman ascendancy. As such, it was little different from the civil wars of the mid-century. The contenders in the struggle, with the exception of Wallace, were all of 'Norman' extraction.
There was to be no equivalent in Scotland of the decline of the landed ascendancy in Ireland or Wales, however. The great landed estates survived, more often than not as large-scale game preserves.
[...]
Despite the survival of Gaelic, it may be argued that the Lowlands radically transformed the culture of the Highlands. By a curious turn of events, while this was taking place, a romanticised version of Highland culture was making headway in the Lowlands. In the wake of the Ossianic forgeries of James Macpherson and of the novels of Walter Scott, the cult of the Highlander achieved extraordinary success. The newly invented kilt and tartan were taken over by Lowland families as emblems of ethnic identity. For many, Scottish romanticism replaced Scottish Enlightenment.
For the moment at least New Labour's policy of granting devolution seems to have been successful in drawing the teeth of Welsh and Scottish nationalism. It was a different story in Northern Ireland, where two ethnic nationalist groupings, Sinn Feinn and the Democratic Unionists, made headway at the expense of the centre, leaving the Good Friday Agreement in limbo. English nationalism was largely silent, voiced only by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the British National Party (BNP). The question of UK membership of the European Union remained largely in abeyance during the [2005] election. Since public opinion in Wales and Scotland is pro-Europe it remains to be seen whether some future referendum on the European Constitution will be a crucial issue for an English-, as opposed to British-wide, nationalism.